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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 9 Feb 1995

Vol. 448 No. 8

Financial Resolutions, 1995. - Financial Resolution No. 4: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(The Taoiseach.)

This is the first budget to be introduced by a Labour Party Minister for Finance. I pay my compliments to my former colleague, Deputy Ruairi Quinn. In many respects but, unfortunately, not all he can feel some satisfaction with what he has achieved. As he has to a large extent acknowledged, the positive elements in the budget are largely the fruit of good management of the economy by the Fianna Fáil-Labour partnership Government and successive Governments during the past eight years, since 1987 under Fianna Fáil Ministers for Finance and Taoiseach. The policy choices are the Government's and, in many instances, I am glad that the choice is to continue and extend the strategy contained in my three budgets from 1992 to 1994.

Compared with previous budgets, there is nothing special or spectacular about the scale of the tax concessions or the welfare package taken as a whole. The Minister is pursuing a gradual path of tax reform, not "the big bang" approach. Unfortunately, there is a number of serious strategic mistakes, chief of which is the decision to revive a substantial current budget deficit as well as an astonishing blindness or indifference by supposedly Left Wing Ministers for Finance and Social Welfare to the needs of the old, widows, the single unemployed and many other categories of the neglected poor. In many respects, given the opportunities, the public are being sold short.

Rarely has an incoming Government inherited an economy or public finances in such good order. For the first time in almost 30 years we succeeded in eliminating the current budget deficit and creating a small surplus in 1994 which would have been larger but for some end-year financial manoeuvres by the Government.

When we took over from the Fine Gael-Labour Coalition early in 1987 the deficit for the previous year stood at £1,395 million or 7.9 per cent of GNP. It was that prospect that had caused a crisis of financial confidence the previous autumn and set in train the events which were to lead to the collapse of that Government. Total borrowing was £2,145 million or 12 per cent of GNP. The debt-GNP ratio was exploding, the national debt, as then defined, having doubled from £12.7 billion to £25 billion in a little over four years. The unsustainable situation had not been brought under control.

During the past eight years Fianna Fáil has brought the public finances back on course and, in terms of the deficit, Ireland's position is now one of the strongest in the European Union. We have reduced public expenditure by 12 per cent of GNP, an unparalleled achievement in the post-war western world. In 1986 total Government expenditure as a percentage of GNP was 52 per cent. Last year it was again under 40 per cent reversing the slight upward trend since 1990. Exchequer borrowing was brought down from 12 per cent of GNP in a two year period between 1987 and 1989 to a little over 2 per cent where it has been maintained since, in good times and bad. Last year, Ireland and Luxembourg were the only countries to remain within the Maastricht Treaty guidelines and to escape the censure of the EU Commission much to the annoyance of our German partners. We finally eliminated the current budget deficit last year. The debt-GDP ratio had come down to 82 per cent of GDP from a peak of 112 per cent in 1987 or, as defined for Maastricht Treaty purposes, to 90 per cent.

My ambition was to continue reducing it by a further six percentage points each year so that we would achieve the Maastricht Treaty target of the 60 per cent debt-GDP ratio by 1999 when European Monetary Union is most likely to come into effect. The absolute level of debt was kept down to a little over £29 billion even though some of what was formerly counted as debt was netted out in 1987. This year the Government spending and borrowing plans, with an Exchequer borrowing requirement of £813 million, will most likely push the national debt level over the £30 billion mark. The national debt is far too high, both in absolute and relative terms, and is set to absorb over £2.4 billion in debt servicing, almost £200 million up on last year or almost £250 million if the cary over of National Treasury Management Agency savings is taken into account. With international interest rates now on a rising trend, a much higher priority should have been given in this budget to keeping borrowing at a minimum instead of adding hundreds of millions of pounds annually to the debt.

If we really wanted to give taxpayers lasting relief, we should have kept down Government borrowing which is simply deferred taxation. With high growth rates, we should not be borrowing more than £500 million to £600 million this year, instead of over £800 million. If taxpayers want substantial, real reductions in their tax burdens, instead of relatively marginal though still welcome relief each year, they should support a more rigorous attitude to borrowing and expenditure. The real road to "big bang" tax reform would be the complete elimination of borrowing.

I am disappointed that the first act of this new Government is to re-establish a substantial current budget deficit of £310 million. I am particularly surprised that it should be the act of a Government led by Taoiseach Deputy Bruton, who, 14 years ago as Minister for Finance, dedicated himself to the elimination of the current budget deficit within four years, even though in 1986 he ended up with one of the highest on record.

I know the Minister for Finance, from his own political philosophy, does not regard lowering borrowing further as a particular priority, given the high level of unemployment and underutilised capacity. That is a short-sighted point of view. We should be making hay while the sun shines, and reducing borrowing when we have strong growth. The positive effect on confidence, and therefore on investment and employment, would easily outweigh any mild contractionary effects. The problem with this Government is that despite its rhetoric it lack's the burning ambition to make this country a first class economic performer. I do not believe, in terms of the opportunities that existed, that the financial markets will be impressed by the borrowing figures this morning. The best way of protecting ourselves as far as possible from interest rate rises, which would rapidly wipe out for most people the effect of the limited tax concessions, would be to post up a zero current budget deficit as we had achieved. I am sorry the Minister and the Government decided to pass up this golden opportunity. A 1 per cent interest rise on a £40,000 mortgage will wipe out the budget gains for all but the highest earners, and 1.5 per cent rise will wipe out the gains even further and make most taxpayers net losers as predicted in the papers today. This should put into context the modest level of the tax and PRSI concessions.

If I had remained as Minister for Finance, I would have insisted on running a much tighter ship. The Labour Party know that and perhaps that is why it jumped ship. With interest rates on the rise, increases in current day to day expenditure can no longer be balanced by the decline in the cost of debt servicing. I regarded it as feasible and highly desirable to limit the headline growth of public expenditure this year to 4.5 per cent or, at most, 5 per cent not 6 per cent, which would still have allowed real growth in the volume of expenditure of about 2 per cent. Tighter expenditure control would have achieved a saving of between £65 million and £100 million. We have shown where we would do that in the draft document put forward by the minority outgoing Fianna Fáil Government.

In any comparison of 1994 and 1995, we should not forget that the increase of 6 per cent in day to day Government expenditure is not exclusive of £191 million of the once off amnesty expenditure last year. The figures have been concealed in this regard and I want to put the true figures on the record about the increase in public expenditure of this Government. In 1988, the Government presented two sets of accounts, inclusive and exclusive of the amnesty. If this Government had wanted to live up to its promises of openness, transparency and accountability it would have done the same this year. If the amnesty expenditure were excluded, the rise in current day to day expenditure will be 8.4 per cent this year, which is not reassuring. By way of comparison, the rise in current day to day spending in 1994, exclusive of the amnesty, was only 6.9 per cent. Therefore, the underlying level of current public expenditure has gone up this year, not down. The pinch will come next year as indicated by Minister Quinn.

A substantial safety margin has been built into the White Paper on Estimates of Receipts and Expenditure which, with greater expenditure restraint, allowed the Minister for Finance to aim high for a zero current budget deficit without sacrificing his income tax concessions. The underlying projected growth of revenue, before budget changes, was 5.6 per cent, if last year's amnesty is netted out.

Both the Central Bank and the ERSI projected nominal growth of 9.25 per cent. Even if the nominal growth is only 8.4 per cent as projected by the Government, in other words 5.25 per cent growth plus inflation, that means on the basis of no change that the Minister for Finance should have collected at least another £250 million to £300 million in revenue, enabling him with some economies on expenditure to aim for a zero current budget deficit. Last year, revenue was £377 million ahead of target and increased by 10.5 per cent, instead of the 4.6 per cent increase projected at budget time. In 1993, revenue was £182 million ahead of target. I know the Minister could put forward various negative special factors to dispute my claim this morning, though his Minister of State, Deputy Fitzgerald — the Minister responsible for the property tax — has already predicted that the budget deficit will be undershot. I ask him to take a critical look at the situation and distinguish the wood from the trees for the public.

Officials in the Department of Finance and the Revenue Commissioners, conscious of the disastrous impact on confidence of budget overruns — which were an almost routine occurrence in the 1973 to 1986 period — have been extremely cautious in their projections in recent years. Their post budget and mid-year growth forecasts, since 1987, have been exceeded invariably and their borrowing forecasts have almost always been undershot. They have little reason to trust this Government which contains so many factors with a propensity for spending other people's money. Labour is a classic tax and spend party that has no real commitment to reducing the level of taxation, which it prefers to spend and present as if it were its own largesse. Democratic Left, in its policy document "Ireland 2000', expressed its fondness for high taxation in the following immortal words: "Democratic Left will seek to convince people ... that taxation is not an evil but a positive ...."

Particularly the farmers.

A future in which we all come to love paying taxes is not a vision that many people share.

If there were another potential £250 million to £300 million in the kitty, Department of Finance officials would certainly not be in any great hurry to inform those who merely want to find other ways of spending it. They would like to achieve the permanent elimination of the current budget deficit, and we on this side of the House praise them for their sense of national duty and responsibility which is of a very high order. If the Minister had asked them to help him eliminate the deficit, I am sure they would have done so. I believe they would have willingly and successfully co-operated, while still finding him the means of funding some of the tax conessions, which are a necessary quid pro quo for maintaining social partnership. Give me the loyal and dedicated officials of the Department of Finance and the Revenue Commissioners against the serried ranks of all the political programme managers, the legions of special advisers and additional “spare wheel” Ministers of State any day. A Minister of State at the Department of Finance who faxes the budget to an evening newspaper four hours before delivery — and who then says he was trying to make the morning papers — and who gives his programme manager's telephone number for further information, is not fit for such a sensitive position.

Tax rates, even after this budget and in future budgets, will be higher than necessary because Government expenditure has now become a political self service menu under this rainbow coalition. There is a plethora of public expenditure, which is not strictly necessary or of high priority, which is being given preference over the long term health of the economy to satisfy a political constituency dear to the heart of this or that Minister.

Discipline has broken down in this Government at a very early stage and we are shocked. I will not refer further to all the unnecessary appointments and political patronage which exists instead of the excellent public service. Last December, I made it clear to Deputy Spring that I had enough of the political programme manager system and was not prepared to reinstate it. When Fianna Fáil returns to Government, we shall insist on cleaning out the Augean stables.

This has been the most leaked budget ever and the Taoiseach made no obvious attempt to his control it. It is obviously beyond his control and it reflects poorly on his authority. He is not really in charge of this Government. The Labour Party has made ethics in Government an issue. Where are the ethics of briefing the media wholesale on every detail of the budget, allowing skilful business people to save substantial sums of money at the expense of the Exchequer?

It used to be the golden circle, now it is the golden mile.

This morning I heard the Minister for Enterprise and Employment, say that there was no market-sensitive information. We on this side of the House cannot confirm it yet, but we are told, and we are sure the Government will confirm or deny it today, that major property deals moved in a number of seaside resorts in recent days. We will wait to hear whether that is true.

I welcome the concentration of widening the standard rate band. That was my priority in Government. What the Government has done this year on tax and PRSI is not quite on the scale of what was achieved in 1994. In last year's budget, the tax free allowance was increased by £175 for a single person and £350 for a married couple — which is more than this year, the standard rate band was increased by £525 for a single person, and £1,050 for a married person, and the 1 per cent levy was abolished. Last year I also introduced a new low rate of PRSI on incomes below £9,000. We share the credit with Deputy Harney for what was achieved in 1992, and here I want to dispel another myth that the spin doctors, handlers, programme managers, advisers and family friends have put about in the last few days. In 1992 the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrat Government widened the standard rate band by £775 for a single person and £1,550 for a married couple, and reduced the income tax rates at the same time from 29 per cent to 27 per cent, and from 52 per cent to 48 per cent. That helps to put this year's changes in context, they are not exceptional or out of the ordinary. Media reports were simply wrong in saying that they were the largest tax and PRSI concessions ever. We should be thankful, however, that despite caveats etc., we are making gradual progress towards relieving the tax burden because of the underlying soundness of the economy which we built up in the last eight years.

The Minister has been able to benefit from broadening the tax base which I set in train last year for gradual implementation. He correctly resisted pressures to reverse the tax reforms of last year which would have led nowhere. I notice that he has also made only minor cosmetic changes in the taxation of unemployment and disability benefit, which have long been recommended by the social partners and the Commissions on Taxation and Social Welfare.

I and my colleagues on this side of the House remember Deputy Yates telling us what Fine Gael would do about taxation when they got into Government. The Minister also tackled the problem of low pay and competitiveness by extending the lower rate of PRSI, which I introduced in last year's budget. That is what I had planned to do, building up to a ceiling of about £15,000 a year over three budgets. Without falling unemployment that could have been achieved without unduly affecting the social insurance fund which, last year, was 97 per cent self-financing.

The introduction of a token PRSI free allowance of £50 which will save someone on £160 a week about £2.70 is a worthwhile innovation to make PRSI more progressive, but it is only a further development and variation of the existing £60 a week exemption which we introduced a few years ago. It is partly clawed back by halving the PRSI allowance and at higher levels of pay by a raising of the PRSI ceiling. However, to make a worthwhile difference, it would need to be further increased in future budgets and made comparable to the tax free allowance. The £10 allowance for modified PRSI will mean a princely increase of 9p a week for permanent and pensionable civil servants, Army officers and local authority workers — a tremendous work incentive.

A low introductory tax rate of 20 per cent would make a bigger difference to a low paid employee. Eleven years ago, an introductory rate of 25 per cent was abolished in the name of rationalisation by the Fine Gael and Labour Coalition. There is a serious case for considering it as an additional way of reducing the tax wedge and that is our policy, as outlined yesterday by Deputy McCreevy.

Whatever the limitations of the tax package, I am nevertheless glad that enough has been done to meet the requirements of the Programme for Competitiveness and Work and underpin social partnership. Social partnership has been the key to our success over the last years. The Taoiseach disagreed with that until six weeks ago, but I am glad that Fine Gael is undergoing a Pauline conversion.

Residential property tax is one of the failed brainwaves which former Taoiseach, Dr. Garret FitzGerald, worked out in 1982 with his daughter-in-law, the Minister of State, Deputy Eithne Fitzgerald. Deputy McCreevy has already entertained the House with the account from Dr. FitzGerald's memoirs. The scene is reminiscent of Gilbert and Sullivan's Mikado. A more humane Taoiseach never did exist. Helped by his daughter-in-law, his object all sublime he would achieve in time: to let the punishment fit the crime. In this case the target was the homeowner with a property and matching income above certain thresholds. It fell almost entirely on Dubliners.

You must have stayed up all night writing that.

There is clearly no such thing as a budget secret any more. I am sure I am not revealing anything when I say that the extension of the residential property tax was worked on with special care by a part of the programme manager system prior to the last budget. Never was more trouble caused for the sake of a miserable few million pounds. I am not the owner of a property of sufficient value to attract the tax either under the new threshold or the old, so I have no personal interest in it. However, since house property prices have risen by about 15 per cent in the last 12 months, the difference in tax liability for most people will be relatively slight. The tax should now be abolished and put down to experience. It is not in the national interest. Apart from the impact on hard-pressed homeowners, there is another consideration. We will not encourage wealthy people to live or stay in the country if they are liable to be hit by a massive property tax bill which works like a wealth tax, running into thousands of pounds a year with no ceiling, which they would not encounter elsewhere. The only reason we reluctantly agreed to it last year was that the alternatives would have been far more severe. Last year Deputy Yates, in two Private Notice Questions, backed by Deputy Bruton, now Taoiseach, stated that Fine Gael would abolish it in its first budget in office. In his Fine Gael paper for a Partnership Government, Deputy John Bruton called for the abolition of the residential property tax. He failed to win that argument. The residential property tax should be abolished or subsumed into a system of local taxation. Virtually none of the Fine Gael policy ideas of the last few years, with one exception which I will come to, appear in this budget. Either the Taoiseach's Ministers were not present at the meetings when policies were being decided or he failed to get anything out of the budget: there is no tax free allowance of £300 or £400 per child, no tax free allowance of £1,000 for a carer at home, no tax free allowance for the cost of higher education, no job-seekers' tax allowance of £5,000 for new entrants to the workforce up to the age of 23, no tax breaks for childcare, housing maintenance and home repair. Fine Gael, as part of this Government, achieved nothing.

A Deputy

They got the leaks right.

The budget reduces the level of corporation tax from 40 per cent to 38 per cent. A few budgets ago it was reduced from 43 per cent to 40 per cent. It might perhaps have been a more sensible priority at this stage to reduce it selectively by much more for a few employment-intensive industries, and that is what I intended to do. I am afraid the employers' organisations, who represent everyone in their ranks, have got to the Minister, Labour Minister though he is. IBEC is now saying this measure will have little effect on jobs. That is the drawback of the scatter-gun approach. I am even more amazed at the treatment of the banks. It is interesting that a Labour Minister, who claims to be Socialist, and the Democratic Left, which, at one stage, wanted to nationalise the banks, have now promised that the levy will be phased down and eliminated over three years while there will be an immediate 2 per cent cut in corporation tax at the same time.

Rabbitte, the bankers' friend.

Now we know who is in the Government circle.

Deputy Rabbitte will find the figures interesting. It means the banks are being relieved of a compulsory £12 million more tax every year for the next three years. Yesterday's budget put £12 million straight into the bank's coffers.

A Deputy

Social solidarity.

When the banks met with me in the autumn they did not even request this £12 million.

Democratic Left largesse.

The Labour and Democratic Left socialist Government budget not only went that far but also took an extra £2 million off for every £100 million profit in the bank. I will do the sums for Deputy Rabbitte because obviously neither he nor Deputy De Rossa thought about them when doing the budget. To have given old aged pensioners and others a 3 per cent increase in social welfare would have cost only £8 million. Instead they preferred to give that and more to the commercial banks. That says something about the priorities of a Labour Minister for Finance and the left wing Democratic Left Party.

They rob the poor to feed the rich.

I am glad he has taken my advice and is following the precedent in most of the eight budgets since 1987 by not raising excise duty on drink and petrol. We have, if anything, a slight advantage vis-á-vis the North on the price of petrol, which we should maintain. The price of petrol is one of the basic factors in competitiveness. I am glad to see the Minister implementing further measures that will help the business sector, following on the example set by last year's budget, for example the adjustments in capital acquisition tax, but they are too few.

The concessions I gave last year on vehicle registration tax helped increase sales of new vehicles by 28 per cent up to the end of November, bringing results for the year back for the first time very close to the record figures achieved in the early 1980s. The Minister's further concession this year to encourage new car sales is a sensible one.

Child benefit has been raised significantly in recent years. A number of studies have suggested that this is one of the best ways to assist families and alleviate poverty, in contrast to conventional wisdom of ten to 15 years ago. Child benefit was increased substantially in 1993 to £20 a week and the higher rate to £23 for the fourth child which in 1994 was increased to £25 for the third and subsequent children. Seven pounds has been added to both rates in 1995 and this will have a beneficial effect on families. It is one of the good decisions in this budget.

Another Fine Gael contribution.

Where the budget falls down badly is in the area of social welfare. I have to return to the central issue in Tallaght — they are not big on the banks in Tallaght and for that matter I would even say they are even less big on the banks in Finglas and Ballymun.

The Fianna Fáil Party has only one seat out of five in Tallaght.

We will be heading for it.

(Interruptions.)

The speaker in possession cannot be heard. Can we avoid interruption from all sides of the House?

The reason we have only one seat in Tallaght is that they were promised the banks would be nationalised and all the money would be given to old age pensioners.

The absolute minimum increase in social welfare needed this year is 3 per cent and the general increase of 2.5 per cent is the lowest in 30 years. That is a disgrace. It is ironic that we should have to wait for a left wing dominated Government, a Democratic Left Minister for Social Welfare and a Labour Minister for Finance to treat the pensioners and the old people, as well as the widows, the single unemployed or childless unemployed couples so shabbily. What does it say about those catch-words, "values, dignity, inclusion, solidarity" and the type of society we want that apart from a free colour television licence we are giving the old less than the absolute minimum. They have worked hard for this country in their time and they deserve better.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

The principle all along has been to try to keep social welfare increases ahead of inflation and also to allow those dependent on social welfare to share in the fruits of growth, otherwise there is growing social division. Inflation for the period covered by this increase is likely at the best estimates to be at least 2.75 per cent. While the Department of Finance predicts an inflation increase of 2½ per cent, many independent commentators are predicting a higher level of inflation. I note that in the budget tables consumer prices are shown as rising by 2.4 per cent last year but by 2½ per cent this year, in other words no decimal point is given. I am suspicious that the figure is a rounded down one, especially as the GNP growth figure is 5.25 per cent and 2.5 per cent do not add up to the nominal growth in the actual figures of 8.4 per cent. Will the Minister explain the discrepancy and give the Department of Finance's inflation forecast to the nearest decimal point as was done in 1994? I suspect it will be shown to be slightly above 2.5 per cent and that the Government was too embarrassed to show that. The ESRI is predicting a price rise of 2.8 per cent in 1995. Chris Johns of Group Treasury, Bank of Ireland — a person whom Deputy Yates would always quote in this House — is predicting 2.9 per cent. I have no doubt that the Fine Gael facts sheets after this year's budget will, as they did last year, quote Chris Johns alongside the increase of 2.5 per cent for the old and the infirm.

Year after year Deputy Proinsias De Rossa came into this House to complain about the social welfare increases. On 1 March 1994, speaking on the Social Welfare Bill, he referred to the 3 per cent increase as "miserable". On 23 March 1993 he suggested Dáil Éireann should deplore the inadequacy of the increases, also described as meagre in the Official Report, volume 428, columns 362-375. On 29 January 1992 he said, as reported in the Official Report, volume 415, column 440:

The Minister made much of the fact that increases in social welfare will be slightly above the expected rate of inflation, (this year it is ½ per cent below) but a policy of setting social welfare increases on or about the level of inflation would only be satisfactory if the basic social welfare levels were themselves adequate. This is clearly not the case.

In 1992 Deputy De Rossa was obviously working off the same word processor as in 1991 when he said virtually the same thing about the "miserably" 4 per cent increases — obviously he changed the word processor package this year — and said it could only be considered adequate if the basic rates were sufficient to protect those in need, but this was clearly not the case. Speaking on budget day, 31 January 1990, when there was a 5 per cent general increase he said "the overall level of social welfare increases is quite inadequate in the context of the scale of poverty facing the country".

In 1989 Deputy De Rossa was particularly savage about a 3 per cent general increase plus a special 9 per cent increase in the long term unemployed. In the Official Report, volume 386, column 330 he said:

Given the appalling levels of poverty, which have been widely documented by a wide range of independent groups over the past 12 months, the failure to provide adequate increases in social welfare payments is particularly cruel.

At least they were consistent in Opposition.

It is different now.

I think I have gone far enough back to make the point that Democratic Left and its Leader are totally exposed by bringing in the lowest social welfare increases in 30 years. It is not an answer to say the payments are being brought forward six weeks. That should certainly be done as well, but not at the expense of lowering the rate increase to its lowest level in 30 years.

Tell that to the old aged pensioner.

We have given a £7 increase in child benefit.

What if you do not have children?

The Fine Gael Party is openly boasting that this was a battle it won in Cabinet. It is fixated with old right wing notions that welfare is debilitating and all the party of the coping classes will give the unemployed is the incentive to work which assumes that work is readily available, which the Minister Deputy Rabbitte knows is not true in Tallaght. The not so socialist Labour Party has bought this without obvious qualms. Democratic Left and its Ministers have suffered a humiliating defeat in this budget, with all their pretensions about protecting the poor and the needy blown to smithereens within a few short weeks of taking office. I heard a report from reliable sources about ten days ago that Democratic Left were threatening to walk out of Government.

You are not serious.

Deputies

They called their bluff.

It was not a walk out, it was a drive out.

Sorry, no such luck.

Democratic Left must have struggled briefly with its conscience, but it was obviously not a long or difficult battle.

It lasted about a minute, I would say.

Democratic Left will never leave Government.

The Minister of State could not get out of the highchair.

I would have expected the Deputy to come up with something more original.

They decided to stay in Government with the State cars even if it is with half the salary.

I find it curious that the poverty lobby, which used to harangue Fianna Fáil for meanness when we gave the old an increase of 25 per cent or gave the long-term unemployed an increase of 911 per cent in the late 1980s, fell almost completely silent before the budget, despite its well-leaked contents. Obviously many of them, briefly at least, were under the spell of Labour and/or Democratic Left. Clearly, their acquiescence is now taken for granted, despite some angry noises. Many of those organisations pull their punches so as not to offend their benefactor. It costs much less to give a 25 per cent increase to a welfare organisation than an extra half per cent to the old and unemployed.

This budget is an affront to the old-age pensioner and to the long term unemployed without child dependants. When the Social Welfare Bill comes before this House, we will put down an amendment to raise the general increase to 3 per cent. In a period of high growth, there would be a good case for raising it higher. It is not so much the amount involved as the principle that the living standards of the less well off must be fully protected. Poverty traps should be tackled at the low income, tax and PRSI end and not by depressing or holding down the living standards of the less well-off. We expect Government backbenchers, especially in Labour and Democratic Left, to see that this change is carried through. If many of them wish to see the inside of this House after the next election they should vote with us. Let them find the savings elsewhere, even from the banks, and not increase the level of borrowing.

I accept that the budget does something for families, especially those of the unemployed, by raising further the level of child benefit and that it also finally sorts out the equality issues, something which any Government would have to do and which is no special credit to Democratic Left. We, too, had been making substantial special equality payments over some years.

Child benefit was not increased last year. We are giving an increase of £7 per month.

(Interruptions.)

Is that their only claim to fame?

It is as well to remind ourselves of the origin of the problem. It had to do with Mrs. Gemma Hussey who was Minister for Social Welfare. The source of my information is her diary dated 29 October 1986:

Barry Desmond actively sowed the seeds of trouble on the whole equal treatment regulations before I ever went near Social Welfare. I never saw such messing and of course I'm left to justify the unjustifiable... Where's the money suddenly coming from which I was told was not there at all?

Poor Gemma.

The parties of the left, who are becoming more and more middle class in outlook and composition, have succumbed to the spirit of cutting the shilling off the old age pension.

Where is Deputy Kathleen Lynch now?

I am very glad that the Minister for Finance adopted my proposal, contained in a number of pre-budget newspaper articles I wrote, to introduce free travel for old age pensioners from Northern Ireland. I think it will help to widen horizons and improve mutual understanding in conditions of peace. I am disappointed that no efforts have been made, to tackle double taxation, the problems of residents in this State working in the North. Perhaps this will be tackled by the Minister in the Finance Bill.

There are two other measures in the budget which I welcome, the tax reliefs on donations to Third World charities and the extension of urban renewal provisons to seaside towns. Despite the budget increase of £4 million, there is some cut in spending on regional and country roads, from £107 million last year to £100 million this year. I gave £15 million in the budget last year for country roads and only half that is being given this year.

(Interruptions.)

The Labour Minister for Education's political priorities border on the bizarre. On the face of it, the abolition of fees will principally benefit the more privileged sector of education. It does nothing for those students on inadequate maintenance grants or who just fail to qualify for them. There will be huge pressure on places and on points since most colleges are bursting to capacity. There is a big question mark over whether we are doing anything to create greater equality of access.

The budget does little for agriculture or to tackle the problem of low incomes and too little capital. We need to fundamentally reconsider what is to be done to solve the problem of current flooding. We surely have to do something more to protect people's homes from the effects of repeated flooding.

For most of the time I was Minister for Finance, the overriding policy had to be returning the public finances to a sustainable path. By last year, I had certainly achieved that goal. The budget just presented has given away some of the gains that were achieved. More importantly though an opportunity has been missed to establish an onward looking economic policy of which budgetary policy is a part. The establishment of employment creating growth, rising living standards and balanced economic development across the country requires a broader canvas on which to set economic policy than annual budgetary policy is capable of delivering. The relationship between employment and output growth in Ireland is poor compared with other European economies. It needs to be improved. There are many impediments and disincentives to employment and work that fiscal measures alone cannot overcome. There is reluctance to invest and take risks because the perceived rewards for doing so are inadequate.

With the public finances restored to balance, this Government had the opportunity to articulate an economic policy framework encompassing budgetary policy that would raise the employment creating potential of the economy. Instead it has decided to return to having a current budget deficit of over £310 million.

It had an opportunity to set the evolution of the public finances in a medium term framework of, say, three years, setting out how public spending and taxation would evolve, thus lending certainty to households and businesses about the fiscal framework within which they could make decisions to invest, employ and grow. Instead the Government has decided to return to a current budget deficit.

I and the Department were moving to the view that the time horizon of the budget should be extended. At present, budget measures tend to be evaluated in terms of their costs, impacts in the year in which they are made and their full, 12 month, effects. Ideally the budget presentation and accounts should have the same multi-annual time frame as the plan. That was Fianna Fáil policy. As a first step towards moving to this, the 1995 budget accounts should be presented in a three year multi-annual context, i.e. 1995-1997. Budget measures, especially those aimed at achieving structural reform, take time for the full effect and consequences to accumulate. It is important for this reason alone to move from one year accounting practice. Most business plans are for three to five years. If greater assurance can be provided of the stance and likely development of public policy and finances to the economy at large, there would be a more certain prospect of raising investment and employment.

For one thing, the consequences for taxation of changes to expenditure programmes would be more readily apparent. This could assist with establishing clearer determination of priorities as between spending and taxation. A second benefit would be to allow greater interlinkage and focus between the budgetary and planning processes. It may not be feasible to introduce three year budgeting comprehensively. As a start, three year expenditure budgets should be implemented in the areas of health, education, social welfare and manpower training and development. If we had been in power that is what we would have announced yesterday.

You were in power for seven years.

Over the past eight years, Fianna Fáil played a principal role in creating a flourishing economy, based on three principles: sound Government finances; low inflation and social partnership and consensus.

We have had outstanding results, in stark contrast to the past, where they were wrecked by mainly Fine Gael/Labour Governments. We have had the highest growth in the OECD, averaging close to 5 per cent which should continue this year. We have had a large and growing trade surplus and balance of payments surplus, which should continue this year. Inflation has been in low single figures. Industrial production last year was dynamic, growing by 11 per cent. Thanks to our tax-cutting policies, domestic consumer expenditure is contributing as well as exports to growth. In six years out of the last eight, agricultural incomes have been rising. Net employment has risen by 110,000 since 1988 and is due to rise by a further 31,000 this year, on top of 36,000 in 1994 and the fall in unemployment is set to accelerate. We have a stable current and record low interest rates.

The new Government is able to build on those achievements, which we wish to see maintained. We have no serious quarrel with the tax provisions in the budget, though we might have done some things differently. Many of the measures to help the low paid and business are sensible, but too little.

The budget falls down principally in two places and that is why the Government blew it yesterday. The budget is not stringent enough on expenditure borrowing and the elimination of the current budget deficit. While it addresses some social issues such as equality and child care, it ignores and neglects the old, the long term unemployed and those with young families — a substantial number — in a manner that is simply not acceptable.

Where would the Deputy make the cuts? He has just argued for less expenditure.

He could start with the banks.

The cuts were reflected in the figures yesterday.

That is a mighty question coming from the Minister.

Did the Minister make any input?

Start with the banks.

The Minister is in their pockets.

The Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte, is the bankers' friend.

Let us hear the Deputy in possession without interruption.

In contrast to what would have been decided by the three parties in Government either separately or collectively, the Fianna Fáil Party decided, and a similar responsible approach was taken by our colleagues in Opposition, the Progressive Democrats, that we would not today instantly call for the head of the Minister of State, Deputy Hogan, because we realised he had been instructed by the Taoiseach in respect of the breaching of Rule 19 of media briefings. It states that a member of the Government is especially designated to provide a Government press secretary with a briefing after each meeting on such matters as the Taoiseach, Tánaiste or other member of the Government chairing the meeting may authorise to be released to the media. The Taoiseach stated this morning that he had given authority to the Minister of State to have all the data and we accept that is the Taoiseach's right. However, Rule 19 provides that no other member of the Government or other person attending a meeting should divulge any information about a Government's discussions without specific authority. We now understand that what the Taoiseach stated this morning — this is the only conclusion we can reach — means he instructed the Minister of State to leak the data, presumably because the Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy De Rossa, had leaked everything in the social welfare budget and Fine Gael——

The Deputy knows that neither of those statements is true.

Was it a briefing instead of a leak?

——would not get any kudos so they instructed their Minister, who had the data, to leak it. We wrote to the Taoiseach last night and asked for a similar procedure to be followed in respect of the Minister of State, Deputy Hogan, as was followed when Deputy Cowen was Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications some weeks ago when he had to answer questions on three occasions in the one week. Indeed Deputy Hogan was one of the Deputies who put down Private Notice Questions in that regard.

And Deputy Rabbitte.

I was very gentle.

Deputy Cowen answered questions for three and a half hours. We have asked for only one question and answer session on this occasion.

The Deputy should await the statement to be made by the Minister of State.

I wish to make this point and I acknowledge you have given me an opportunity to do so. We have asked for a simple question and answer session. We have no reason to call for the removal of Deputy Hogan as Minister of State. He is a decent fellow and at any rate he was instructed by the Taoiseach on this occasion. However, if the Minister has nothing to hide, why does he not want to answer our questions? We want to ask him who told him to do it. We want to find out if it was the Taoiseach, it seems it must have been having regard to the media briefings rule. If we cannot get answers to questions what can we do except put down a motion calling for the Minister's head? We have no reason to do that. We ask you, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle and the Ceann Comhairle, to request the Taoiseach to act in a reasonable and responsible manner and grant a question and answer session to avoid us calling for the head of a Minister of State who was only doing what he was instructed to do to counteract the leaks and the briefings of the handlers, the minders, the programme managers, advisers, family patrons and all those involved.

And the candlestick makers.

We know that Deputy Hogan was one of the Ministers of State closeted in the annex to the Taoiseach's room for the last two weeks going through these papers and perhaps he was tired and confused. We understand that may have been the case.

Particularly in that room.

If the Minister of State, Deputy Hogan, is not allowed by the Taoiseach to answer questions, and I understand he wants to answer them, which will end the matter——

The Taoiseach invited the Deputy to put down questions this morning.

We are not able to put down questions to the Taoiseach because he keeps transferring them to other Ministers.

The Minister was not very good at answering questions outside the House in respect of statements he made in the House.

Look at the turncoat.

Deputy Ahern must be allowed to conclude.

Deputy Cullen is trying to buy kudos with the boss.

I do not need to.

That will not help him in Waterford.

Ask Mac Giolla about turncoats.

Minister Rabbitte and Deputy Cullen, please desist. Deputies should allow the Member in possession to conclude.

We make a simple request to enable the public to make a judgment as they judged us on a previous occasion. We are asking the Government to allow the Minister of State, Deputy Hogan, to make a statement and to answer questions we will put in a civil fashion. If he has something to hide, naturally we will have to pursue the matter elsewhere. That is the simple request by the Opposition parties.

We want transparency.

My colleague, Deputy Geoghegan-Quinn, mentioned transparency. We want openness——

——ethics in Government and accountability. Surely the Minister wishes to ensure that, otherwise there is a hidden agenda and a conspiracy to leak data during the past few days.

Where in this budget is the economic justice that the Labour Party used to talk about so often? Fianna Fáil under my leadership will be the socially caring party it was so often in the past. Strong economic expansion and the improvement of incentives need not be incompatible with proper social concerns. Yesterday's budget will be remembered as the hardest budget on the social welfare classes since Ernest Blythe's budget many years ago.

On a point of order, it is my understanding that the normal courtesy extended to the Leader of the Opposition when speaking in this House is that the Taoiseach, or at least the Tánaiste, would be present to listen to him. That has been the tradition down through the years. This morning the Taoiseach walked out 15 minutes after the debate began. Not one member of the Fine Gael or Labour Party attended the debate this morning. That is a grave discourtesy and underlines the arrogance of this Government towards this House.

The Deputy has made his point. The Deputy is aware that the Chair has no function in that matter.

On a point of order and to ensure Protocol is observed, I want to know if the hyphenated hybrid across the floor is a member of the Government?

Since the Taoiseach has some industrial relations problems today I am surprised that the Minister in charge of industrial relations in the Government is in the House and not assisting the Taoiseach. I wonder will the Minister for Finance be looking for anybody's head later this afternoon. What has happened gives a whole new meaning to the notion of quitting while one is ahead.

As I said yesterday morning before I became aware of the press release from the Minister of State, Deputy Hogan, the Budget Statement is a total charade. It is a serious matter and I was disappointed with the view taken by the Taoiseach this morning. He seemed to say that if we were not satisfied we could ask questions. I wonder if the Taoiseach is satisfied. Is he not asking questions? Is it the case that the Minister acted on instructions from the Taoiseach. If it is a fact, as I understand it is, that at noon yesterday the Fine Gael press office had a full copy of the Budget Statement and was preparing leaflets and fact sheets for its members, it is a very serious matter and one for which the Taoiseach must be accountable in this House.

Deputy Harney should be careful about making serious charges at this time. As I said in reference to Deputy Ahern's speech, we should await the statement promised.

I look forward to his statement. Ireland's national emblem has been the shamrock; perhaps we could adopt the emblem of Wales and have the leek instead. It might be more appropriate.

The leaking of this budget is unprecedented. The reason for it is unprecedented internal dissension within this Government. If, in good economic times, when apparently, the Government had good news, members had to engage in such one-up-manship, what on earth will they do in bad economic times when they will not have the same opportunity? The leaks began over a week ago. In weekend newspapers we were able to read about the Exchequer borrowing requirement of £813 million.

The Minister for Enterprise and Employment, Deputy Richard Bruton, said this morning that market-sensitive information was not released but I would dispute that. For example, the value of shares in banks has been increased resulting from the Government decision to abolish the bank levy. That was known to many people on Monday last, and indeed over the last weekened.

Deputy Bertie Ahern referred to property transfers in seaside resorts over the past few days and if that is fact it is a very serious matter. It means we have a new golden circle, a new group of people who will have the inside track.

A caravan circle.

I do not believe the leak was only due to incompetence, merely an occasion for an unfortunate Minister of State to have his party's stamp put on the budget. It resulted from internal dissention because of the make-up of this Government. Rather than contend that we have a rainbow Coalition, it would be more appropriate to contend that we have a rainbow colander.

I will not read into the record all the Taoiseach's quotes about leaks because I want to talk about what he had to say about the budget last year. He raised on the Order of Business on many occasions the question of leaks when the last Government were in office. When Northern Ireland business was leaked to a journalist, the Taoiseach, then Leader of the Opposition, almost exclusively here, on the Order of Business, day after day, raised that matter and took a very poor view of it. What has happened is serious and if the Taoiseach does not take a serious view of this most recent leak it will undermine his authority, his Government and will destroy any capacity of this Government to remain a cohesive unit for the next few years.

This most recent leak is ironic given all we heard in recent times about the need for high standards, openness and transparency — perhaps this does give a new meaning to the words "openness, transparency and accountability"— since I had some experience of that in a couple of meetings I had before Christmas. Since memoirs are now being quoted here extensively, I shall leave my conclusions to my memoirs. Perhaps in a number of years, when I am no longer here, they will entertain some people. Certainly I found my experience not a pleasant one.

In our dealings with Fianna Fáil in 1989 and again in 1992 we found it to be far more business-like and professional than were the Labour Party just before last Christmas. One can always argue one's point of view when somebody is prepared to tell one the truth, but, when one hears different things at successive meetings even when one's associates are briefing the media, it raises questions about "openness, transparency and accountability".

If the Taoiseach does not deal with this matter now it will destroy his Government because the trust required is dependent on secrecy. I served for three years as a junior Minister in a Government and I did not have budget details until they were read out in this House. On one occasion I refused to participate in a discussion panel during the time the Minister would have been reading his Budget Statement because I did not know what the budget contained and felt I would look foolish, as a Minister of State, participating in a discussion panel, not being aware of what would be announced in the Minister's Budget Statement. I do not make that comment to praise that Government; that was always the norm. I cannot understand what happened yesterday. It was not mere incompetence or a casual leak. It is a very serious matter, one I hope the Taoiseach takes seriously. Unfortunately, his remarks here last evening gave me the impression that he did not take it seriously.

When responding to the Budget Statement last year the present Taoiseach said as reported at column 1957 of the Official Report of that day, 27 January 1994:

This budget fails to address Ireland's long term social and economic failure.

A country that disposes as much resources as we do, and which yet has no work for 300,000 people, is a social and economic failure.

It is obvious that neither of the Government parties recognises this national failure. To introduce a tinkering budget when it has so much leeway for radical reform shows how mediocre the thinking of this Government really is.

Further down in the same column he said:

I strongly disagree with the political priorities of this budget. It will slash mortgage interest relief for all those who pay the top rate of tax, which is most full-time workers. In that way, it will discourage people from being self-reliant and from borrowing to provide their own homes.

One might have expected that in the first budget after he became Taoiseach Deputy John Bruton would have done something about mortgage interest and VHI premia relief, which will be slashed under the provisions of this budget. No, the proposal he found to be so damaging to self-reliance, remains intact in this budget.

The present Taoiseach last year, when commenting on that budget said that the difference between what his party would do and what the then Government was doing was the difference between serious tax reform and tinkering. At column 1958 of the Official Report of the same date he went on to say:

There is no coherent statement on the threats to, or the opportunities for, Ireland in the next ten years.

He went on to talk glowingly about the role the services sector had to play and said, at columns 1965-66 of the Official Report of the same day:

We must remove the systematic discrimination against the service sector in the tax code. It is in private services that the majority of the new jobs can be created, not in manufacturing. To this end, the corporation tax rate for services should be reduced from 40 per cent towards 27 per cent. It is wrong that the corporation tax rate on a services company should be four times as high as the corporation tax rate on a manufacturing company. The Minister did nothing about this discrimination in the budget.

They were very strong words. Sometimes people in Opposition make strong statements like that but when they get into Government, discover the resources are not there to do all things they might like to do. However, this was not a year when the resources were not there. The resources are there. For example, economic growth is forecast to be between 5 and 6 per cent, to use the Government's own figures. It is forecast that public spending will grow by 8.6 per cent when the once-off amnesty receipts are taken into account. The Exchequer borrowing requirement is £813 million and the current budget deficit £310 million. If we do not live within our means in good times like these, when will we ever begin to live within our means? I agree with what was said earlier by my colleague Deputy Michael McDowell, the Fianna Fáil spokesperson on Finance and their Leader this morning — we must begin to live within our means. I know that traditionaly left-wing politicians love nothing better than spending taxpayers' money. The Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte, always has been good at advocating or suggesting means by which taxpayers' money could be spent.

I might understand a 9 per cent increase in current Government spending if it was being allocated to social welfare recipients, but I wonder what the non-contributory old age pensioners in Kiltalown in Tallaght, 60 per cent of whom vote for Deputies Rabbitte and Taylor, think of the £1.50 increase when they see Government spending increased by 9 per cent? I wonder what social welfare recipients generally will think of this budget when they realise that a Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrats Coalition Government in 1990 gave a 5 per cent increase in social welfare and in 1991 a 4 per cent increase in social welfare, whereas a Labour/Democratic Left — what young Labour in Trinity called the Labour-dominated Government — Government gives only a 2.5 per cent increase to social welfare recipients?

This morning I expected many of those usually called "the proverty commentators" to draw attention to that fact. One such commentator, Pádraigh O Morain, opened his comments on social welfare by saying that, as budgets go, this is a good budget for social welfare recipients. I found that comment extraordinary. I find it extraordinary that we live in a society within which for example, a survivor — after the lifetime of this Government I wonder how many survivors there will be — will receive £1.60 extra, a non-contributory old age pensioner an extra £1.50 and, if lucky enough to be over 80 years of age, will receive an extra £1.80 per week. I ask the House: is that a budget attempting to encourage solidarity, as the Minister for Finance said yesterday? Is that a budget for inclusion? Is that a budget to empower or encourage people? Does it show that we have a caring Government at a time when our economic circumstances are so healthy?

I compliment the Government on what it has done for child benefit. It is appropriate that in so far as possible the necessary resources are directed at families through increased child benefit. That is the most effective way of helping low income families and families on social welfare. I hope the Minister for Social Welfare moves quickly towards a single strategy for child allowances under the social welfare code. I am disappointed he did not do so yesterday. Why is benefit for the child of a prisoner less than that for the child of an unemployed person? Why are there different rates for different children? That is not justifiable. I expected the new Minister, particularly one from Democratic Left, to initiate reform in that respect and introduce a single allowance for all categories of children. I hope he moves in that direction in the Social Welfare Bill.

While on the social aspects of the budget, I must comment on the failure of the Minister to deal with the question of child care. Before Christmas we heard a great deal about child abuse and the need for more resources in that area. For some time Barnardos have been lobbying the Government for additional resources and promises have been made in that respect, but the Minister did not mention the allocation of additional resources for child care in his Budget Statement. When talking about increases of approximately 9 per cent in current Government spending, one must wonder about the Government's priorities.

I must comment also on the Government's sense of priority in terms of education and its strategy for dealing with fees and related matters for children who secure places in third level institutions in Northern Ireland or overseas. The Government's strategy on third level education will do nothing to help underprivileged children secure places in third level institutions or to help their families to maintain them during that time. This is a mistaken and unfair strategy and will not deal with the priorities in this area.

The budget failed miserably in terms of strategy. The Government's programme did not set targets in relation to tax reform, it merely made some loose comments on economic matters. A few nice phrases were used: we were told the Government would be prudent, it would keep borrowing down and live within the Maastricht guidelines. The Government has not set itself targets and, therefore, we cannot judge its performance. It certainly has no medium term strategy.

The budget is a missed opportunity and, contrary to today's newspaper headlines, with the exception of the family of seven from Ballybunion, it will do nothing substantial in terms of tax reform. Income tax will increase by £300 million this year, it will not be reduced. The front page headline in today's The Irish Times states, “Budget benefits lower-paid, employers and small firms”. The day after the budget last year that same paper carried the headline, “Lower paid to benefit in biggest ever give-away budget”. An appropriate cartoon in that paper stated that the handing over of that money in no way implied guilt or responsibility for past abuse of taxpayers. The headlines of The Irish Times today and on the day following last year's budget are similar and I am sure the expectations of the electorate, taxpayers in particular, are also similar. However, when they receive their pay packet in April, when the tax measures will come into effect, taxpayers will know they will not be substantially better off. While I welcome the removal of PRSI from the first £50 and the extension of reduced rates to additional income, that is not the way to approach the tax and PRSI systems. Simply moving the barrier up the scale will cause enormous problems — it has been described as a Beecher's Brook — when people reach the level of income to which the full PRSI rate applies. It will create huge poverty traps and major disincentives for employers and employees. I would have preferred the Government to reduce the rates rather than move in that direction. While it will benefit some categories of workers, we should not underestimate the overall problems it will cause.

Last week the Progressive Democrats published details of its tax proposals. Given the economic growth we are currently experiencing and the forecasts for the next few years, over four years we could transfrom the tax system. It is no great academic exercise or hobby horse of mine to talk frequently about tax reform. It is essential if we want to encourage enterprise, reward initiative, encourage social cohesion and create the solidarity to which the Minister referred yesterday. Our tax system is the single biggest barrier to taking up and creating employment. I have yet to meet anybody who will stand over the tax system, justify or defend it. Perhaps some of those who work in the Department of Finance believe it has advantages because they are familiar with it and so on. Time and time again we miss the opportunity to do something radically about it. The Government had that opportunity this year. I accept it cannot be transformed in one year, but over four years the higher rate of tax could be reduced at 40 per cent and the lower rate to 20 per cent cent. The lower tax rate could be extended to average industrial earnings so that a person earning an average industrial wage would never have to pay more than the standard rate of tax.

Much more could be done. We could substantially reduce PRSI rates and halve capital acquisition tax. All that could be achieved in the context of reducing the borrowing requirement, living within our means, having no current budget deficit and increasing public spending by 1 per cent to provide for the cases to which I referred earlier. Because of our fortunate economic circumstances all that could be achieved over a four year period. Instead, the Government has failed to adopt a strategy or to set targets; it has not sought radically to alter the anti-work and antienterprise tax system. It has adopted a Santa Clause approach to the budget, the Gay Byrne approach —"something for everyone in the audience". Given that Fine Gael is the dominant party in Government — although it has been called a Labour dominated Government — one would imagine that in this, its first budget, the Government would have used the opportunity radically to transform our tax system.

Last year Deputy Bruton and other members of his party had a great deal to say about the property tax. Deputy Yates told us that Fine Gael in its first budget, at the first opportunity, would remove that unfair tax on the family home. What has happened? It has further complicated the matter and made it even less meaningful. It will take in less money but all the bureaucracy will be retained to enforce a property tax that is unfair and discriminates against family home owners, particularly those in certain locations whose houses have a high property value. It is a silly begrudgers' tax which makes no sense. At a time when the Government is abolishing the bank levy, it is disgraceful that it should retain the property tax. By any stretch of the imagination it is not justifiable. This is particularly important given that mortgage interest relief will be reduced substantially.

Deputy Ahern referred to property values increasing by 15 per cent during the last few years. Property values at the lower end of the scale may have increased to that extent but, because of the way the property tax is structured, larger properties have not increased to that extent. The property tax will discriminate against owners of relatively small properties that have a high value because of their location. It bears no relationship to the ownership of the property because many householders have large mortgages. They may own only 10 per cent of the property, yet they must pay a tax on its overall market value. In the context of abolishing a bank levy, how can anyone justify retaining a tax on the family home?

As Deputy McDowell has often asked for the right to intervene, would Deputy Harney accept information from me?

I am entitled to make my speech.

That is not in order, Minister. The Minister will have an opportunity at a later stage. Deputy Harney to continue.

The Deputy's comments about the bank levy are not true.

We just wanted to prevent the Deputy from being embarrassed.

The Minister will be very embarrassed when the old age pensioners in Finglas realise how little they will get.

The people of Finglas are delighted.

They will get £1.50, £1.80 and £1.60 for a survivor. They are not delighted.

There will be bonfires in Finglas.

Guy Fawkes — we know who will be burned.

I have to say to the Minister — and I wish he did not provoke me — that if he can stand over what is being done for old age pensioners I am very surprised. I hope the Minister is embarrassed and ashamed and I hope he fought at the Cabinet table to get a better deal for the elderly in our society. I hope he will not stand over what is a very unfair budgetary provision for that category of social welfare recipient. I have given the Minister credit in respect of child benefit and I regret very much——

The Deputy does not understand it.

Let me quote from the Minister's press release last evening in case I misunderstand it.

The Deputy does not understand the net points.

Is the Minister going to tell me that 80 year olds have children and that they will get £7?

What I will tell the Deputy is that the 80 year olds——

We should hear Deputy Harney without interruption.

Will the Minister dispute the fact that when a survivor is getting £1.60 extra——

(Interruptions.)

Forget about the percentages, I want to tell the Minister what he is doing.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Harney without further interruption.

The Deputy is provoking me a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

A pensioner under 80 years of age on retirement or old age contributory pension will get £1.80 per week; a person on survivors contributory pension or deserted wife's benefit will get £1.60 per week extra, a person on an invalidity pension will get £1.40 or thereabouts. That is a scandal.

It is not a scandal at all.

If the Minister seeks to justify that I am extremely disappointed.

It is less than the rate of inflation.

The Minister referred yesterday to the number of people who will be removed from the tax system. It has been a traditional feature of budgets during the past number of years that thousands of workers are taken out of the tax net. So many have been taken out during the past number of years that nobody should be left. As my colleague, Deputy McDowell, said Seán Barrett, an economist, has done a study and has calculated that between 1980-87 313,000 taxpayers were taken out of the tax net. He goes on to make the point that most of these people come back into the tax net. One of the ironies of the budget is that before the end of the year in which the budget comes into effect these categories of taxpayers are back in the tax net due to increases in wages and so on.

I do not want to debate here the whole idea of central wage bargaining and the various programmes negotiated in recent years but percentage increases and our attitude to rewarding labour by giving across the board percentage increases which obviously gives much more to those on higher salaries is of particular benefit to public sector workers who got a good deal during the last few years as a result of many of these programmes. The budget has not concentrated on the real issue, which is take home pay and the cost of employment. It has not concentrated on reducing the tax burden and, therefore, as a result of these small increases people are put back into the tax net very rapidly after the Minister has taken them out.

Earlier this morning many people probably heard the comments of Lorraine Sweeney the representative of the small business firms association, IBEC. Unlike other commentators she was critical of the Government's proposals for small business. I agree with many of her comments and many of the comments made by other people in small business. This country does not encourage entrepreneurs, reward effort and give incentives to those who want to take the risks, establish business and give jobs to others. There are many ways in which the State could help not only through the tax system for the services sector and the manufacturing sector. The State's attitude to the payment of bills, tolerating long delays by public authorities in meeting their commitments, imposes an enormous burden on small businesses.

So far as business is concerned, it is not justifiable to have two corporation tax rates apply to the service sectors and to the manufacturing sector — 10 per cent and 40 per cent, now reduced to 38 per cent. Last year when the Taoiseach, Deputy Bruton, spoke eloquently about the need to reduce corporation profits tax on the services sector from 40 per cent to 27 per cent one would have assumed he would have moved more rapidly in that direction than merely taking off two percentage points. Radical change in corporation profits tax has to be a Government priority, given the job potential of the services sector, whether in tourism or in many of the other services.

The 10 per cent tax regime applying to the financial services centre is the main reason it has been successful. Last year the Exchequer got £170 million worth of tax from the companies located there. Lower rates of tax can bring in additional revenue because it leads to more activity, transactions, employment and tax. The sooner we realise that reasonable levels of tax will encourage people to conduct their business in Ireland and not seek to move abroad to engage in property transfers or to do business deals the better.

The budget does not have an overall strategy. It is very much a hotch potch budget. On the radio this morning it was referred to as a scratch card rather than a lotto. Given all the hype and the advance billing about this budget, expectations were fuelled but when people have had time to digest it properly, it will be considered disappointing. It is more a camel humped budget than a budget that has a strategy for the economy. It has all the hallmarks of a budget that was drawn up by the three parties that are not fundamentally in agreement on economic policy. The budget will not encourage self reliance, effort or reward those at work. Even the way the Minister delivered the sweeteners yesterday had all the hallmarks of trying to create the impression that this was a handout mentality budget. Unfortunately, some categories did not get the handout.

Whether it was the Minister for Education or the Minister for Social Welfare who was affected, we were able to get clear budgetary details well in advance. This was because the different Ministers want to make sure their end was kept up. If that is what happens in good times when we have good economic opportunities, what will happen when the Government is in crisis, if they deal with matters in the way they have dealt with the publication of the budget?

The Minister told us yesterday of the decision to end tax relief on covenants. No new covenants will be covered from yesterday except certain categories to do with handicapped children and so on. From April next tax relief on existing covenants will cease. Can the Minister give legal effect to that? Many taxpayers have entered into agreements to pay out money over a six year period to particular categories of people. They will be required to honour that agreement for the duration of the covenant. Is it fair to cancel that arrangement given that people enter into those agreements on the basis of a tax regime? I wonder what the legal implications are? I understand the Taoiseach said last night that 38,000 covenants were in place, about 26,000 of which were in respect of education. Many of these covenants have been taken out by aunts or uncles to nieces or nephews. They will want to honour those commitments; the people in respect of whom the commitments were made will insist that they honour them.

While I welcome the decision to give tax relief in respect of overseas charities it is a pity it was not extended to charities at home. Many people make donations to worthwhile charities in this jurisdiction and they should not be discriminated against. I wonder how many taxpayers on the standard rate of tax, payable on gross income up to £12,000, would be able to afford to give £200 to £750 to charities. The Government should have allowed tax relief at the higher rate of tax also because generally speaking it is those on higher income who will avail of this facility and they will still have to pay the 21 per cent tax difference. Perhaps the Government will consider extending this measure to charities at home.

The budget of any new Government is usually the most exciting, the toughest and the one that sends a signal of what to expect for the future. This country has spent the last ten or 15 years trying to undo the sins of the past. Great sacrifices had to be made by many people because of the manner in which the State engaged in excessive borrowing in the 1970s and early 1980s. One would have expected that when we had a budget surplus for the first time in 27 years, the Minister for Finance would have used the opportunity to ensure we did not fritter away the success we painfully gained in recent years. It is very disappointing that borrowing will increase by 21 per cent, spending will increase by 8.6 per cent and tax will be increased by £300 million. That is not a recipe for an economy that wants to encourage enterprise, to be prudent and show discipline.

In the Minister's statement, when justifying the borrowing requirement and the current budget deficit, he said that there are special once-off factors this year and that these will not be available in 1996. He said that while the full year costs of the measures concerned will have to be borne at that stage, this will reduce considerably the budgetary room for manoeuvre in future years. Introducing, in the best year possible, such measures in terms of the current budget deficit and public spending, and admitting that he will not have that opportunity again — very few of the provisions in this budget are once-off measures; they will have ongoing effects on budgetary requirements for future years — is not an appropriate strategy. It is a mistake that the Government has not been prudent and tough and has not lived up to the expectations outlined recently by the Taoiseach that there would be strong control over public finances and so on.

When people have the opportunity to digest the effects of this budget they will be disappointed because many of the changes are not those one would expect from a Government with such a left wing influence. I remember Deputy Rabbitte — I have the quotes here but I will not waste the time of the House reading them into the record — talking extensively about farmer taxation and the need to take more from the farming sector. There is no evidence of Deputy Rabbitte's influence at the Cabinet table and he certainly did not succeed in taking more from the farming sector.

Will the Deputy support us in taking more from the farming sector?

I did not say that. I am simply quoting what the Minister said.

The Deputy is full of contradictions.

It is the Minister who is full of contradictions. He is doing the exact opposite of what he always said he would do.

The Minister is happy now. He threw his policies out the window once he got into Government.

The Government's image has been seriously tarnished. The first legislation from this rainbow Government of renewal was to increase the number of Ministers of State from 15 to 17. Considering the way it has handled the budget and the way it treated many deserving categories, the Government's image has been tarnished beyond repair. We heard much talk in recent times about the need for a rotating Taoiseach. We do not need a rotating Taoiseach because we have a Uturning Taoiseach, a Taoiseach who is U-turning so fast that he will be rotating very shortly. He has U-turned on tax reform, the services sector, mortgage and VHI relief, residential property tax, programme managers and many other issues.

This budget from Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left is disappointing, despite the gloss they put on it, despite the leaks in advance, despite the effort for one-up-manship, despite the tension in the Government, as I understand it, of an unprecedented scale and despite the fact they promised so much. I attended a function before Christmas — Deputy Rabbitte was also present — and many people there were very excited in anticipation of the budget because they believed Proinsias De Rossa would look after them. However social welfare recipients received 1.5 per cent less this year than they received from a Progressive Democrats-Fianna Fáil Government in 1991 and 2.5 per cent less than they received from a Progressive Democrats-Fianna Fáil Government in 1990.

Those who believe that putting left wing parties into Government is good for the cause of social welfare recipients or in the fight against poverty only have to examine objectively the details of this budget to see it is not radical and is not about creating a more inclusive society. It is not about empowering people, as Deputy De Rossa has advocated on many occasions. On the contrary, this is a budget destined to help Ministers to keep up their side in Cabinet. It is about spin-doctoring and PR. It does not deal with the reality of today, when almost 300,000 people are unemployed. There is no incentive for business, particularly small business. It is a budget that has failed. It has no overall coherent strategy. It is a hotch-potch, a great disappointment.

I am proud to stand here today to deliver my first speech as Minister for Social Welfare. I am amused at the totally contradictory position taken by the Progressive Democrats. The financial spokesperson of the Progressive Democrats said recently we should limit spending to 1 per cent while the Leader of the Progressive Democrats said today we did not spend enough money.

It is the way you spend it.

We are simply highlighting the U-turns.

Obviously they cannot even read straight because the budget speech made it very clear that abolition of the banks levy would be of no financial advantage to the banks. Under the Progressive Democrats-Fianna Fáil Government the levy was allowed to be marked against corporation profits tax, and that is precisely what is being done in this budget. There is no £12 million gain to the banks, as is claimed by Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats.

This is another U-turn for the Minister's party.

This measure was abolished in fact under the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government. We are simply abolishing it in name.

The present Government is making the changes.

The Minister should be allowed continue without interruption.

Deputy Harney totally misunderstands the £50 PRSI allowance. This is a full allowance and PRSI will be payable only on every pound after £50.

I know that.

There is no poverty trap involved. It would only be a proverty trap if, as was the case up to yesterday, PRSI was paid on every pound.

I am talking about the extension of the reduction in the rate from 12 per cent to 9 per cent.

This £50 allowance will be a help to those on low pay.

Yesterday's budget was unique in a number of respects although I could have done without some aspects of its uniqueness.

What are they?

It was the first budget introduced by a multi-party coalition since the 1950s and the first in which Democratic Left had an input. As in the case of the programme for A Government of Renewal, the final shape of the budget reflected a balance of objectives based on a process of discussion and negotiation between the parties in Government. All the parties in Government have achievements in the budget which reflect a number of priorities of each of the three parties and is in keeping with the commitments in the programme for A Government of Renewal in regard to social and economic objectives. This is the first Programme for Government which set specific targets in regard to expenditure.

It did not meet them.

We have met them. In effect, we have all brought our influence to bear in a range of areas including tax reform, employment initiatives and expanded housing programmes and social welfare.

There are no targets for tax reform.

This is the best budget by any Government for decades. This is why Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats are looking for any excuse to attack and misrepresent it.

The spin-doctor is spinning.

In sharp contrast to the trickle down budgets from Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats in the past and which Deputy Harney again argued in favour of today, this is a bottom-up budget.

It is upside down.

It is a balanced budget not only in a financial sense but also in a political sense. It is also properly balanced in terms of its social and economic objectives.

Old age pensioners are not at the top.

It strikes the correct balance between the sometimes competing demands of social welfare increases and tax reliefs, while the tax and PRSI reforms should help to make significant inroads to our unacceptable level of unemployment. The increase of approximately one third, 33 per cent, in the level of child benefit will make an unprecedented contribution towards the cost of rearing children and alleviating poverty. If Deputy Harney reads all the reports on child benefit and poverty in families she will find that they all recommended the strategy I adopted in the budget.

I welcomed that.

Although the Government has been in office for only two months and had a short time to prepare for the budget, it has gone a long way towards meeting the key objectives set out in the programme, A Government of Renewal. We made a commitment to the employment needs of all our people, especially the long term unemployed; the development of an innovative enterprising economy which meets the demands of international competition and shares the rewards of effort, initiative and success; the reform of the tax system, in particular, to relieve the tax and PRSI burden on those with low incomes and those with families and the implementation of policies to reflect a commitment to the best quality of life for our people in terms of health care, justice, housing, education and protection of children and the family.

I am particularly pleased with the direction of the tax reforms. Too often in the past Governments gave the bulk of the tax concessions to relatively high earners while little or nothing was done for the lower earners. These changes will particularly benefit low paid workers, but the raising of the personal allowances and the widening of the lower band will have a significant positive knock-on impact up the line.

The predictable criticism from Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats of the inadequacy of the tax reforms rings hollow. They must believe that the public has a very short memory. The same parties came to power in 1989 promising radical tax reform but all they did was pile on the agony, especially on the PAYE sector. The Progressive Democrats Party, in particular, has managed to portray itself as the champion of tax reform but its record in office was abysmal.

The tax reforms in this budget are the most significant to have been introduced for many years but they are not by any means the end of the process. The work has begun and must now be completed in the coming years. Not all sectors are yet paying a fair share of the tax burden and there is a particular need, as the programme, A Government of Renewal states, to “continue the improvements in the collection system and strengthening the Revenue Commissioners' audit capacity in the fight against tax evasion”. I look forward to the support of the Progressive Democrats for our efforts in that regard.

A number of the reforms in the budget were introduced after lobbying by business and employer organisations. They have secured reductions in the level of employers' PRSI and a reduced corporation tax rate and it is not unreasonable now to expect that business people who sought such reforms will now deliver the extra jobs which they promised would flow from these moves. In the coming year the Government must set about monitoring and evaluating these reforms to ensure that they are effective as job creators.

The radical social welfare provisions must be seen in the context of the programme, A Government of Renewal, which commits the Government to a radical shift of income and resources in our society, to stimulating enterprise and job creation, to rewarding work in all its forms and to ensuring social solidarity between those who are better off and those who are less so.

The Department of Social Welfare has a crucial role to play in achieving these aims. Nowadays that role goes far beyond the safety-net role of seeking to ensure that everyone has a minimal income. Our objective is to ensure an adequate income and social support for everyone, an objective which has not yet been achieved. We can and must also play an increasingly pro-active role in relation to work and enterprise of all kinds, paid or unpaid, facilitate employment and experiments with employment, however atypical or unorthodox by traditional standards, and provide the real economic and social security that enables citizens to interact positively with the new forms of work emerging. We must take account of the labour market as it now is and is becoming, namely more flexible, even volatile, with many changes in the hours people work and in the type of work that is needed. We must also take account of and plan for the demographic changes that are clearly underway — falling birth rates, varying family types and more older people — and address the need for better support for people with disabilities.

The changes in the labour market must be paralleled by changes in how we deliver social welfare; greater economic flexibility and the insecurity that may create must be matched by greater social security and flexibility in our support systems. Gone are the days of hardand-fast distinctions between those who are working and those who are welfare recipients. Gone also are the days when the 40 hour working week was dominant. Most workers can expect to rely on social welfare at various times in their employment or life cycle, even before reaching pension age, and most welfare recipients hope to enter or reenter the paid workforce as opportunities arise.

Greater independence and equality for women must also be mirrored in equal rights to income support and social services that facilitate men and women in search of a balanced distribution of work and responsibility within the workforce and the family. I look forward to the day when no man or woman in our society is reluctant or afraid to take up any form of work — be it a few days well-paid freelance work, a few weeks part-time work or a few years unpaid work in the home with children — because of the fear of losing social welfare benefits or ending up worse off for their pains.

I have a twofold approach to social welfare: first, to increase social payments to a level that provides an adequate income for those who cannot provide for themselves and, second, to tackle the traps in our system which prevent people from taking up work or education and training or family responsibilities. I intend to do this in a somewhat different manner from my predecessors, for example, Deputy McCreevy who was in the Department of Social Welfare when Deputy Harney was in Government with Fianna Fáil. Rather than reducing benefits, making it more difficult for people to qualify or complicating the system with new rules each year, as Deputy McCreevy did, my objective is to minimise the obstacles by reducing the extent to which people lose basic income supports as a result of taking up employment, to simplify the system and to iron out the anomalies which arise at the various points where the tax and welfare systems operate at crosspurposes.

The integration of tax and social welfare is a concept to which I have long been committed; indeed mine was the only political party to have advocated it, in its submissions to both the Commissions on Taxation and on Social Welfare, more than a decade ago. Since then it has passed into the conventional wisdom and has begun to mean many things to many people. I am confident that the report of the expert group on this issue, due later this year, will serve to clarify many of the complex issues involved and point the way forward; I will be particularly interested in the group's views on the question of a basic income for all citizens.

In the meantime, during the life of the Government, we are committed to providing a form of basic income for children, through the creation of a child benefit supplement. This will be payable, in addition to the universal child benefit, to all families whose income is below a certain level — irrespective of whether that income is from social welfare or employment, or a combination of the two. This will provide a baseline level of support for children, and those who care for them, and will target resources effectively at those in our society who are at greatest risk of poverty — families with larger numbers of children. It will also remove one of the worst poverty and unemployment traps in the existing system, which arises from the loss of child support when a person with children takes up employment. The new child benefit supplement will incorporate the child dependant allowances paid to people on social welfare and the family income supplement payable to people on low income from employment. Having established a good basic child benefit payment this year we are now preparing for the introduction of the supplement in future budgets.

The other improvements we are introducing have their own significance and I do not wish to downplay them by over-emphasising the importance of the child benefit increase. However, child benefit accounts for some 38 per cent of total additional social welfare spending this year and almost 50 per cent of the full year cost. Even so we have succeeded in achieving many other important improvements.

We are providing a total of over £90 million for social welfare and related improvements in 1995 and £212 million on a full year cost basis. Contrary to what Deputies Ahern and Harney said, this accounts for one-third of the increased expenditure in the budget. This is a significant increase and is much more, as alleged by Deputy Harney, than a 1.5 per cent increase to social welfare recipients. These are huge amounts of money by any standards. Their size alone demonstrates this new Government's concern about poverty in our society. The way in which the resources are focused demonstrates our commitment to the priorities to which I already referred.

It is extraordinary that Deputies Ahern and Harney in one breath complain that "goodies" are being spread all over the place — one for every person in the audience — and that there is no strategy and at the same time decry the fact that a greater proportion of moneys will be spent on children and families in this social welfare budget than on other categories of social welfare recipients: they cannot have it both ways and must make up their minds.

We are also allocating £60 million for equal treatment payments this year. Of this, nearly £50 million is coming from the social insurance fund and I would like to explain, especially to Deputy McCreevy who despite having spent nine months at the Department of Social Welfare does not seem to understand it, how the social insurance fund operates.

Under the provisions of Social Welfare Acts expenditure on social insurance payments must be met from the social insurance fund. Almost all the equality payments are social insurance benefits, principally disability benefit and unemployment benefit. Therefore, the cost of these payments must be met out of the fund in line with the legal requirement. A minor element of the costs will relate to unemployment assistance and this expenditure will be met by the Exchequer, not by the social insurance fund. There is, therefore, no question of us plundering or raiding the social insurance fund as alleged by Deputy McCreevy.

There are a number of other socal welfare improvements which I have included in an appendix to my speech to save time.

On top of the other social welfare improvements a 2.5 per cent increase is being given in all weekly social welfare and health board payments. I emphasise that this increase will be paid six weeks earlier than normal this year. If anyone cares to do arithmetic they will discover that this is equivalent to an increase of 3 per cent. Paying the increase of 2.5 per cent six weeks earlier will be much more useful as people will have the money in their pockets sooner. In addition it will reduce the liability of those on unemployment benefit to tax and the possibility of pensioners living in local authority houses being exposed to increases in differential rent. Last year many pensioners approached me to highlight the fact that they had been granted an increase of £2 but that £1.60 of this was taken by the corporation by way of an increase in differential rent.

The increase which will apply to personal rates and adult dependant allowances is designed to compensate social welfare recipients for the expected increase in prices this year and thereby maintain their real income position. In so doing a major commitment in the Programme for Competitiveness and Work is being honoured. However, I am particularly pleased to be able to bring the new rates into effect from mid-June instead of the previous implementation date of late July. This move has been a long-standing demand by me in Opposition and by many organisations and individuals who were aggrieved at the timelag of up to six months between the announcement of rate increases and their implementation date. For most people the increased rates will be paid as they fall due from mid-June. However, there will be a group of people who already have order books that go beyond mid-June and clearly separate arrangements will have to be made for them to receive their increase. These people, about 260,000, will be paid the increased amount in arrears the following month.

I am personally in favour of implementing the increases as close as possible to the budget announcements, at least in line with the changes in personal taxation, to put social welfare recipients on a par with those at work. I will be pressing the question of bringing the payment date back even further in the context of next year's budget. I am asking my Department to gear itself up to changing its production schedules to facilitate this to the greatest extent possible.

Child dependant allowances will, however, be payable up to age 22, instead of age 21, for those in full-time education in the case of recipients of long term social welfare payments to ensure that young people can stay in college to further their studies.

The general increase in weekly rates is by far the most expensive single item in the social welfare budget improvements. It will cost almost £43 million this year and almost £77 million in a full year. Bringing forward the payment date by six weeks represents £9 million in 1995.

Child dependant allowances payable with all weekly social welfare and health board payments are not being increased in this budget. They are, however, being maintained at their July 1994 rate. This is consistent with their replacement by our proposed new child benefit supplement. However, the 33p increase which would have accrued for indexing them is incorporated in the £7 per month increase in child benefit. Deputy McCreevey yesterday made great play out of the fact that this is the first time child dependant allowances have been frozen, but it is also the first time that child benefit has been increased by anything like £7, which more than offsets that 33p loss.

In addition to the increase in the payments, it is also proposed from next September to pay child benefit for 18 year olds for those in full-time education, including those attending FÁS courses for which no weekly course allowance is payable. Under present arrangements, child benefit ceases to be payable when a child turns 18, irrespective of whether full-time education is being pursued. Similarly, child benefit is not currently payable to 18 year olds on FÁS courses without a weekly allowance. These improvements will be welcomed in the context of changes in the school-leaving age following the introduction of the transition year in second-level schools and also the need to rationalise entitlements where certain FÁS courses are concerned.

Because time is running out I will move on to the carer's allowance. A section dealing with PRSI is included in my speech and I ask Deputies, if they are interested, to read the text circulated. I am pleased to be able to continue the trend of previous years in progressively improving the carer's allowance which was introduced in 1990 as an income maintenance payment for those who provide full-time care and attention to social welfare pensioners and certain disabled people. This is a benefit for pensioners which Deputies Ahern, McCreevy and Harney have ignored.

This year, I propose to extend the carer's allowance to people looking after pensioners over 66 years who are in receipt of non-social welfare pensions, for example, those in receipt of occupational pensions. This is a major improvement which will bring another group of pensioners within the ambit of the allowance — those who are on relatively low pensions from employment. It will remove the distinction between people whose pensions are from social welfare and those whose pensions, though perhaps similar in money terms, are purely occupational. Many of those who benefit will be former public servants on fairly low pensions.

I am also easing yet again the means test for the carer's allowance which has always been criticised as being unduly restrictive. The earnings disregard of £100 per week announced last year is being increased to £150 per week and will apply not only to earnings from work but to all types of income such as pensions. Many people who left work and claimed pensions found they did not qualify because it referred to earned income.

The disabled persons' maintenance allowance is funded at present by the Department of Health. From later this year, responsibility for this will be transferred to my Department and an amount of £45 million is being provided in my Department's Estimate for this purpose.

The new funding arrangement is a necessary first step to my Department taking over direct responsibility for administering the scheme. It is more appropriate that it be integrated with the income maintenance services of my Department. This was recommended by the Commission on Social Welfare and in a number of other reports down the years and it is time to act on this. It will open the way to streamlining and simplifying the income maintenance provisions for sick and disabled people generally and I will be examining these provisions in the light of the forthcoming report of the Commission on the Status of People with Disabilities. My Department will be discussing immediately with the Department of Health and the health boards the implications of transferring responsibility for the scheme.

In response to the concern expressed generally about young people being forced to leave home in order to qualify for unemployment assistance, the minimum payment is now being substantially increased from £10 to £25 per week for those assessed while living at home. Again, that is significantly more than 2.5 per cent, which is being alleged by those who are picking holes in this budget. In addition, the assessment of the benefit of board and privilege while at home will, in future apply only to those living at home with their parents. This will remove many people from an assessment which has been criticised over the years as intrusive and sometimes unfair.

I believe I only have five minutes remaining to me but I would need another two hours to complete my contribution. Before concluding, I want to refer to deserted wife's benefit because some confusion has arisen from misreporting of this particular reform of the social welfare code. We propose to integrate the existing lone parent's allowance and deserted wife's benefit into a uniform scheme for parents, men or women, caring for children on their own and to abolish the requirement to prove desertion. Let me be clear about this. We are not abolishing the payment of deserted wife's benefit; we are abolishing the concept of desertion, the requirement that a woman must prove she has been deserted by her husband before she can receive the benefit. We want to remove this intrusive and judgmental rule from the system and simply provide income support to people who, for whatever reason, are raising children on their own and need financial assistance. We also intend to remove the sex discrimination from this scheme because it is a fact that some men find themselves in this situation and they, too, should be eligible for support in future. Nobody currently in receipt of deserted wife's benefit will lose out as a result of this change and people can and should continue to apply for deserted wife's benefit in the normal way until the change is introduced by legislation in this House.

At present, deserted wife's benefit begins to be reduced if the woman has earnings in excess of a certain amount of money. These earnings ceilings are higher for people on the means-tested lone parent's allowance. Our intention is that the new unified payment for people raising children on their own will not be fully means-tested but will be withdrawn gradually as the recipient achieves relatively high levels of earnings. This will be done in such a way as to avoid creating any poverty or unemployment traps for people in this situation as it is a major priority of this Government to remove such traps.

There is a range of improvements in the budget in relation to back to school clothing and footwear allowances where we have provided £5 increases. That is much more than 2.5 per cent. It is 14 per cent in regard to primary school children and 10 per cent in regard to secondary children and will assist approximately 285,000 children attending school.

The free schemes are being extended. A colour licence will now be available to all pensioners who qualified in the past for black and white television licences. A travel companion pass will be available to people who are being cared for by a recipient of the carer's allowance. The companion pass will be usable by any person travelling with the person being cared for; it is not confined to the carer. That is an important advance in the provision we make for those who are being cared for.

There is also a novel and useful extension of the free travel scheme whereby pensioners who have free travel will be enabled to travel to Northern Ireland free of charge. In the course of the next few weeks, I hope to reach agreement with my counterpart in Northern Ireland on a similar arrangement for pensioners in Northern Ireland to travel to the Republic. A sum of £200,000 has been set aside in the budget for that scheme.

There are many other budget measures relating to the aligning of pension rights, including a significant one relating to homemakers where we are increasing the age of children being cared for from six to 12 years for the purpose of men or women who leave the workforce to care for children and maintain their eligibility for pension purposes.

I must pass over the section in my speech dealing with employment. I want to refer to the students' summer jobs scheme which was one of the more significant and controversial programmes introduced by my predecessor. This programme commenced in 1993 and approximately 9,000 students now participate in it. That is an indication of its importance to both the students and the various groups who sponsor projects. The Union of Students in Ireland continue to oppose it in principle as workfare. I find workfare also to be repugnant and I am seeking ways to enhance the voluntary nature of the scheme. I intend to meet members of the USI soon to discuss with them how the increased funding now available in this budget for the scheme can be used to the best advantage of students who need assistance to remain in education.

Before concluding I wish to say that the appendices in my speech will be circulated in the Official Report for the information of Deputies. They contain a summary of all of the social welfare improvements and also some of the grants which the Department of Social Welfare has agreed to allocate.

My Department will be taking responsibility for the National Social Services Board which provides, among other things, valuable information services. I am providing £250,000 to the National Social Services Board to develop an information project — the computerisation of integrated information on social services. It is important that accurate independent information be made available to citizens which would be by way of a second opinion in relation to information they may obtain from Government Departments. This is an important development in terms of the commitment in our programme that citizens have not only the right to freedom of information but also the right of access to information at the most basic level. It is important that the NSSB will now be enabled to develop an independent information service which hopefully will also provide an advocacy service necessary for many of our citizens.

I regret I do not have sufficient time to read the remainder of my speech into the record but I thank the Deputies present for their courtesy in allowing me the extra time.

Main Features:

The main features of this year's budget are:—

—A general 2.5 per cent increase in all weekly social and health board payments, effective from mid June 1995.

—An increase of £7 in child benefit monthly payments for each child, together with an extension for 18 year olds in full time education or attending certain FÁS courses, effective from September 1995. The new rates will mean an increase from £20 to £27 a month for the first and second child and from £25 to £32 a month for the third and subsequent children.

—Child dependant allowance will continue up to age 22 years for those in full-time education.

—Changes to the PRSI system which will benefit both employers and employees.

—An extension of the carer's allowance to cover pensioners getting an occupational pension and further easing of the means test through an increase in the earnings disregard for a working spouse and an extension of the disregard to spouses' income from other sources.

—An increase of £5 for each child in the back to school clothing and footwear allowance.

—An increase from £10 to £25 in the minimum payment of unemployment assistance where board and lodgings are assessed for people living at home and the abolition of board and lodging assessment for those living other than with their parents.

—Increases in the minimum and maximum weekly payments of maternity benefit to £75.20 and £162.80 respectively.

—The creation later this year of a uniform scheme which will integrate deserted wife's benefit and lone parent's allowance into a new non-means-tested scheme.

—All recipients of black-and-white TV licences to get a free colour television licence.

—An increase from £5 to £10 in the amount of additional means disregard for the purposes of free fuel.

—Pensioners who are cared for by a recipient of a carer's allowance to get a free travel companion pass.

—Improvement and enhancements to the back to work allowance which is one of the main elements of my Department's employment support measures.

—Improvements to the tune of £1 million in the students summer jobs scheme. This will mean a substantial increase in the £540 which students received last summer.

—A further extension of the employer's PRSI exemption scheme which will be modified to include young people under 23 years of age being taken on into a new job as their first employment.

—An extra allocation of £3 million for supports to voluntary and community organisations to bring the total for 1995 to £10 million.

—An additional £400,000 of funding for the combat poverty agency.

—Department of Social Welfare to take over responsibility for the National Social Services Board.

—A special allocation of £250,000 for an integrated citizen's information computerisation project, the National Social Services Board.

Examples

The impact of the rates increases in this year's budget can be best illustrated by a number of examples.

—A couple with three children on either unemployment benefit or disability benefit will get an increase of £7.25 or 4.8 per cent, taking child benefit into account, which will give them a new weekly payment of £159.45.

—A couple with three children on short-term unemployment assistance or supplementary welfare allowance will get a new weekly rate of £157.35 which is an increase of £7.25 or 4.8 per cent on their current payment, taking child benefit into account.

—A couple with four children in receipt of long term unemployment assistance will get an increase of £8.86 or 5.2 per cent, including child benefit, to give them a new weekly payment of £180.03.

—An old age pensioner couple on old age non-contributory pension will have a new weekly payment from mid June next of £125.00 which is an increase of £3.00 on their current payment.

Once-off Grants to Individual Organisations

—£50,000 to the inner city organisations network to develop an integrated educational and family support programme initiative in Dublin's north inner city.

—£75,000 to the north Clondalkin community development programme to develop a centre for community groups in the north Clondalkin area.

—£30,000 for Newbury House Family Centre, Cork towards an extension for a community arts studio.

—£45,000 for Rivermount Youth Link Project Ltd. to develop centre for community groups in south Finglas.

—£50,000 for the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, Drogheda for the establishment of a workshop to restore second hand furniture, electrical goods, clothing, etc. for passing on to the society's clients.

—£50,000 for Aontas to develop an advice and support desk for local community-based adult education groups.

—£30,000 for the Cork Social and Health Education Project to assist with their personal development and group training courses.

—£25,000 for the Capuchin Centre for Homeless Men towards the running costs of their hot meals service.

—£50,000 allocation for support of voluntary sector at regional level in context of input to structural funds monitoring and networking of community development groups.

—£20,000 for Barnardos towards provision of an administrative service for a number of small voluntary organisations. This service provides them with a professional accounts and administrative service and allows volunteers to concentrate on the group's mission.

—£50,000 for Community Action Network towards the cost of a permanent premises.

£50,000 for Inishbofin Development Association towards the construction of a community centre on this off-shore island.

—£20,000 for the Bosnian Ireland Association towards the establishment of a resource centre for the Bosnian Community in Ireland.

—£40,000 for Clare Unemployment Resource Centre towards the purchase and renovation of an old mill in Ennis for use as a permanent resource and adult education centre and a base for other voluntary organisations in the town.

—£100,000 for Cumann Iosaef, Tralee towards the construction of a community centre in Tralee.

—£50,000 for Energy Action to continue and extend their work of insulating homes of the elderly and other disadvantaged groups.

—£40,000 for Focus Ireland to establish a pilot national community volunteer corps.

—£50,000 for the Newlands Institute for Counselling to remove their premises.

—£20,000 for St. Carthage's Voluntary Housing Association, Lismore, Co. Waterford towards the cost of furnishings and equipment for a housing complex for the elderly.

—£20,000 for Threshold for the establishment of a Charity Shop, in which second hand clothing and household goods to generate ongoing income to support Threshold's work.

—£20,000 for OPEN (One Parent Exchange and Network) towards the start up costs of this newly formed network of lone parent self-help groups.

—£20,000 for the Shanty Educational Project towards their personal development and community training courses.

—£40,000 for the Tallaght NOW Project to allow the group to continue the work they commenced under the EU NOW initiative.

—£20,000 for the Tallaght Childcare Project to allow the group to continue the work they commenced under the EU NOW initiative.

—£15,000 for Wallaroo Preschool, Cork to allow the group to continue the work they commenced under the EU NOW initiative.

—£60,000 for ICTU to enable them to employ two training officers to develop the social welfare advice role of their Unemployed Centres and provide specialised training opportunities.

—£60,000 for the Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed for the continuation of their Welfare Resource Worker, for a number of research projects and publication of a manual for the unemployed.

—£30,000 for the National Adult Literacy Association to employ a Development Worker to assist in developing second chance options and service for social welfare customers.

—£40,000 for Crosscare for a special project which deals with teenage problems in a family context.

—£50,000 for Focus Point to assist in the development of their services for homeless people.

Never in my time in this House since 1977 have I seen so much contempt for the institutions of this State and for this House, or so much disrespect for the statutory position of the Ceann Comhairle, by the leaking to cronies of the present Administration the details of this budget. I feel personally insulted to have received a copy of the Financial Statement of the Minister for Finance with a note to the effect that it was confidential and that it must not be removed from the Chamber until the Minister for Finance had completed his budget. I would ask the Ceann Comhairle to take up this matter as a matter of grave concern with the Committee on Procedure and Privileges. I draw the attention of the Government to the Government procedure instructions currently in force on confidentiality on page 8, paragraph 15. The reference is S. 78770B, 28 October 1983.

Each Minister should set up a system which restricts circulation of Government papers in the Department to defined persons and to discuss the higher management in the Department the question of such additional procedures and controls as may be appropriate in the circumstances. In each case in which a breach of security has occurred, a special investigation should be initiated, with the Garda Síochána being called in to assist as necessary.

I want to know if such an investigation has been initiated.

I acknowledge that modern financial management requires a far greater degree of both long term planning and short term adjustment than was the case in the days of relatively minor year on year changes in fundamental economic realities. This trend has had the effect of diminishing the once all-important role of the annual budget in setting economic parameters for the year ahead. Despite these observations, the occasion of the budget continues to be a vital one particularly in terms of allowing the incumbent Government show its calibre in two extremely important ways.

First, it is given the opportunity of introducing necessary adjustments to a range of State services, particularly in those areas which attempt to redress social deprivation. Complementary steps are usually taken with the primary purpose of improving the climate for stimulating economic development and real growth of wealth in our society.

The second major opportunity afforded to a Government by a budget is to facilitate the introduction of major policy initiatives which are targeted at problems of particular gravity. My assessment of this budget is largely influenced by the manner in which the Government has taken the opportunity of addressing these key issues.

Before dealing with the specifics of this budget, it is important to consider the context of its presentation. Since this is the first budget presented by a Fine Gael-led Government since 1987, it is opportune to recall how the last Fine Gael-led Administration left the national finances. Using any financial indicator — for example, the national debt, the borrowing requirement, interest rates, the trend in unemployment figures — the story was the same. The 1982-87 Government left the national finances and economy in a state of profound danger and depression.

What state did you leave it in in 1977?

Despite a background of widespread pessimism, little realistic hope and hard-bitten cynicism, each Fianna Fáil-led Government since 1987 has made a substantial contribution to the process of restoring economic sanity and well-being. Improvements during the two-year period of office of the Fianna Fáil-Labour partnership Government have been especially dramatic and profound.

This fact is clearly proven if one considers a range of economic indicators such as the national debt as a proportion of GDP, the balance of payments, the borrowing requirements, export growth or the average mortgage interest rate. From being a very compromised patient in the EU's intensive care unit after the last Fine Gael-led Government, we now have one of the most healthy national economic infrastructures in the Community. Furthermore, EU Structural Funds are about to provide a major boost to an already buoyant economy.

Finally, the dramatic breakthrough in the political situation in Northern Ireland has added a further advantage of inestimable value which ensures that any Government preparing the 1995 budget has a clear and unequivocal opportunity to tackle what is without doubt our major outstanding national problem, that is, unemployment and the associated poverty and social deprivation. It would take political cynicism of an unprecedented degree for any Government to disagree with the premise that the climate is now ideal to purposefully confront unemployment and poverty in a systematic, determined and effective manner.

In summary, therefore, the standard expected of this budget, especially in relation to redressing social deprivation and disadvantage, was extremely high. Expectations have been raised even further by the fact that the Minister responsible for social welfare has a long history of public commitment to those who are most under-privileged in our society. Therefore, the burning question is how well the rainbow Ministers have done in the first major test of their political credibility which has been so undermined already by a series of U-turns and somersaults rarely seen outside of the professional circus ring.

Very familiar territory to the party over there.

As spokesman on social welfare, my first unequivocal reaction to the budget is one of dismay. At a time of major opportunity to provide real increases in the standard of living among those who are most deprived in our society, it is beyond belief that this rainbow Government should treat their just and urgent needs with cruel indifference. Can anyone seriously defend a paltry increase of £1.50 per week for someone on a basic income of £61? Yet this is exactly the extent of the consideration given by Minister De Rossa and his Cabinet colleagues to recipients of the old age non-contributory pension, the blind pension, and the basic unemployment benefit and assistance.

Social welfare increases of 2.5 per cent will at best cover the rate of inflation and can only be interpreted as a studied insult to the poorest members of our society. There is no excuse, particularly this year, for this callous behaviour.

As recently as last month, the Combat Poverty Agency published a report entitled "Bridging the Divide" which outlined a medium-term strategy to tackle poverty and promote economic and social cohesion. At the outset the report states:

The sacrifices of recent years are about to be translated into a lengthy period of sustainable economic growth, increased employment and higher living standards. The signs are that these benefits may by-pass the have-nots of society — the unemployed and other low income groups — unless urgent remedial action is taken. Allowing social exclusion to persist is not alone socially unjust, it is also wasteful and limits the potential for economic development. Remedying this perverse situation will require the adoption of a new economic paradigm based on maximising job creation, ensuring a fairer distribution of job opportunities and sharing resources in a way that strengthens the capacity of excluded households and communities to engage in the development process. The forecast economic upturn provides an unparalleled opportunity for tackling poverty in a lasting way.

What is one to make of this budget? There is only one reasonable conclusion that can be drawn from the evidence before us. It is my considered opinion that the main thrust of this budget comes from what seems to be the only significant thread unifying the three rainbow partners, namely, the over-riding importance of ensuring electoral advantage at all costs. It is an established fact that those who are most disadvantaged are also least likely to exercise their electoral prerogative.

How can you win electoral advantage with a bad budget?

The Minister should get used to being in Government.

Is it a coincidence that the same sector of our society receives least benefit from the budget?

In the current vibrant condition of the national finances and the economy, it is bitterly disappointing to see the miserly 2.5 per cent increase for a wide range of social welfare recipients.

A 35 per cent increase in expenditure.

This single solitary statistic only too clearly illustrates the powerless and ineffective role of the Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy De Rossa and his non-voting party colleague at the Cabinet table. Even if one was to take at face value the espousal of the cause of the underprivileged advocated by Deputies De Rossa and Rabbitte, can there be any remaining credance in the spurious claims that we now have a Government of consensus.

Fianna Fáil is the party of the "dirty dozen".

The only clear signal from the budget is that the unambiguous credo of the rainbow Government is "might is right". The Minister, Deputy De Rossa, and indeed the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, are now only too aware of the reason for the Taoiseach's insistence at all costs that Fine Gael obtains a majority of Cabinet seats.

The Fine Gael Ministers have obviously come to the cynical conclusion that for diverse political reasons its Government partners have little choice but to knuckle under whenever there is a difference of opinion on a substantive issue. A combination of total ideological separation, and historic distrust and antagonism, unfortunately make this situation only too predictable.

I will return later to the grave consequences of the fact that our rainbow Government does not even share a common political language not to mind common policy objectives and strategies. I will return to a more detailed consideration of the principal features of the budget.

I obtained my copy of the Principal Features of the Budget later than most people in the media and around the country. The first page provides alarming information, namely the Government's intention to change a current budget surplus of £15 million for 1994 to an estimated deficit of no less than £310 million for 1995, representing a deterioration of £325 million. For what? The sacrifices made during the past eight years in getting a budget surplus for the first time in 27 years? There is no doubt that this budget will drive up interest rates and start the spiral of the 1980s, which is regrettable.

Let us examine what the Minister for Social Welfare is offering to recipients apart from those mentioned earlier in my presentation. First of all we see a proposal to increase the survivor's pension from £64.50 by just £1.60. Deserted wives under 80 years are provided with the exact same remuneration. The personal rate of disability benefit has been increased by just £1.50. Again the exact same statistics apply to the carer's allowance as to the personal rate of preretirement and infectious diseases maintenance allowances. An absolutely miserable increase of £1 per week is provided for the orphan's non-contributory pension. A nugget worthy of Scrooge himself is seen in the case of the living alone allowance which increased by 10p from £4.80 to £4.90 per week.

To be fair to the Minister, the increase of £7 in child benefit is both generous and welcome. Similarly I welcome the proposals in relation to back to school payments, free cross-Border journeys for all pensioners North and South of the Border, increased grants to various community and voluntary services, and the free colour television licence for all social welfare pensioners currently receiving an electricity allowance. While I do not propose to deal in any great detail with budgetary matters outside the social welfare area, I give a guarded welcome to the proposals in relation to PRSI and PAYE reform. While the proposals are undoubtedly in the right direction, I would have definite reservations regarding the balance achieved in the proposals. In particular, I fear their value in the all-important area of job creation will not approach the level which is absolutely necessary to fuel the rapid economic growth fundamental to major reductions in the number of people unemployed.

When examining the various social welfare provisions, it is useful to divide them into two main categories, first those which are directly related to unemployment, and second, those such as retirement pensions and children's allowances which are relatively independent of employment status. When considering the first category of social welfare recipients, one must obviously also take into account factors such as industrial development, educational facilities and health care provisions. These matters impact directly on both the current quality of life and future aspirations of unemployment-related social welfare beneficiaries. The key associated governmental and in particular budgetary requirements are meticulous integrated policy development and carefully planned policy implementation and subsequent audit. No matter how carefully one examines the contents of this budget, there is little evidence that either of these concepts received more than cursory attention in its development. On reflection one could hardly be surprised at this deficiency since perhaps never before in the history of the State have we had a Government comprised of parties with little more than nationality in common.

The fact that the current budget largely fails to cater for those most vulnerable in society does not, and cannot mean that their cause is not yet comprehensively addressed for at least another 12 months. Rather an increasing focus must be placed on ensuring that the necessary effective and caring policies are rapidly developed for implementation at the earliest possible time. In this regard a number of issues must be taken into account. For example, we may not be fully aware of the degree of social welfare dependency in our society with in excess of 40 per cent of the community in receipt of some such payments. Thus a very high proportion of Government decisions have either a direct or indirect relevance for the social welfare sector. All too often it is only too easy to ignore this basic but vitally important reality. Another critical point to keep in mind when attempting to address the issue of poverty is the fact that effective Government action is all important — aspirations and sympathy are of no value. I continue to stress the failure of this budget to attack the roots of marked social inequality since nothing less than the future social cohesion of our society is at stake.

The rate of deposit interest retention tax on special savings accounts is being increased from 10 to 15 per cent with effect from 6 April. As everybody knows elderly people are concerned about funeral expenses and getting a decent burial and they put aside a few pounds for that purpose. Undoubtedly the increase in the DIRT tax will affect that section of the community.

The most generous comment I can make about this budget is that it is good in some isolated patches, it is mediocre in a number of other patches and finally it is inadequate in many instances. In summary it seems that the Government was not able to come to terms with the critical need to place the country first, above and beyond all party considerations. The unprecedented opportunity inherited as a legacy from the outgoing Fianna Fáil-Labour Government had to be sacrificed for simple political expediency. The time was ripe to take courageous and innovative steps which would immediately tackle the unemployment and social deprivation problems head-on through a range of interlinking and incremental industrial and social development policies. Unfortunately, the Government has resorted to a very simplistic form of economic planning which seems to consist mainly of add a few per cent here and take a few per cent there, and hope that it will work out in the end.

I thought the Deputy was concerned about percentages.

This is an extremely disappointing budget although the Minister, Deputy De Rossa, said he was doing things in a different manner and that it was a unique budget.

A man's strategy.

Historical.

The budget is unique and unfortunate for old aged pensioners who are being given an increase of less than 21p per day and whose savings will be taxed more heavily. If they have earnings in excess of £6 per week, less than £1 per day, they will receive a reduced rate of old age pensions.

I will conclude with two quotations which have been minimally amended for reasons which will subsequently become apparent. The first is:

Never has a Government which promised so much turned out to be such a rapid disappointment. We were promised change but nobody believed it would be change for the worst.

Who said that?

The Deputy will have to get used to being in Government.

The quotation continues:

Those who were promoted as political messiahs have already shown they have feet of clay. The first 100 days of any Government in office anywhere in the world always receive close scrutiny because this period is normally regarded as establishing the brand or stamp of a Government.

Will the Deputy quote the source?

Order. The Deputy in possession please.

On a point of order, will the Deputy quote the source?

That is not a point of order.

Under Standing Orders the Deputy must give the source of the quotation.

Deputy Walsh must be allowed continue.

To continue:

We are not more than 50 days into the life of this Government and the sense of public disappointment and let down has been palpable. Most people expected a flurry of announcements, policy initiatives and new legislation during the early days of the Government. Instead we have had a humiliating number of U-turns, a budget that has disappointed virtually everybody, a decision to sell the remaining public shareholding in a State company and a legislative cup-board that is virtually bare.

The sense of public disappointment has been compounded by the apparent preoccupation with appointing extra advisers and Ministers.

The potential annual cost of the special advisers, assistants and programme managers for Ministers and Ministers of State may amount to more than £2.25 million. Ministers and Ministers of State are, of course, entitled to the support necessary to enable them do their job but the appointment of special advisers and assistants has now got out of hand. Some control will have to be introduced.

This quotation depends largely on the original efforts of the Minister, Deputy De Rossa, in his address to the Dáil during March 1993.

I knew it sounded familiar.

Now you know.

The second quotation I would like to share with Deputies is as follows:

This budget sums up the haunting memories of what happened in the early 1980s. Do you remember the early 1980s?

These comments by the Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte, during a budget debate in February 1993 are hopefully not appropriate in the aftermath of the 1995 budget. I sincerely hope that the rainbow Government gets down immediately to serious and effective policymaking. Anything less will simply not be tolerated by the people who now richly deserve a period of prolonged growth and prosperity.

The Minister will be remembered as the Minister for the 2.5 per cent increase.

And for raising the living alone allowance by the price of a box of matches.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Costello.

Education is the most pervasive and sustained interaction between the child, the family and the State and I believe that it is the most important such relationship. The importance of the individual child is central to my vision of education. My aim is to ensure the provision of a comprehensive, costeffect and accessible education system of the highest quality which will enable individuals to develop to their full potential as persons and to participate fully as citizens in society.

I have endeavoured to ensure that the provision for education in the 1995 budget reflects my concern for the individual child at all stages of her or his educational development, a concern which is reflected also in the education chapter of the programme, A Government of Renewal.

The importance of the educational development of the individual in early childhood and, in particular, its role in combating disadvantage is now widely recognised by OECD, UNESCO and the Council of Europe. I share this recognition of the key role of early childhood education. The programme, A Government of Renewal, contains a commitment to expansion of pre-school facilities with the ultimate aim of an integrated professional national system linked to the primary school system.

We have provided for eight pre-schools under the Early Start programme last year. These pre-schools are located in areas of severe disadvantage. They are designed to offer young children an educational experience which will enhance their overall development and lay a foundation for successful educational attainment in future years.

I have put in place a monitoring committee, drawn from a wide range of experts in education and pre-schooling, to advise on the future development of the Early Start facilities referred to in the programme, A Government of Renewal. The progress made last year in initiating the Early Start pre-school projects will be furthered very significantly by the 1995 provision which will enable me to expand the number of such pre-schools from eight to 33.

A crucial feature of the followthrough from Early Start is the development of the home-school links programme for primary and post-primary schools. The fostering of effective links between school and home enhances children's participation in education leading to an improvement in retention rates to the end of second level. The programme also helps increase the transfer rates to third level by children from disadvantaged backgrounds.

The home-school links scheme is targeted at the adults — parents and teachers — whose attitudes and behaviour impinge directly on the lives of children. Its vision is of parents being centrally involved in their children's education and of a collaboration of the skills, knowledge and experience of parents and teachers in partnership for the children's benefit.

The 1995 budget provision enables me to increase significantly the number of teachers at first and second level involved in the home-school links programmes. A total of 60 new home-school links teachers will be appointed in primary and post primary schools.

The quality of education which children at primary level receive will be significantly enhanced by the retention of some 340 teaching posts which would otherwise have been lost in primary schools due to falling enrolment.

Retention of these posts will allow the pupil-teacher ratio for primary schools to be reduced from 23:4 in September 1994 to 22.9:1 in September 1995. It will also allow the general maximum class size guidelines for schools to be reduced by two in the 1995-96 school year. Thus no class in any primary school will exceed 35 pupils next year and the maximum class size in all schools designated disavantaged will not exceed 29 pupils.

Our education provision must be targeted at the needs of each child, including children with special needs. The retention of posts will enable me to allocate 55 remedial teachers for children who need to avail of remedial help and additional teachers for travellers will be appointed in addition to the 60 home-school links teachers to which I have already referred.

Children attending special classes in ordinary national schools will benefit from the improved pupil-teacher ratio which will result in a more favourable staffing schedule for 1995-96. I will appoint additional resource teachers to enrich the education of children with special needs who attend ordinary classes in national schools and further teaching posts will be allocated to schools designated as disadvantaged.

In special schools, a total of 45 new posts will be created resulting in a significant improvement in the pupil-teacher ratio in these schools; an improvement in line with the recommendations of the Special Education Review Committee report.

Children at primary level will also benefit from the provision of ten extra psychologists. These psychologists will work with the ten psychologists already provided for in last year's budget and their appointment represents another important step in meeting the commitment in the programme, A Government of Renewal for increased access by all children to psychological services.

The learning environment of all children will be improved by an increase in the basic rate primary capitation grant which will be 43 per cent higher in 1995 than when I first took office as Minister for Education.

This year, I have particularly targeted funding for schools designated as disadvantaged whose grant per pupil rises from £45 to £55 in the 1995 budget.

The quality of children's education can be either positively or negatively affected by the kinds of learning environment experienced within the school. An essential ingredient of the school environment is a wide variety of books and attractive printed materials.

Grants for library services to primary schools are being increased by 90 per cent in 1995. I am convinced this will contribute greatly in establishing the conditions necessary for the development of a child's literacy skills. A recent international survey of reading literacy found that the availability of books at home, in the school and in the community was highly correlated with success in reading attainment.

The quality of education of the student at second-level will be improved by a range of measures in this budget. The 1995 allocation provides for an increase of £7 in the grant per student payable to voluntary secondary schools with pro-rata increases to community, comprehensive and the vocational education committee schools. Thus a 600student secondary school will receive an increase of £4,200 in funding fo 1995-96.

Some 700 additional posts at second-level will be allocated. Some of these posts will be required for the increasing numbers of students at second level due to the availability of the transition year to all schools.

The allocation of a second vice-principal to larger schools is a first step in recognising the increasing complexity of providing high quality school management.

The complexity of school management is mirrored by the complexity of choices facing our young people — choices of subject areas, of further studies and of alternative programmes within the leaving certificate. Allied to this is the reliance which we, as a society, place on our schools to foster the overall development of young people, to counsel them and to provide supports at times of difficulty. The guidance counsellor has a key role to play in both the pastoral and academic provisions in schools. I am pleased to be able to provide for an additional 100 guidance counsellors this year; an increase of almost 25 per cent in one year alone.

A further 76 remedial teachers will be appointed to second-level schools this year to provide support for students who need remedial help. Additional visiting teachers for travellers will be appointed.

A specially important initiative in the 1995 budget is the appointment of 60 resource teachers for students with special needs attending ordinary second-level schools—a move designed to support inclusion of these students in the ordinary school system where appropriate.

The quality of teaching is central to the education of our students. This means that we must support our teachers in their work. Last year I announced a major in-service programme for teachers for the period 1994-99. This year, I have allocated posts to provide, for the first time, a pilot welfare service for teachers, an initiative which is essential to assist teachers maintain high standards in the educational provisions for all students.

All students in second-level schools will benefit from an improved environment since the caretaking and clerical services in these schools will be further expanded in 1995.

For families who have difficulty in meeting the cost of school books, the school books scheme provisons at second-level has been increased by one million pounds. This will provide a major encouragement to the very successful school books rental scheme I launched last year.

The curriculum is one of the key instruments which determines the quality of the education which the student receives in the classroom. Substantial progress has been made with the new junior certificate programme which has deepened the quality of students' educational experience in terms of knowledge, understanding, attitudes, skills and competencies.

A major restructuring of the senior cycle is under way, involving four main elements: the availability of the transition year programme for all second-level schools; the revision of the established leaving certificate programme; the introduction of a new leaving certificate applied programme and the development and expansion of the leaving certificate vocational programme.

The 1995 budget ensures that substantial progress will be made in these areas with an increase in the provision for the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment of 17 per cent.

Certification for the expanding post leaving certificate courses is also an urgent priority and is reflected in an 80 per cent increase in the funding for the National Council for Vocational Awards.

The thrust of my intervention in this debate has focused mainly on the impact of the budget on the individual child up to the end of second-level education. I would now like to add a few brief comments on the effect of the budget on access to and provision for the young person at third-level.

Provision has been made for an increase in third-level places by: increasing the grants in respect of the running costs of regional technical colleges and the Dublin Institute of Technology by 9 per cent; developing the commitment in A Government of Renewal programme to establish an urban college in Dún Laoghaire and the Tipperary Rural Business Development Institute; increasing the vocational education committee scholarship fund by 13 per cent and increasing the provision for ESF student grants by 14 per cent.

This will provide a significant increase of 2,000 third-level student places.

Not enough.

I would like to turn finally to the issue of access to education. I am firmly committed to free access to education at first, second and third-level.

The 1995 budget proposes to improve access to third-level by the phased abolition of fees. In this way many people on modest incomes, outside the income eligibility limits for higher education grants and who are experiencing growing financial hardship in providing a third-level education for their children, will be helped to overcome an enormous financial and psychological barrier to access.

We have to see the abolition of third-level fees as part of the overall funding of higher education. At present the Government pays almost £300 million to third-level colleges through a block grant. In addition, more than half of all students already obtain fee grants. Thus, the Government provides three-quarters of all university funding and more than 90 per cent of funding of regional colleges. Most courses in the regional colleges are funded by the European Social Fund and no fees are charged on those courses.

In addition, although more than half of all students get fee grants, there is a real problem of lack of public confidence in the higher education grant schemes. This stems from a perception that certain groups, particularly PAYE taxpayers, fare worse in the means-testing than the non-PAYE sector. Every Dáil Deputy can cite specific examples of where there seem to be serious inequities in the schemes.

The weakness of the grant schemes may explain why students from disadvantaged backgrounds have been shown to be more likely to take Europeanfunded courses than courses where fees are payable even though they would be eligible to receive fee grants.

The commitment in A Government of Renewal policy agreement to free third-level education means that we are pledged to introduce a fairer system of third-level funding for all students.

I have proposed that the removal of fees will be implemented in two stages in conjunction with changes in the tax relief arrangements for covenants as follows: first, in the 1995-96 academic year students will pay half fees; second, in the academic year 1996-97 undergraduate fees will be completely abolished; and third, in conjunction with the removal of fees, the Minister for Finance has announced phased changes in the current tax relief arrangements for covenants.

This means, in effect, that from January 1996, access to third-level education will be free.

The abolition of undergraduate and post leaving certificate course fees has been achieved through the "re-routing" of existing students support mechanisms, including the phasing out of income tax covenant relief.

Through student grants and covenant relief, the Exchequer is already meeting the brunt of the costs of fees for third level but in an inequitable and regressive way. Covenants benefit the better off disproportionately.

The restriction of covenant relief will enable the tax foregone to be converted into direct expenditure on the abolition of fees which is fairer to all.

The expenditure involved will assist those who derived little or no benefit from covenant relief. It is estimated that when the full year savings from the removal of covenant relief are available to fund the abolition of undergraduate fees, the net additional cost to the Exchequer will be approximately £6 million in a full year.

In addition, I am providing £2 million to remove any charges for post leaving certificate courses.

What about maintenance grants?

I emphasise that the abolition of fees is just one part of my overall strategy to encourage all students to remain in and participate fully in the education system. To assist in this commitment a wide range of initiatives and improvements have been implemented at first and second level, and targeted at areas of greatest need. These include the provision of 60 home link teachers, 131 remedial teachers and 100 guidance teachers, the tripling of the primary disadvantaged fund, and a major increase in funding for the school books scheme.

My colleague, the Minister for Social Welfare, has also extended a number of measures for pupils and students in full-time education. The school clothing and footwear scheme has been increased by £5 per child benefiting 284,000 school children.

The Minister has extended child benefit, which was increased by £7 per month in this budget, to include 18 year olds in full time education and on FÁS courses. The child dependant allowance for long term social welfare recipients has been extended to include 21 year old children at full time education.

Today's decision to abolish undergraduate fees aims at providing universal access to third level education and will impact in a very real way on the life chances of students and their families. The psychological impact of today's decision will encourage and allow people to consider pursuing a third level education as a very realisable option.

An education system which will no longer decide on behalf of its students what is a right and what is a privilege is an education system which aspires to include all the needs of the community.

I would remind the House that the introduction of free secondary education led to a dramatic increase in participation in second level, despite the fact that fees at the time in many schools were not, on objective terms, very high.

For example, in the six years following the introduction of free post-primary education in 1967-68 student numbers increased by 84,000 or 60 per cent. The abolition of third level fees is a major step forward in improving access to higher education — fees are no longer a barrier.

The Department of Education will now commence discussion on the detailed operational arrangements for the implementation of the new system for all undergraduate fees, with the relevent authorities. The Department has also established a freefone service to assist parents, students and members of the public on the arrangements that will be put in place to implement the budget details on the removal of all undergraduate fees in third level educational institutions from autumn 1995. Details of the freefone service are available in today's national media, and the service will operate from today until next Tuesday, excluding the weekend, during working office hours.

This budget is a concrete expression of the Government's commitment to the education sector. Education is the means by which societies and individuals enhance their knowledge and human capital. Knowledge and skills are increasingly the basis for economic growth and progress and, it may be argued, represent the only durable basis for a country's economic and competitive advantage.

The provision for education in this budget will enable me together with the many dedicated people in the education sector to maintain and improve the quality of education and to make substantial progress in implementing the education chapter of the programme, A Government of Renewal.

I thank the Minister for sharing her time. I am delighted to have an opportunity to speak on the budget. While the Minister outlined a broad sweep of the budgetary changes that will be introduced, and they are impressive, I want to concentrate on a few salient points.

It is an historic budget in terms of education because now there will be free tuition across primary, secondary and third level. It is important that we address a major anomaly in terms of tuition at third level which affected the middle income wedge of the PAYE sector who had been discriminated against in the past. That group was caught sandwich-like between farmers on one side and high income earners on the other. Farmers, who through an assessment of their income which does not include an assessment of their assets, had a greatly disproportionate number of their children attending third level education compared with other groups. Many high income earners with a large amount of disposable income abused the covenant system, created a golden circle and avoided paying for their children's education. Because of the manner in which covenants operate they also received taxpayers' money. I am delighted that income tax relief on covenants will be phased out and the money paid by the State in that fashion will now be injected into third level education. That will benefit the middle income wedge of taxpayers who have been hard pressed and it will bring equity into the system. The fact that the introduction of the new proposals will be virtually Exchequer neutral and will only cost another £6 million is an added bonus. The new proposals honour a commitment in the programme A Government of Renewal to abolish third level education fees. It is of enormous symbolic significance that every level of education will be free in terms of tuition. I have no doubt that will have a psychological effect that occurred in the late 1960s when second level education became free and had an enormous impact in terms of access to and an extension of education across the board.

The proposal in respect of free third level fees is only part of a welcome package for third level education. It is important to focus on third level because it is the burgeoning area of education. The budgetary proposals include an extension of maintenance grants under the higher education scheme to include Irish students studying abroad in 1996-97. In terms of current numbers that proposal will benefit approximately 4,000 students. Access to maintenance grants has been extended to Irish students studying in Northern Ireland and the same eligibility criteria applies there as in the South. The proposed extension of maintenance grants to students studying abroad in Great Britain and particularly in Europe where Irish students study or may wish to study will be valuable. In most cases fees in third level institutions abroad are paid through ESF or other funding. Many European institutions have excess capacity because the birth-rate on mainland Europe began to decline at an earlier stage than did ours. Many third level institutions, such as polytechnics and universities in Great Britain, and European colleges welcome Irish third level students who wish to study abroad. The extension of maintenance grants will greatly increase the numbers taking up third level education abroad, which, in turn, will benefit our hard pressed third level institutions. It will help to lower the overall capital budget by reducing the need to build expensive extensions to third level institutions here. The blip in the graph in respect of students going abroad to take up third level education should decline early in the next decade. We should make reciprocal arrangements with European countries.

I welcome the extension of tax relief to fees for private colleges in respect of approved courses. This will ensure quality control in such colleges which was not always the case in the past. It will also place them on a more sound financial footing and provide additional third level places. I welcome in particular the proposal to abolish fees for post-leaving certificate courses which, up to now, have not been widely recognised. This measure will come into effect immediately and is only a first step. As most post-leaving certificate courses are of one year's duration, the extension of child benefit to include 18 year olds will be of great benefit to parents whose children continue in full time education.

The provision of a second vice-princi-pal to large schools and colleges with 1,000 or more students will benefit colleges which run post-leaving certificate courses, such as those in Ballyfermot and Coolock. As the NCVA accredits post-leaving certificate courses, the 80 per cent increase in funding for that organisation will be very welcome. The colleges that run post-leaving certificate courses are the unsung heroes of further education. They have been the Cinderellas of the system in the past.

They remain the Cinderellas of the system.

Approximately one third of the students who finish post-primary education take up post-leaving certificate courses. The universities do not provide an easy pathway for such students to take up higher education. Such courses were developed by the vocational education committees and are an important part of the higher education system. In the past those courses did not qualify for maintenance grants, free fees, child dependency allowance or child benefit and they have not received national accreditation. Therefore, I welcome the proposal to abolish all charges, the fact that child benefit will be extended and that national accreditation will be provided by the NCVA. This is a very welcome development, although it has not received the same recognition as the abolition of third level fees.

Because it is a joke.

I welcome the extension of the maintenance grant scheme to post-leaving certificate courses. I hope they will be brought are into the mainstream of further education and that the Dublin Institute of Technology, the regional technical colleges and the universities will provide a pathway in this respect. In the long term the Minister's proposals will be very beneficial in extending those courses from one to three years and, in turn, taking a great deal of pressure off what is regarded as standard third level institutions, namely, the Dublin Institute of Technology, the regional technical colleges and the universities.

I would like to refer to the primary, secondary and pre-school levels but time does not permit. I welcome the budgetary provisions for education and fail to understand how Deputy Martin could criticise the abolition of third level fees. He welcomed a similar provision when the Fianna Fáil and Labour parties were in Government, he even welcomed them before they were announced by the Minister. He also advocated them since the present Government took up office. I am sure the ASTI, who support the proposal, would consider not renewing his membership if they knew he did not support it.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the budget, particularly in regard to education. While we welcome a number of the beneficial measures for the various sectors proposed in the budget I must first deal with the question of accountability to and the lack of respect for the House by the Government. The concern about Deputy Hogan's pre-budget leak reflects a broader approach and attitude to the House by this Government. The Ministers have shown a fundamental lack of respect for it. They should not forget that the Constitution upholds the dignity and independence of the House from the Executive and that the Executive is ultimately answerable and responsible to the Members of the House. That relates not only to pre-budget leaks, but to the presence of Ministers for Adjournment debates and the necessity for them to give full and frank answers to parliamentary questions. Ministers have failed in that regard. Only two days ago I tabled a simple question to the Minister for Education about the cost of refurbishment of her office since she was appointed, but I got an evasive reply. In other words, my question was not answered. There has been a great deal of talk about the early start programme, but the Minister has not answered parliamentary questions as to why Montessori teachers, who have a recognised three year qualification from Sion Hill, have been excluded from the early start programme and are not even given the opportunity to apply for a position on it. That is a flagrant abuse of equality of opportunity. The Minister has refused to meet those teachers, she is on a head-on collision course with them. The fact that we cannot get full and frank answers to parliamentary questions is evidence of a fundamental lack of respect for the House and its Members. Earlier this week I tabled a question about the availability of Ministers to reply to Adjournment debates and the number of such debates to which this Minister has responded. When Members table parliamentary questions or seek an Adjournment debate on education it is imperative that the Minister should respond. The Minister of State, Deputy Allen, has been given that task. He is now the Minister for the Adjournment and other debates on education which are not of major importance.

The Deputy should take that up with Deputy Brennan.

The Minister of State, Deputy Allen, has no statutory responsibility for many of the areas involved. The Minister is responsible for many of the issues raised on the Ajournment. It is an appalling indictment of the Minister an it indicates a lack of respect for Members that she does not see fit to respond to issues raised on the Adjournment. It would be an opportunity for her to hear the concerns of Members. The question was disallowed and I did not get an answer. I was told the Minister did not have any responsibility for the matter. She did not choose to attend an Ajournment debate.

Go back to the time of Deputy Séamus Brennan.

I am asking about the present Minister. With respect the Minister should answer for herself. I know also that the Minister of State is not too happy that he has to remain here most evenings. Deputy Mary O'Rourke, one of the best Ministers for Education we have ever had, made a point of attending Adjournment debates.

Not in the Seanad.

It was her view that it was an excellent opportunity to hear the views Deputies were articulating on behalf of their constituents. It was democracy in action. It was respecting this House as a vehicle for the articulation of ideas and views put to Dáil Deputies by their constituents on education matters. It shows a lack of respect for this House that a Minister will not come forward and answer for her Department and her policies on the Adjournment.

That was not my experience on the Seanad.

The position of the Minister of State, Deputy Hogan, and that of the Minister for Education, reflect a cavalier approach to this House by the Government. Take, for example, the present debate on education. The Minister has commissioned a number of reports, the de Buitléir report on the higher education grants scheme and the most recent interim report of the steering committee, or the technical working group, in relation to third level education and its future. Those reports have not been debated in the House. All we have had is a basic ignoring of the recommendations of those reports. The Minister has made a decision in relation to the provision of a college in Dún Laoghaire, her own constituency — no doubt for educational reasons only — and has ignored the recommendation of the working group in relation to the urgent need for the development of a regional technical college in Finglas. Clearly, the Minister's report identifies an area in Dublin where there is a chronic lack of third level places. We talk about free access to third level education. Who is the Minister codding?

What about Dublin City University?

If the Minister reads her report she will see there are thousands of students in Dublin, in areas such as Finglas and Blanchardstown, who have no access to education and who do not have an educational facility. We have no indication from the Minister whether she will act on those recommendations.

DCU is in Finglas.

The fundamental point about the de Buitléir report and so on is that they all go against the thrust of the Minister's policy in relation to the provision of third level education.

Against the Deputy's too.

The de Buitléir and working group reports come down heavily in favour of a sliding scale of grant assistance right across the board.

Fianna Fáil——

The Minister is somewhat politically dishonest in using the argument that in 1996 we will have free access to third level education. How in the name of God will you have free access to third level education when it is impossible for most university students, particularly those on low incomes, to survive on the basic rate of maintenance grant? No one disputes that. The Minister has given a miserable increase in the maintenance grant.

It is open to everyone, like the Ritz Hotel.

Or the law courts.

There is meant to be free access for everyone. The cost of books at third level is phenomenon. I spoke with a student in Trinity College the other night at an excellent debate, which the Minister did not attend although it was organised by the Labour Party. The tragedy is that we could not have a similar debate in this House on the same issue. I had to go to Trinity College to participate in the debate. I met a student from UCD who told me the book fund in UCD was £20,000. That is the level of funding for a fundamental facility in any third level institution. When we talk about education provision we are talking about an equitable allocation of existing resources which should be spread as evenly as possible throughout all sectors.

The Minister could have made choices. Revenues will come from the abolition of covenants. The Minister could have chosen to appoint more remedial teachers at primary level. She could have chosen to expand the early start programme. At the rate we are going with the early start programme we will be a long way into the next century before we have a uniform national pre-school system. The recommendations of the report of the Second Commission on the Status of Women have been totally ignored in relation to the provision of tax incentives for childcare and pre-schools. There has been a refusal to embrace the private sector in the provision of pre-school education, to engage with them to try to broaden the range of provision. All these reports, which the Minister has commissioned but virtually ignored, stress the importance of early intervention at pre-school and at primary level. The early start programme is only at the embryonic stage. Why do such programmes and those targeted at the disadvantaged always have to be three year pilot projects? We need comprehensive provision at pre-school. The Minister has taken a decision to target funds to different sectors of education rather than the pre-school sector.

It is appalling that the Minister has increased the primary capitation grant by a miserable £2 from £38 to £40. The best quote on this is from the INTO who said: "The Minister has managed to demote, degrade and diminish primary education by raising the capitation grant by only £2". It was a miserable increase. I welcome the provision of extra psychologists at primary level but we will need more in the future.

I agree with Deputy Costello's view in relation to the value of the post leaving certificate courses. They have been an innovative development in education. Deputy Costello described the PLCs as the Cinderella of the education system. That status was more than confirmed by the Government refusing to give maintenance grants to PLC students. Some 17,500 students will not benefit from this budget. I ask the Minister to stop the con job in trying to persuade people that she is doing something for PLC students by abolishing fees for PLCs. Many PLCs do not charge fees. I invite the Minister to go to the PLC colleges today and speak with students. They will tell her that the fundamental issue for PLC students is maintenance. They have been neglected and excluded. The next campaign which will start will be on behalf of those students to ensure they get their rights and their entitlements under this Government in the form of adequate maintenance for PLC students.

Post graduate research, which is an important sector for the development of the economy, is the most neglected area of third level education. We have over 7,000 post graduate students who will not benefit from the abolition of fees and who will lose out as a result of the abolition of covenants. We have had no indication from the Minister or the Government in terms of provision for those students. So miserable and difficult was their position in University College Cork last year that there was a go slow or a work to rule in terms of tuition to undergraduate students. I ask the Minister to reconsider the plight of post graduate students in relation to maintenance grants.

We should clear up the issue of free access to education, which would entail proper provision for the purchase of school books, university literature and so on. If the Minister speaks with the unions involved she will learn that they are extremely disappointed with the degree of provision. In relation to the abolition of fees it is clear that we have not yet received a guarantee from the Minister, or from the Taoiseach that the universities will have an index linked block grant for the next few years to replace the revenue base that has been taken from them.

A similar position existed with local authorities in 1977 when rates were abolished. From 1977 to 1983 the Government maintained the block grant in line with inflation but from 1983 onwards the block grant was substantially reduced and since then local authorities have been starved of finance.

Third level colleges, particularly universities, are concerned that their revenue base is being removed and there is no guarantee that in future the Government will grant the same level of finance as they have now or that the block grant will be index linked. This measure relates to universities, regional technical colleges and PLCs. From the Minister's report it is clear that £390 million will be needed to accommodate the demand for increased enrolments at third level between now and the end of the century. At present there is a capital provision of only £120 million. We are proposing a more equitable provision and a greater spread of the allocation. There is no indication of a Government strategy to provide for third level education to the end of the century.

I hesitate to interrupt the Deputy but I would be greatful if he would give way momentarily to hear a personal statement.

Debate adjourned.
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