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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 9 May 1995

Vol. 452 No. 5

Transfer of Sentenced Persons Bill, 1995: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate on this long overdue Bill which it can be assumed will enjoy the support of all sides in the House. I have never understood why it has taken so long to ratify the Council of Europe Convention, but better late than never. This Bill is particularly welcome at this vital stage in the peace process in Northern Ireland.

When we talk about prisoners we usually refer to two categories — those who have been convicted for actions directly connected with the political conflict of the past 25 years and those who are described in some quarters as having been found guilty of "ordinary crimes". In so far as the so called "troubles" are concerned, many of those in prison would claim to be political prisoners while others from all sides of the conflict could by any standards be rightly accused of war crimes. Unfortunately, as a general rule prosecutions for this type of crime very rarely, if ever, involve members of the state security forces. This tends to further exacerbate the sense of grievance felt among Loyalists and Republicans alike.

However, what is certain is that, regardless of the kind of crime or alleged crime, there are countless innocent victims involved. These include the families of the prisoners who have been sentenced and who frequently have been deprived of a father or mother, a breadwinner. Their misery is further compounded if the prisoner is detained in a prison in Britain or elsewhere outside the country. I do not know the number of people from this State who are detained in foreign prisons but it has been conservatively estimated that more than 100,000 people in Northern Ireland have been directly affected by the imprisonment of politically motivated relatives. I am fully aware that this Bill can deal only with prisoners from our jurisdiction. However, I do not have to remind the House that we have been very much affected by what has happened in the North. Prisons North and South have been stretched to capacity over the past 25 years as a direct result of the Northern Ireland conflict and the economy in the South has been severely affected. We have a legitimate interest in what happens north of the Border.

I hope the Government will use its influence at the Anglo-Irish Conference and elsewhere to persuade the British Government of the necessity for the wider use of the provisions section 26 (1) of the 1961 Criminal Justice Act, which gives discretion to the appropriate Minister to allow the transfer of a prisoner from one part of the United Kingdom to another. In the past there was virtually a blanket refusal to grant transfers of prisoners from Britain to Northern Ireland. There is some evidence that there has been a recent change of heart in that respect, I sincerely hope so. It was that policy which is said to have led to the tragic death on hunger strike of Frank Stagg in 1977. The families of the many prisoners from Northern Ireland who are in British prisons have endured years of suffering, including the break-up of families, of marriages, as a result of the economic impossibility of keeping in touch with prisoners. I am speaking of the relatives of prisoners such as the Birmingham Six, the Guildford Four and others who should never have been in jail in the first place. We would all do well to study the findings of Fr. Denis Faul who has concerned himself more than most with the effects of imprisonment on prisoners, their families and the wider community.

I commend the Government on activating the decision of the previous Government to proceed as soon as possible with the release of politically motivated prisoners. I trust that the British Government will greatly accelerate its release programmes from prisons in the North. In this context, I would again refer to Fr. Denis Faul who has frequently stressed that, though drawn into the Troubles in a marginal way, many young people were given sentences which were totally out of proportion to the alleged offences and were so embittered that they became full blown terrorists, so to speak, in whatever prison they were detained. Their families, extended families and close friends became equally embittered. Many of these prisoners are still in Britain. Their immediate transfer to Northern Ireland would be the first step towards eventual genuine peace and reconciliation.

Many Members will have received a copy of the submission from the Irish Commission for Prisoners Overseas. I received this submission only recently and I have not had time to study it properly or to consult with people who are qualified to comment on it. I trust the Minister will have regard to the legal and constitutional arguments put forward in the submission. I note that the commission intends to prepare a further response in time for the Committee Stage of the Bill.

Obviously the Bill cannot provide us with the power to repatriate prisoners unless the foreign government concerned agrees to the transfer as a matter of discretion. Perhaps the solution will eventually lie in a comprehensive agreement backed up by appropriate legislation covering the European Union as a whole. This would at least cover the position so far as these countries are concerned. Mr. Michael Farrell, solicitor and representative for these people, stated:

According to this Bill Ireland can legislate to give rights to a foreign national imprisoned here to transfer to his/her home country if that State agrees to accept him/her. Ireland can also legislate to give a right to Irish nationals or persons who are to be regarded as such to be accepted here, if the State in which they are currently held agrees to transfer them. However, Ireland cannot legislate to give Irish nationals imprisoned, for example, in the UK a right to transfer out of the UK. It can only guarantee that if the UK agrees to transfer these nationals then they will automatically be entitled to acceptance here. Similarly, Ireland cannot legislate to compel another state to accept the transfer of that state's nationals. Ireland can only guarantee that it will transfer them if their home state agrees to take them. That said, however, it would seem much preferable (and I agree with him here) that Ireland should establish transfer as a right when certain criteria are fulfilled rather than as a matter of discretion for the Minister concerned. If Ireland adopts the attitude of making transfer a right subject to agreement by the other state then that might also exercise a certain moral authority or moral pressure on other convention states to adopt the same attitude in relation to Irish nationals held in their territory.

That matter will be taken up again on Committee Stage.

In welcoming this Bill our spokesperson, Deputy O'Donoghue, stated correctly that it is not just a humane and social Bill but an important component of the peace process. That also was clearly the message given by all sides at the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation some weeks ago. Many issues have been debated and discussed at the forum, with varying opinions expressed. There was agreement and consensus on all sides that this is and will be an extremely important issue if the peace process is to continue.

The issue of whether these are political prisoners was discussed. Having heard the arguments from both Loyalists and Republican prisoners and from responsible representative bodies of both sides I feel this point will have to be seriously discussed. I understand that after the deaths of over 3,000 people in the troubles during the past 25 years — most of them innocent victims — contemplating having anything to do with these prisoners might be seen as adding insult to injury. How many times have the families of these innocent victims requested that there be no retaliation? What they are in fact saying is that they do not want another 3,000 families to go through what they have gone through. Each case will have to be taken on its merits. The whole question of the prisoners issue, whether we like it or not, will have to be addressed if the peace we are currently enjoying on this island is to continue, a peace that has been the focus of attention throughout the world.

The transfer issue is but a small step in the right direction in this complex issue but is a welcome one, especially for the families concerned.

I thank all Deputies for their contribution to the debate. There has been a broad welcome for what Deputy McDaid said is essentially a humanitarian measure. As has already been pointed out, it is one which will benefit not only prisoners themselves but their families.

I know many Deputies have received representations in relation to individual cases where prisoners are interested in a transfer under the Convention and, in reply, they can now hold out hope that a transfer might be possible in the foreseeable future. In relation to a timescale I should mention that once the legislation is enacted Ireland will ratify the Convention as quickly as possible, but there is built into the Convention a lapse of time between when a state ratifies it and its coming into force for that state. The period in question is about three months. What the Convention says exactly in Article 18 is that it will enter into force on the first day of the month following the expiration of a period of three months after the date of deposit of the instrument of ratification. While I cannot give a precise timescale for the enactment of the legislation by the Oireachtas I think that, given the lapse of time built into the Convention, realistically we should be able to begin operating the Convention early in the autumn if all goes according to the parliamentary schedule.

While there will be legal formalities to follow under the Convention there is nothing to stop individuals in the period before it comes into force indicating an interest in being transferred under the Convention. Any preliminary work which can be done in my Department will be done and the relevant formalities can be dealt with once the Convention is in force.

Under the Convention it is a matter for states to make applications, but these would normally follow from an expression of interest by a prisoner in a transfer under the Convention. Where a prisoner expresses an interest in a transfer there is an obligation on the state where he or she is serving a sentence to provide information to the state the prisoner is interested in being transferred to.

It is the intention of my Department to draw up information leaflets for prisoners interested in a transfer out of or into this country. Once these are available, copies will be circulated to Deputies which should be helpful to them in dealing with individual representations.

As I explained at the opening of the debate, this is enabling legislation and it is only necessary to include in the Bill measures which are necessary to give legal effect to our obligations once we ratify the Convention. Many of the measures contained in the Convention — such as informing foreign prisoners of the existence of the Convention — can be dealt with simply on an administrative basis and there is no need to make specific reference to them in the Bill. If Deputies feel there are any changes of a technical nature which would improve the Bill these can be dealt with at Committee Stage.

The question of funding was raised. Section 8 of the Bill contains the standard provision in relation to expenses incurred in the administration of the Act. Article 17 of the Convention itself provides that any costs incurred in the application of the Convention shall be borne by the administering state except costs incurred exclusively in the territory of the sentencing state. When a prisoner has been transferred here obviously expenses in relation to his or her imprisonment will be a charge on the Prisons Vote. In relation to the cost incurred in the actual transfer itself I think it is fair to say that in many cases the prisoner would not have the resources to fund the transfer but the intention in the Department would be to deal with this on an administrative basis and on a case by case basis.

A number of Deputies — in particular Deputies O'Donnell and O'Donoghue — sought further information about the number of prisoners involved. It is difficult to obtain a precise estimate of the number of Irish prisoners held abroad because, for example, not all of these would make their positions known to the local embassies. We do not have embassies in all countries. The best estimate available to me — and I cannot reconcile this with the figure of 1,200 mentioned during the debate by Deputy O'Donnell — is that there are about 600 Irish nationals serving sentences abroad. About two-thirds of these are serving sentences in the UK. Of the 180 non-nationals serving sentences here about 80 per cent of them would be from the UK. While these figures give an indication of those eligible to apply, until the Convention comes into force we will not have a precise idea of the number of applications. As a matter of common sense it is clear that probably the great majority of those serving sentences in the UK will not have any interest in a transfer to here because of their long-established roots in the UK.

There was also a reference to pressure on prison accommodation. This is not a new phenomenon. The House will already be aware that developments in relation to a new prison at Castlerea and a new women's prison will help to alleviate the situation. Transfers out under the convention will create some spaces. However, there certainly can be no question of allowing the operation of the convention to place an intolerable burden on the prison service and it has already been indicated that at the time of ratification we will enter an appropriate reservation. This is a question which will have to be approached with some flexibility, drawing a balance between pressure on accommodation and the desirability for humanitarian reasons to facilitate as many applicants as possible.

Deputies O'Donoghue, Costello and O'Keeffe raised the issue of different remission rates between here and the UK. The effect of the Bill — in line with the Convention — will be that where a person is transferred here our remission rate of one-quarter will apply to the balance of the sentence to be served.

Deputy O'Donnell raised the related question of whether the Minister for Justice will be able to use her powers of release in relation to prisoners transferred here. The answer is yes. The Minister will have the same powers as if the sentence had been imposed here. Again this is in line with the approach enshrined in the Convention.

Deputy O'Donoghue gave notice of amendments which he proposes to introduce on Committee Stage about making it mandatory on the Minister to consent to transfers where certain criteria are met and allowing appeals to the courts against a refusal. Obviously we can go into this in detail on Committee Stage but all I will say for the present is that the approach contained in the Bill is in line with that taken in the Convention where, before a transfer, there must be the consent of the sentencing state, the administering state and the prisoner.

I would again like to thank Deputies for their contributions and particularly for the broad welcome there has been for the Bill. I am sure that the detail of the proposals contained in the Bill will be fully thrashed out in the Legislation and Security Committee.

I am particularly conscious of the matter raised by Deputy McDaid which is that when the prisoner is sentenced it is very often not just the prisoner but the prisoner's family who serve the sentence. I am also very aware of the work of various penologists and criminologists and that maintaining contact with the family is very important to a prisoner's rehabilitation from crime. This is not simply a humane measure but a logical one if the aim of our prison system is not simply to punish but also to rehabilitate, which is an important objective. I again thank all who contributed to the debate.

Question put and agreed to.
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