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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 24 May 1995

Vol. 453 No. 4

Criminal Law (Incest Proceedings) (No. 2) Bill, 1995 [Seanad]: Second Stage.

I move:

"That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

The Minister for Justice, Deputy Nora Owen, has asked me to say she regrets that, because of other very urgent commitments, she is unable to take this Bill today.

This is a short but very important Bill which was introduced to deal with problems that have resulted from two judgments of the Central Criminal Court in connection with an incest case dealt with by that court. The Bill has been extensively amended in its passage through the Seanad. It now contains provisions which go further than the original proposals and additional provisions which amend and strengthen the Punishment of Incest Act, 1908, have been included.

The basic purpose of the Bill is to protect the interests of children who have been abused. I understand that the Private Members' Bills introduced in both Houses — in this House by Deputy O'Donoghue — would not, in themselves, have been sufficient to achieve that purpose. The amendments that have been made to this Bill take account of those Private Members' Bills and I am confident that the text of the Bill as approved by the Seanad will meet with the approval of this House.

The effect of the judgments of the Central Criminal Court to which I referred is that information relating to the hearing of a prosecution for an incest offence cannot be disclosed. The result is that a health board social worker, for example, concerned for the welfare of a child incest victim, could not be told whether the child's offending father had received a sentence for incest. In fact, the social worker could not even be told that there had been an incest prosecution. This situation is manifestly damaging to the interests of victims and potential victims of child sexual abuse. I know I speak for all Members when I say that it must be remedied without delay. The Bill provides this remedy.

For the avoidance of any doubt, I should say that in commenting on the adverse effects of these judgments — something which I must do, in my statement — I am not to be taken to imply any criticism of the judge who made the decisions. He dealt fully and carefully with the logic of the relevant statute. It is evident from his judgments that he was most unhappy with the conclusions he felt obliged to reach. The problem here is one for the Legislature, not the courts.

This Bill deals with the major issues raised by the judgments. This is essential if we are to ensure the protection of victims or potential victims of incest. While to a limited extent this Bill goes beyond what is strictly necessary to deal with the effects of these judgments, the House will appreciate that further issues arise in this area which are not affected by these judgments. It is vital, before we proceed to legislate on those matters, that we receive the opinions of others, including, in particular, those with expertise in the area of child sexual offending. To facilitate the necessary consultation process, the Minister will publish a consultation paper on the issues involved as quickly as possible after the Bill is enacted. I will return to the consultation paper in my statement.

Before I proceed to describe the provisions of the Bill, it would be useful, by way of background, for me to clarify what is involved in the offence of incest and to outline the details of the relevant Central Criminal Court judgments.

Incest is an offence which was created by the Punishment of Incest Act, 1908. Under section 1 of that Act, it is an offence for a male person to have sexual intercourse with a person who is, to his knowledge, his grand-daughter, daughter, sister or mother. Section 2 of the 1908 Act is the counterpart of section 1 and it provides that the offence is also committed by a female who, with consent and full knowledge of the family relationship involved, has intercourse with her grandfather, father, brother or son. Consent is not a defence to a charge of incest. In that sense it is an absolute offence which is committed when intercourse takes place. It should also be noted that where two adults within the same family engage in consensual intercourse, both the man and the woman are liable to prosecution.

Incest is, of course, one of the charges that is frequently brought where a child has been sexually abused by a very close relative. One of the reasons for this is that, as I mentioned, it is an absolute offence in so far as the male participant is concerned and, accordingly, an absence of consent does not have to be proved. As the House will be aware, non-consensual intercourse constitutes rape and frequently both rape and incest are jointly charged. Similarly, if a girl victim is under age the perpetrator may be prosecuted, in addition to incest, for the offence of unlawful carnal knowledge of a girl under 15 or 17, as the case may be, under section 1 or section 2 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1935.

As I indicated, this Bill arises directly out of judgments from the Central Criminal Court in an incest case. On 1 February 1995, the court held that section 5 of the Punishment of Incest Act, 1908, continues to have full force and effect. That section provides that "all proceedings under this Act are to be held in camera". The important words in this context are "in camera" because the court went on to rule that they must be taken to mean that all such proceedings must be held, to quote the court, "in total privacy and secrecy with the admission of no persons, other than the immediate parties, including the press ... with the community at large not being entitled to know even of the happening of the case, let alone any sentence which might be imposed". A further judgment was delivered by the Central Criminal Court on 17 February, 1995 in connection with the same case, in which the court ruled that it was precluded by section 5 of the 1908 Act from disclosing whether the accused had been sentenced. This was in response to an approach from the Eastern Health Board which had sought the relevant information because it was concerned for the health and safety of the children of the accused man.

In this particular case the accused had been charged with two counts of rape and two of incest. He pleaded guilty to the incest charges and the rape charges were not proceeded with. The application of section 5 of the 1908 Act only arose in relation to the passing of sentence for the incest offences. In the light of its interpretation of section 5, the court determined that it had no discretion but to decide that sentencing should take place in the absence of interested parties — as distinct from immediate parties — the Press and the general public.

The significance of the Central Criminal Court rulings lies in the way in which the court interpreted the words "in camera" in the 1908 Act. As far as the Department of Justice is aware, this is the first occasion that section 5 has been taken to have such a restrictive meaning. Up to now the practice in the Circuit Court, where cases in which the sole charge is incest are tried, has been to exclude the public but to permit the Press to attend and to report on the proceedings subject to certain restrictions. Where incest has been joined with other charges triable in the Central Criminal Court under the rape Acts, the practice has been to apply the provisions of those Acts which allow the general public to be excluded but the case to be reported by the Press in accordance with a number of important conditions, for example, protection of the identity of the victim.

I should also mention that it would not appear to have been open to the State — or any other party — to appeal the Central Criminal Court rulings directly to the Supreme Court. The only way in which the Supreme Court could be asked to rule on those issues would be by way of separate legal proceedings which would have to be initiated in the High Court and it would inevitably take some time before the matter reached the Supreme Court.

The Minister has received representations from various parties with an interest in the protection of children who have expressed very strong concerns to her about the effects of the judgments of the Central Criminal Court. Both of us share those concerns and, in particular, I believe that we should not tolerate a situation, which arose in the case in question, in which information vital to the interests of a child should be denied to a caring agency such as a health board. Furthermore, we are convinced of the need to keep the public aware and vigilant of the fact that child sex abuse is actually occurring and that it is a crime of the most serious kind. We fully recognise that the holding of incest cases in total secrecy could have the result of gradually pushing the subject under the carpet. No right-thinking person wants that.

It is also clear that the judgments have given rise to anxiety among the Members of the Oireachtas. This was particularly evidenced by the Private Members' Bills introduced by Deputy John O'Donoghue and Senator Cathy Honan. As I have already mentioned the main aspects of the Private Members' Bills have been incorporated in the Minister's Bill by way of amendments made in the Seanad. The overall result is that the Bill will restore the position whereby the media will be able to carry reports of incest prosecutions.

I am conscious of the fact that the Bill is only concerned with incest proceedings. This is the case because the Minister is anxious to ensure, as a matter of urgency, that social workers and other parties concerned with the protection of children, who need to have essential information concerning prosecutions, will be able to get that information. That is clearly the crucial point.

The Minister has not, however, lost sight of the fact that there is a need to consider the general question of the reporting of cases involving sexual offences. This is something she intends to do because she is aware, as most public representatives who deal day in day out with members of the public will also be aware, that the nature of newspaper reporting on child sexual abuse cases is a subject on which many people have views. It is right, in a democracy, that we provide room for debate on matters of this kind. It is absolutely vital — and I know the Minister wants to stress this — that we acknowledge the enormous contribution made by the media in bringing the problem of child sexual abuse out from under the carpet and keeping it before our eyes. Far too many children have been the victims of secrecy and silence.

The Minister has decided to raise the question of what reporting and related arrangements should operate in respect of certain sexual offences where consent may or may not be an issue. These include the following: unlawful carnal knowledge of a girl under 15 or 17; sexual intercourse of buggery with a mentally impaired person; buggery of a person under 17; and gross indecency with a male under 17. She also intends to ascertain whether there is support for having specific restrictive reporting etc. in relation to the offence of sexual assault which, while it is provided for in the Rape Acts, is not subject to the same requirements as rape offences in that regard.

Deputies may query the need for including various matters in a discussion paper rather than proceeding now to legislate on those matters. The Minister has decided on the former course, not out of any reluctance on her part to act but simply in recognition of the wisdom of seeking the views of individuals and organisations with recognised expertise on such matters before she acts. In addition, to do so in this particular Bill might cause a delay in dealing with the very important issue of lack of protection of incest victims. What she is proposing in this Bill is to ensure that if a similar case arises again in our courts the victim will be protected.

On the need for consultation on the other questions, the Minister has asked me to say that she will not be concentrating on legal expertise alone. She is particularly concerned to ensure that she has the benefit of the insight of individuals and organisations who have expertise in dealing with the problems of sexual offending generally, and a special understanding of the plight and the real needs of its victims. I urge that Deputies accept the good sense of proceedings with the benefit of insight rather than on the basis of the sometimes obvious answer which is not necessarily the right or complete one. The Minister does not, of course, envisage that the process of consultation should be allowed to drag on indefinitely. The preparation of her consultation paper is already under way and her plan is to publish it very quickly after this Bill is enacted, with a tight timetable for the receipt of responses and a firm commitment and determination on her part to bring before the Oireachtas with minimum delay, such further proposals for law reform as may be required in this area.

I will listen carefully to what Deputies will say during the debate on the need for further changes to the law relating to sexual offending. Deputies can be assured that any proposals they may put forward will be brought to the Minister's attention.

I would now like to turn to the provisions of the Bill.

Section 1 states that in the Bill the Punishment of Incest Act, 1908 is referred to as "the Act of 1908". This is merely a technical provision which has been included for drafting purposes and it does not require any special explanation.

Section 2 goes to the heart of the Bill and is modelled on provisions in the rape Acts. It provides in subsection (1) that, where a person is being dealt with in any court proceedings under the 1908 Punishment of Incest Act, the judge or the court, as the case may be, shall exclude from the court during the hearing all persons except officers of the court, persons directly concerned in the proceedings, bona fide representatives of the press and such other persons, if any, as the judge or the court may, in their discretion, permit to remain. Subsection (2) also requires that any verdict or decision in an incest prosecution and the sentence, if any, shall be announced in public. At present section 5 of the 1908 Act requires that all proceedings under the Act be held in camera and the recent Central Criminal Court judgments mean that, not alone must the public and the press be excluded from such proceedings, but the fact that they are taking place and the outcome cannot be disclosed even to a caring agency such as a health board with a specific interest in the welfare of an incest victim.

The general effect of section 2 is to retain the exclusion of the general public from incest proceedings. Deputies will appreciate that this is necessary to protect the identity of an incest victim and the family involved.

The section also proposes, however, that the press would be entitled to attend incest hearings and to publish reports of the proceedings subject to certain restrictions provided for in section 3 which I will discuss shortly. The Minister and I believe that the members of the press have a vital role to play in highlighting the problem of sexual abuse and it would be appropriate that they should be in a position to inform the public of the facts that have given rise to an incest prosecution provided that appropriate measures are in place to safeguard the identity of the parties in the case.

Section 2 also allows a court to permit a relative or a friend to accompany an incest victim who is required to give evidence in proceedings under the 1908 Act. We are all aware of the very difficult situation victims face in court and I have no doubt that there is a need to ensure that a person who has been a victim of incest, particularly a child, is entitled to the support of a person they can trust when they are present in court. In the debate in the other House, a number of Senators stressed the need to make provision in the Bill to enable an incest victim to be accompanied in court. Deputies will also be aware that the type of arrangements proposed for incest cases in that regard in the Bill has operated very successfully in assisting rape victims under the rape Acts.

Before I conclude on section 2, I draw the attention of this House to the fact that subsection (2) obliges a court to announce any verdict, decision or sentence in a case under the 1908 incest Act in public. Such a provision will guarantee, for example, that a health board or social worker can ascertain the outcome of an incest prosecution. It will also ensure that the general public is aware of what is happening in relation to the outcome of prosecutions.

Section 3 is concerned with protecting the anonymity of persons involved in incest cases. Under the section, it will become a criminal offence for a person to broadcast or publish any material which could identify an incest victim or a person charged with incest.

Section 3 (1) provides that after a person is charged with an offence under the 1908 Act, no matter likely to lead members of the general public to identify that person as a person charged or to identify any other person in relation to whom the offence is alleged to have been committed shall be published in a written publication available to the public or broadcast. A similar prohibition is contained in the rape Acts. In view of the very close family relationship that will always exist between the parties in an incest case the anonymity of the accused will not be lifted at any stage. To that extent what is proposed represents a departure from the rape Acts which permit the name of a convicted rapist to be disclosed after a conviction has been obtained. Deputies will appreciate, however, that there are compelling reasons for adopting a different approach in relation to proceedings taken under the Punishment of Incest Act, 1908, and that every effort must be made to protect the identity of the victim and the family involved. That is the sole reason we have departed from what is provided for in the rape Acts.

In the rape Acts the victim of an offence is referred to as the "complainant". I understand that that term would not necessarily be appropriate to incest and, accordingly an alternative wording has been included in section 3 which achieves the same result.

Section 3 (2) states that if any matter is published or broadcast in contravention of subsection (1) the following persons shall be guilty of an offence: (a) in the case of matter published in a newspaper or periodical publication, the proprietor, the editor and the publisher thereof; (b) in the case of matter published in any other written publication, the publisher thereof, and (c) in the case of matter broadcast, any person who transmits or provides the programme in which the broadcast is made and any person who performs functions in relation to the programme corresponding to those of the editor of a newspaper.

As Deputies will appreciate, the prohibition on the publication or broadcast of material caught by section 3 extends to a proprietor and an editor involved in such publication or broadcast. This is also the position under the equivalent provisions in the rape Acts. Some people might argue that it would be sufficient for the person who discloses the relevant information to be charged. However, it has become the practice in the case of this type of offence that proprietors and editors should be held responsible for the actions of others who operate under their authority. In that regard there is no evidence that the inclusion of such a provision in the rape Acts has given rise to any difficulty in relation to the operation of those Acts.

Section 3 (3) contains two savings in relation to the section. Paragraph (a) provides that the section shall not prevent the publication or brodcasting of a report of legal proceedings other than proceedings under the 1908 Act. For example, the section will not restrict the reporting of a prosecution for perjury committed at an incest trial. Paragraph (b) preserves the effect of restrictions on the publication etc., of certain matters which are contained in other statues. It provides that the section shall not affect any other prohibition or restriction on the publication or broadcasting of any matter.

Section 3 (4) defines the terms "broadcast" and "written publication" for the purposes of the section.

I come now to section 4 which relates to offences under section 3. Subsection (1) makes provision for the penalties that will apply in respect of a section 3 offence. Subsection (2) deals with the liability of an individual where an offence has been committed by a corporate body. Both these subsections are in standard form.

Subsection (3) provides for a defence to a charge brought under the section where the person charged can prove that he or she was not aware, did not suspect, or had no reason to suspect that the material published or broadcast was material which could not be disclosed. Such a defence is also permitted in the rape Acts. The reason for its inclusion is to prevent an injustice where, for example, a disclosure is made inadvertently. It does not, however, offer a defendant an easy means of escaping liability because, to come within the scope of the defence, the person must prove that in the particular circumstances he or she is entitled to be relieved of criminal responsibility. It will not be sufficient for the person to say that he or she did not know that they were not entitled to disclose the material in question. The court will have to be satisfied that that was the case.

Section 5 amends the Punishment of Incest Act, 1908, in a number of respects. It reflects the thinking behind a set of amendments tabled by the Independent Group of Senators in the Seanad. While the Minister was not in a position to accept those amendments, for technical reasons, she undertook to amend the Bill to meet the concerns raised by the Senators in their amendments.

Paragraph (a) has two purposes. First, it establishes that the maximum penalty for an offence under section 1 (1) of the 1908 incest Act will be life imprisonment. Deputies may recall that under the Criminal Justice Act, 1993, that penalty was increased to imprisonment for 20 years. Previously the maximum period of imprisonment to which a person could be sentenced for the offence was seven years. While the Minister accepted that the change made by the 1993 Act was very significant she was also conscious of the fact that a life sentence can be imposed for other very serious sexual offences such as rape and aggravated sexual assault. To ensure that we are consistent in our approach to the way in which sexual offenders are dealt with the Minister agreed it would be appropriate for a court to have the power to sentence the perpetrator of an incest offence to a term of life imprisonment. This has been provided for in the Bill.

The second element of section 5 (a) is that it proposes that an offence under section 1 of the 1908 Act will be designated as a felony rather than as a misdemeanour as at present. The significance of this change is that it will serve to indicate that the offence is particularly serious and will also ensure that a person who is suspected of that offence can be arrested immediately. It will not be necessary for the Garda to obtain a warrant before they can carry out an arrest in these cases.

Section 5 (b) proposes the deletion of section 1 (3) of the 1908 Act which provides that if any male person attempts to commit the offence of incest he shall be liable at the discretion of the court to be imprisoned for any time not exceeding two years with or without hard labour. In this context I should mention that section 1 (3) was not amended by the 1993 Criminal Justice Act.

In the Seanad a number of Senators expressed the very strong view that, given the seriousness of the offence of attempted incest, the penalty provided for that offence in the 1908 Act was totally inadequate. The Minister shared that concern. Accordingly, she arranged for the inclusion of paragraph (b) in section 5 of the repeal of section 1 (3) of the 1908 Act, thereby ensuring that the penalty for attempted incest will be the same as that for the main incest offence. No further amendment of the 1908 Act is required to secure that result. It will be achieved because it is a general part of our criminal law that an attempt to commit a crime can be punished in exactly the same way as the full crime unless, as in the case of the 1908 Act at present, a separate penalty is provided for in respect of the attempted offence.

Section 6 of the Bill proposes the repeal of section 5 of the 1908 Incest Act. The section in the 1908 Act states that all proceedings under that Act shall be held in camera. Deputies will appreciate that, in order to give effect to sections 2, 3 and 4 of the Bill, it will be necessary to repeal section 5 of the original Act. In that sense section 6 is essentially technical and does not deal with any new substantive issues.

Section 7 simply provides for the short title of the Bill.

I have dealt in some detail with the provisions of the Bill and, in particular, I have outlined the way in which it tackles the problems that have emerged following the rulings of the Central Criminal Court to the effect that section 5 of the 1908 Act requires that incest proceedings must take place in total secrecy. I know that the Minister will consider what Deputies have to say about the Bill with an open mind. For obvious reasons she is anxious to have this legislation enacted as quickly as possible. She hopes it will prove to be the case that most, if not all, of their concerns will have been met in the approach she took in making very substantial changes to the text in the light of amendments tabled in the Seanad.

I would ask Deputies to be mindful, however, of the approach the Minister has taken to the Bill — that is to deal with the immediate problems now and to address other issues in the context of the consultation paper. Until this legislation is enacted the effect of the Central Criminal Court judgments will remain in force. I know all Deputies will accept that it is necessary to remedy that position with the measures contained in this Bill as quickly as possible.

The Minister accepts, of course, that the more general issues require attention in the context of the arrangements that should operate in relation to the reporting of sexual offences. These matters will be addressed in the discussion paper which the Minister will present to interested parties as quickly as possible. I know that she would be more than willing to consider any specific proposals Deputies might have regarding what might be included in the discussion paper.

I believe there is widespread general support for this Bill. I hope and expect that support will be shared by the Members of this House. In the circumstances I am happy to commend the Bill to the House.

When I first viewed the Bill, as published by the Minister for Justice, I was in full agreement with her intention — that the effect of the two judgments delivered by Mr. Justice Carney in the Central Criminal Court on 1 February and 17 February 1995 must be addressed. Those decisions undoubtedly were correct. Mr. Justice Carney correctly stated that an alteration of the law should result from legislation rather than from a court decision. No Member of this House would wish to see a continuation of the circumstances in which no information whatsoever may be given in relation to incest proceedings. I agree that amendment of the law is not only desirable but absolutely essential.

Where I initially joined issue with the Minister was regarding the manner in which she had sought to implement the necessary changes because it was clear to most people that what was needed was a simple amendment which would extend the reporting provisions of the Criminal Law (Rape) (Amendment) Act, 1990 to incest proceedings. Rather than initially introducing legislation of that nature, the Minister compiled what I can only describe as a piece of legislative bric-a-brac that had all the appearance of being held together by chewing gum and string. The Bill, as introduced, was all but unintelligible and, if passed, undoubtedly would have given rise to more problems than it sought to solve. Sections 2 and 3 of the Bill were all but incomprehensible. Section 2 (1) stated:

(1) Subject to section 3 of this Act, notwithstanding section 5 of the Act of 1908, in any proceedings under that Act, the verdict or decision, and the sentence (if any), concerned shall be announced in public but anything likely to lead members of the public to identify a person involved in the proceedings shall not be otherwise published.

Has Deputy O'Donoghue difficulty in understanding that?

Section 2 (2) stated:

(2) Nothing in the said section 5 shall be construed as prohibiting the publication of reports of proceedings under the Act of 1908 that do not identify, or include anything likely to lead members of the public to identify, a person involved in the proceedings and do not include information that the judge or the court has directed should not be made public.

That was difficult enough to comprehend but section 3 (1) (a) and (b) beat it by a short head. It stated:

(1) Where the same proceedings relate or, at any time, related to both an offence under the Act of 1908 and an offence referred to in section 10 of the Act of 1990—

(a) section 6 (inserted by the Act of 1990) of the Criminal Law (Rape) Act, 1981, shall apply to the proceedings as if the first-mentioned offence was an offence referred to in the said section 10, and

(b) section 5 of the Act of 1908 shall not apply to those proceedings.

Section 3 (2) stated:

In this section "the Act of 1990" means the Criminal Law (Rape) (Amendment) Act, 1990.

I am glad that was clarified because that is about the only portion of that Bill I could comprehend when I first read it. I think everybody will agree that that amounted to verbiage of an unprecedented scale. I do not know who was responsible for it but, without any shred of doubt, it was a rainbow of complexity which failed abysmally to achieve its objective, which was simply the publication of details of the evidence and of the sentence imposed in the circumstances of the case. Therefore, for obvious reasons, I welcome the Minister's decision to amend the Bill she introduced in the Seanad by the insertion of the principal sections of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Bill, 1995 published by Fianna Fáil in the wake of the High Court judgments.

In this respect I note that the substantive measures reproduced in this Bill, the former one having been withdrawn, are the substantive provisions of the Fianna Fáil Bill. For example, section 2 of the Bill before the House essentially reflects virtually all the wording, with a very minor amendment, of section 3 of the Fianna Fáil Bill and section 3 of this Bill reflects virtually every sentence of section 4 of the Fianna Fáil Bill, with additions. I welcome that because at least the Minister has achieved the objective she set out to achieve by taking on board the very sensible provisions in the Fianna Fáil Bill.

I applaud the Minister's decision to put the interests of incest victims to the fore by introducing the measures best suited to solving the problem, even if they did come from Fianna Fáil. I sincerely hope this is a precedent and that in future positive measures put forward by Fianna Fáil, whether they relate to bail, the proceeds of crime or any other matter, will be dealt with in the spirit in which these suggestions were taken on board.

It is a good day for democracy when the Minister for Justice listens and learns from informed parliamentary debate. I am very glad she did that in the Seanad because it is a sign that she may be maturing in terms of her attitude to Fianna Fáil legislation. In the final analysis we are all here to serve the public and to pass the best legislation for the public, and irrespective of the source of that legislation it is incumbent on the Government to accept legislation that is constitutionally sound and in the interests of the general public.

Why did Fianna Fáil not do that in the past eight years?

As far as I can recall, Fianna Fáil accepted two Private Members' Bills——

That is right.

——one of which was introduced by Deputy Shatter relating to judicial separation. The problem has at all stages been clear. As a result of Mr. Justice Carney's rulings of 1 February and 17 February 1995 no information can be disclosed about incest cases. This development is obviously unsatisfactory as it deprives caring agencies of the information necessary to tackle an extremely serious crime. In this respect I welcome the amendment at section 5 of this Bill whereby the judge will be given discretion to sentence a person to a life term for a crime of this kind. I also welcome the fact that the crime is no longer to be a misdemeanour but felony.

The reason no information can be given at present relates to the wording of section 5 of the Punishment of Incest Act, 1908. This is a reflection in many ways of the fact that many of these crimes were swept under the carpet for a very long time. The fact that the legislation we are speaking about dates back to 1908 is reflective of the fact that there was a need to, at the very least, modernise section 5 of that Act in the last 87 years.

The 1908 Act requires that "All proceedings under this Act are to be held in camera”. Mr. Justice Carney ruled that this meant the proceedings must be held “in total privacy and secrecy, with the admission of no persons other than the immediate parties, including the press, with the community at large not being entitled to know even of the happening of the case let alone any sentence which might be imposed”. What is clearly required is that the law be amended to permit the exclusion of members of the public from court but to permit members of the press to be present to report the case.

In the past the House considered precisely the same difficulty with the crime of rape. We resolved that difficulty in a clear and understandable way by means of section 6 of the Criminal Law (Rape) Act, 1981. That Act provided for the anonymity of complainant and accused. An application of those provisions to the crime of incest would obviously solve the problem. I again commend the Minister for acknowledging the deficiencies in her legislation and amending it accordingly.

When Fianna Fáil published the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Bill, 1995, we were keeping the promise we made at the outset of this administration. We promised that, where legislation was necessary and introduced by the Government, we would support it and where it was necessary and not introduced by the Government we would introduce it. We have done this with the Proceeds of Crime Bill, the Criminal Law (Bail) Bill and the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Bill which was designed to give adequate protection to the victims of incest and to ensure that appropriate information is available in the public domain. The amendments introduced by the Minister, Deputy Owen, arising from the Fianna Fáil legislation will ensure this will happen.

I particularly welcome the decision of the Minister to repeal section 5 of the Punishment of Incest Act, 1908, as it is of dubious constitutional validity. The Constitution requires that justice be administered in public. Article 34.1º of the Constitution provides that justice: "save in such special and limited cases as may be prescribed by law, shall be administered in public" but section 5 of the 1908 Act prohibits that. There is no doubt there are circumstances in which the public good requires the exclusion of members of the public from a court — for example, in rape cases. The question whether bona fide representatives of the press may also be excluded is a different matter. This results in justice being administered in secrecy, which is in direct violation of the Constitution of 1937.

It was virtually inevitable, having regard to the publicity this matter has attracted since Mr. Justice Carney's ruling, that there would have been a constitutional challenge to the validity of section 5 of the 1908 Act. If that happened section 5 would have been found to be inconsistent with the Constitution and the amendments the Minister is seeking to introduce in this Bill would have fallen with it, leaving the victims of incest without protection as to their identities. The Minister has, in the amended manner in which the Bill has been presented to the House, taken heed of the warnings about the probable unconstitutionality of section 5 of the 1908 Act.

Mr. Justice Carney, in a thinly veiled reference to the probable unconstitutionality of the section, said he was satisfied he had the power to deal with the matter but that it was preferable for the Legislature to do so. Professor Casey in his work on the Constitution voiced a similar but more direct criticism. The reality is that no reputable constitutional lawyer has voiced the opinion that section 5 of the Act is constitutional and it would have been a very unstable foundation stone for amending legislation. The measure before the House will afford the same protection to victims of incest as is afforded to victims of rape, and that is wholly appropriate.

The Minister has travelled a great deal of the road to meet our concerns about this legislation. I warmly welcome her actions and commend the spirit in which she adopted the Fianna Fáil measure. I hope she will not consider that I am trespassing too much on her generosity when I invite her to go a few steps further and afford the same protection to the victims of the crime of unlawful carnal knowledge. At present due to an inexplicable legislative lacuna there is not a prohibition on publishing the name of a victim of unlawful carnal knowledge. As simple an amendment as that tabled by Fianna Fáil in its Bill and supported by the Minister would add unlawful carnal knowledge to the category of rape offences.

In view of the generosity the Minister showed in accepting the substantive provisions of the Fianna Fáil Bill, I will assist her further by reading our proposed amendment to the Bill. It states:

Subsection (1) of the Criminal Law Rape Act, 1981, as inserted by section 12 of the Criminal Law Rape (Amendment) Act, 1990, is hereby amended by the addition of the offences of unlawful carnal knowledge of a girl under the age of 15 years contrary to section 1 of the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1935, the offence of unlawful carnal knowledge of a girl over the age of 15 years and under the age of 17 years contrary to section 2 of the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1935 and an attempt to commit either offence to the list of rape offences set out in that section.

The reason I ask the Minister for Justice and the Minister of State to accept this amendment is that under current law it appears there is no restriction on the publication of the identity of a victim of unlawful carnal knowledge. I am sure everybody in this House would agree that position should not continue. To my knowledge the Irish media have not ever printed the name or address of a victim and I commend them for that, but some individual may decide to do so in the future. It is the duty of this House to close that legislative loophole to ensure that the victim of that horrendous, heinous offence of incest or unlawful carnal knowledge should not be named. That is why I ask the Minister to amend the Bill to ensure that victims of unlawful carnal knowledge will have the same protection as victims in other cases of sexual offences. As unlawful carnal knowledge applies to girls under 15 years of age and those over the age of 15 years and under the age of 17 years, a victim's name or address should not be printed as that would be devastating for the young girl and bad and all as the offence is, that would mar her for life. Our amendment should be accepted. I am surprised it was not taken on board as all the provisions in the Fianna Fáil Bill have more or less been taken on board by the Minister, particularly those regarding the substantive provisions in the Bill.

Having gone through the complex language in the original Bill, it appears that while details of the conviction and sentence could have been published details of the evidence could not have been published. If I am right the person in the Department of Justice who drafted the original Bill got it very badly wrong. I am surprised at that. I am well aware that perhaps the best drafts people in Ireland, if not in western Europe, are employed in the Department of Justice. That is why I am at a complete loss to understand why the Minister for Justice hardly ever produces any legislation. Any legislation she has produced in this House in recent times was either brought forward from the previous administration or was the seeds sown by the previous Administration. To his credit, the Minister of State, Deputy Currie promised to introduce a juvenile justice Bill and I do not doubt his good faith in that respect. However, I am deeply concerned that there appears to be an element of what I can only describe as legislative constipation in the Department of Justice at present. I ask the Minister to alleviate this situation.

I warmly welcome the spirit in which the Minister supported the Fianna Fáil measure and I urge her and the Minister of State to accept it. Maybe it is significant that the Minister for Justice accepted the Bill I published in the Seanad but when I publish Bills and introduce them here the Minister does not accept them. Perhaps if in future Fianna Fáil published all its Bills under the name of a Senator the Minister for Justice would accept them in the Seanad and that would save us a great deal of difficulty.

I look forward to the Deputy doing that for many years to come.

Section 2 is obviously designed to add unlawful carnal knowledge to the category of rape offences. I invite the Minister to take this opportunity to extend the necessary protection to that category of young victims of sexual abuse.

This Bill provides an opportunity to debate an issue which depressingly has become a frequent source of controversy in the press due to a number of high profile cases. This week we had cause to deal with matters of incest. It is appropriate we should have the opportunity to consider the tragedy of child abuse, particularly incest. It is only beginning to be written and spoken about. Not so long ago the word "incest" was rarely used either inside or outside this House. It was spoken of quietly by professionals, including doctors, and sometimes tragically the only way evidence of incest was displayed was in the form of a newborn baby. We must accept incest is a story of the powerlessness of a child and it usually begins in childhood. It is about the abuse of a relationship based on power over vulnerable children who have no capacity to chose or to know the sort of activity in which they are involved. It often involves coercion, threats, betrayals of fundamental trust and, in many cases, distortion of subsequent relationships for the remainder of the victim's life. Incest is an evil crime. We do not know its true rate here, but studies abroad confirm that children are most at risk behind the closed doors of their homes and that most child abuse is perpetrated by fathers or brothers, men related to the victim who carry out acts of gross indecency frequently too difficult to contemplate. The details of the west of Ireland case shocked everybody and the judge in the case said his sleep was disturbed.

It is vital that we receive details of incest cases because the more we hear of such activities the freer victims will be to make disclosures. It will also enable responsible adults to make critical interventions to protect them. While child abuse is discussed much more openly than it was ten or 15 years ago, we are only beginning to acknowledge the truth of the matter and we are still loath to discard the illusion that the family is the ultimate safe haven and guarantor of security, morality and happiness for children. In the vast majority of cases a family based, or not based, on marriage is the best place to care for children but, as evident from recent cases, it can also be the most dangerous place if it is headed up by a child abuser. As well as protecting the family in our Constitution, it is time we considered the rights of born, as distinct from unborn, children in our Constitution, as recommended in the report of the Kilkenny incest case. The unborn child is already protected in the Constitution.

In the past decade or so there has been a reluctance to make critical interventions to protect children when the alleged abuse was taking place within the confines of a family. We have not yet managed to put in place even minimum standards of protection to enable responsible adults and health care professionals to make that critical intervention to champion the rights of children over the rights of the family, where appropriate. It is evident from case studies on incest and child abuse that many of the families in which such abuse takes place are physically and socially isolated from the local community. In most cases the abusing parent is the guardian of that isolation, ensuring that the children are kept at one remove from society and at a distance from anyone who might come to their aid. Many such families are disfunctional in the internal sense of the word as well as in a wider social sense. The family in the Kilkenny case was disfunctional and isolated and the report on that case stated the saddest feature was that the mother was either enmeshed or incapable of protecting the child. This was also a feature of the Kelly Fitzgerald case — a case of neglect — which involved totally enmeshed and complicated relationships. In many cases that main person who could be relied on in the case of child abuse — the mother — is so down-trodden or enmeshed as to be incapable of making interventions to protect the child. Such a case gave rise to the Kilkenny incest inquiry. The victim in that case disclosed abuse she had suffered and reported to various social services, general practitioners and so on on more than 100 separate occasions, but nothing was done to bring her abuser to justice, even after she gave birth to a child, the father of whom was her father. She slipped through a range of nets until the important intervention by a Garda who followed up the case. A person also took the trouble to follow up the West of Ireland case and eventually the matter was brought to prosecution.

The Kilkenny report was published in 1993, but I am disappointed with the pace of progress on its recommendations. This was supposed to be the report to end all reports. It set out a range of legislative, procedural and institutional measures which would improve reporting and co-ordination between the various disciplines. It is regrettable that reporting is still not mandatory. There has not been accountability in the case involving Kelly Fitzgerald who died or in the west of Ireland case where an internal inquiry is proposed. Health service professionals cannot objectively analyse and be truly accountable to the Minister for the performance of the health board. While the report on the Kilkenny incest case laid out all the facts, nobody was made accountable for what happened or for the failure to follow up her reports to the authorities.

Another recommendation of the report on the Kilkenny case was that more refuges should be set up to provide a place of solace and hiding for girls who escape from their abusers. The Minister may correct me if I am wrong, but I believe there are still more refuges in the North than there are in the South. The recommendation that reporting should be mandatory has not been followed up, the Minister introduced guidelines only recently. Such procedures would be Exchequer neutral. Surely a procedure for mandatory reporting can be put in place without bleating from those who claim it would require resources. A range of procedures can be put in place that do not require resources. I accept that the hiring of social workers would require additional resources, but no amount of resources can compensate for lack of efficiency and accountability, and failure to co-ordinate follow-up action.

Those procedures do not incur a cost. Social workers must stop being defensive. We are all interested in the same goal, the protection of children. If the Minister delegates statutory authority to the health boards to care for children there should be accountability to this House and to the Minister for the satisfactory performance of those duties. The deficiencies revealed in the report on the Kilkenny case were so chronic that I believed the report would motivate everybody to carry out a root and branch reform of the structures, but that has not happened.

The social services are often criticised when we hear about cases such as the one in the area of the North Western Health Board. Social workers say they do not have the legal ability to intervene in these cases. Their excuses may be valid because certain sections of the Child Care Act are not yet in place and they do not have the legal power to demand to see a child they suspect is being abused. They also do not have the power to put in place supervision orders and I accept that. The Child Care Act was passed in this House after much detailed work in 1991 but, four years later, only 17 of its sections have been passed into law. I raised this matter with the Minister but it is the responsibility of successive Governments to enact the remaining sections. Budgets are about choices but it appears that resources are only made available in a reactive way to deal with a problem arising from a scandal involving child abuse. However, there is not any sustained commitment to putting children first in terms of providing resources to deal with this area. This Government is making a whole range of public expenditure choices but they could have been made in favour of implementing all the sections of the Child Care Act.

This Bill was presented by the Minister on 1 March and introduced in the Seanad on 14 March. Coincidentally, that was the date of the judgment on the appeal of Mr. Z, the man found guilty of the defilement of the girl at the centre of the X case. It was the conclusion of a long saga which caused a constitutional crisis and resulted in great tragedy for the girl concerned. The case began with the State championing and protecting the constitutional rights of an unborn child and ended, two years later, with a perversion of justice as it applied to the born child, Miss X. I do not believe the public will ever accept that a sentence of four years' imprisonment was justified in that case. This man had sexual intercourse with a 12 year old girl. He impregnated her, attempted to point the finger of blame at an innocent youth and only entered a guilty plea at the door of the court.

On 11 May I questioned the Minister in relation to that case and the activities of prosecuting counsel in defending the appeal sentence. The Minister told me she would be bringing forward proposals in that regard in due course. However, at the time of the judgment on the appeal, promises were made of judicial training, reviews of sentencing procedures and the Minister of State in the Department at the time, Deputy Burton, gave a commitment to examine the possibility of changing the role of the prosecuting counsel in defending the sentence. However, all the hype dies down when the papers no longer write about the case. This also raises the question of the role of the DPP in prosecutions.

No proposals have been made for the introduction of measures that would promote consistency and transparency of sentencing. There have not been any firm proposals for the separate legal representation in court of victims of sexual abuse. I try to obtain statistics from the Taoiseach each week during Question Time on the percentage of validated allegations of sexual abuse being dealt with by the DPP's office and I am told those figures are being compiled for me. The judge in the case to which I have referred pointed out the need to change the law in this whole area. While this legislation is reactive, it is also very necessary.

The Bill was minimalist when it was first presented to the Seanad. I accept the legislation was necessary following Mr. Justice Carney's judgment. He had identified an anomaly which had to be eliminated as a matter of urgency but other issues which needed to be remedied were not included in the Bill. However, the Bill is much improved and great credit is due to the Minister and the opposition Senators for their constructive work in changing it.

I do not understand how the Minister could have presented a Bill which contained a measure excluding bona fides members of the press from the court in incest cases. Incest and child abuse are not private matters, they are not matters of family law. Incest is a heinous crime and it is vital, in terms of justice for victims, that it is a matter of public record. The effect of the Bill in its original form would have been that in a case where a person was convicted of incest, the sentence would have been announced in public but social workers, lawyers, other members of the public or other judges would have been unable to establish the sort of behaviour that led to that sentence. It may have fostered an unhealthy climate of secrecy, which is usually at the core of incest.

I do not understand how the Minister could have presented a Bill to the Oireachtas which would have denied victims of incest the comfort and reassurance of a friend, doctor or counsellor to accompany them to the hearing. As a result of amendments put down by Senators Honan and Mulcahy, those anomalies have been eliminated. The Minister has amended the Bill to allow bona fides members of the press attend the trial. The judge is also permitted, at his discretion, to allow other persons to remain in the court with the victim.

Notwithstanding the Minister's willingness to take on board some of the suggestions made to her, other glaring omissions in the Bill, which were highlighted in the Seanad, will have to be addressed on Committee Stage. One of the anomalies is partly due to the continued failure to reform and consolidate the law in relation to child abuse cases. Sections 1 and 2 of the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1935, criminalises the unlawful carnal knowledge of young girls. This offence which should be renamed "child abuse", was central to the X case. The 1935 Act is completely separate from the various other statutes dealing with rape and other sexual offences because the many detailed provisions contained in the Criminal Law (Rape) Acts of 1981 and 1990, which regulate the trial of rape and sexual offences, do not apply to prosecutions for defilement of young girls, even though these sections are regularly used in the prosecution of child abuse cases.

The most disturbing consequence of this oversight is that where men who are charged with defiling underage girls under the 1935 Act are brought to trial, their victims have no guarantee of anonymity such as that extended to the victims of rape and sexual assault under section 7 of the Criminal Law (Rape) Act, 1981. This was pointed out by Senator Honan in the Seanad during the debate on the Bill and amendments were tabled by her which would have eliminated this loophole. The Minister declined to accept the amendments and indicated it was her intention to review this area. I am not sure whether this review is under way or if the Minister intends to bring forward a consolidating statute of the sort required which would encompass all the law in relation to sexual offences. There is not any promise in the legislative programme to do so.

In the absence of firm proposals from the Minister I will table similar amendments to Senator Honan. Another point raised in the Seanad and which we will raise is that under sections 3, 4 and 5 of the Criminal Law (Rape) Act, 1981, counsel on behalf of the defence is prohibited from questioning the victim on her previous sexual experience. The Rape Crisis Centre and others who have dealt with victims of sexual crimes have repeatedly pointed out that questioning rape and other assaults victims on their sexual history is demeaning and painful for them and is usually utterly irrelevant to the issues before the court. In effect it places the victim on trial and this is why the reforms of the 1981 Act were so necessary.

Senator Honan's amendments were designed to ensure the victims of incest would be protected from such intrusive and irrelevant questioning on their previous sexual history. In the course of the debate in the Seanad the Minister said that Senator Honan's proposals in this regard would not be accepted in any form. She stated:

Sections 3, 4 and 5 of the 1981 Act are concerned in particular with restrictions that apply to questions with a person other than the accused. This is a mechanism to stop the accused from using the fact that a victim may have had intercourse with others as a means of showing that consent was not lacking in his case. This is not relevant to the offence of incest in the case of a girl under 15, accordingly there is no point in applying sections 3, 4 and 5 to that offence.

She went on to say that the application of sections 3, 4 and 5 to the crime of incest would lead to a situation where somebody accused of incest with a girl under 15 years could say that she consented. I do not see the logic of that argument. As the Minister correctly pointed out, consent is no defence to a charge of incest. The imposition of restrictions on the kinds of questions that can be asked of an incest victim would not affect that fact in the slightest.

The Minister appears to be saying that the only purpose of the restrictions imposed on questioning by the 1981 Act was to ensure that the accused could not construct an argument to the effect that the victim was a woman of easy virtue, that she had consented to intercourse with others and therefore could be presumed to have consented to intercourse with the accused. The Minister is not painting the full picture. She is correct in stating that the introduction into evidence of a victim's past sexual history was often used in the past to support an argument that the victim consented. She has, however, failed to take into account the fact that the introduction of this type of evidence was very frequently used more as a general mudslinging device; if the defence counsel could convince the jury that the victim was sexually promiscuous it could also be persuaded that she was a liar and her evidence was worthless, in other words it went to the root of her character. The evidence of her past sexual history would be used to undermine her credibility as a witness and not only to support the defence of consent. It is not only about consent but also about raising questions in the mind of the jurors about the type of person who is alleging incest.

In addition, the fact that rape victims knew their sexual history was likely to be placed before the court in as sordid a light as counsel could manage was a powerful disincentive to go into court. Before the 1981 Act I imagine that many sexual offenders were not charged because of the reluctance of their victims to put themselves on trial in this way. In the context of incest there is no legal bar whatsoever on counsel on behalf of the accused introducing evidence of the victim's past sexual history with other people, not as the Minister suggests in order to establish consent but to establish that the victim was an unreliable witness. In addition the Minister has failed to give any consideration to the fact that while consent is not a defence to a charge of incest, it may be of crucial importance to the accused when it comes to sentencing.

If the Minister had given this issue a moment's reflection she would have known that a person convicted of incest is likely to receive a much reduced sentence where he successfully argues that the incestuous act was consensual and non-violent in nature and he may well escape custodial sentence altogether. This is particularly true of cases where the accused successfully alleges that the girl or woman involved was the instigator of sexual activity, which is classic in child abuse methodology. Paedophiles think that children enjoy the sexual act and that is part of their perversion. I do not think that issue was considered by the Minister. It may be in the accused person's interest to make all sorts of allegations about the victim to the court to the effect that she was sexually promiscuous and consented to the act of incest. It may also be in his interest to argue that she had been sexually active with other members of the same family. The more dirt he can throw at the victim the better off he will be in the long run, even if he is convicted because it might impact on the sentence. If he can establish consent he may get off lightly; if he can establish that the victim was sexually active he may get off altogether, since the victim's evidence may not be considered a sufficiently reliable basis for conviction.

For this reason I urge the Minister to reconsider her position on this issue. Her principal objection to Senator Honan's proposal, that it would allow consent to operate as a defence, simply does not hold water. The application of sections 3, 4 and 5 to the trial of incest offences would in no way affect the legal liability for incest but would do much to make the trial of those offences less of an ordeal for the victims. I think everybody would agree that we must do everything we can to assist and support victims of incest and to encourage them to bring their abuser to justice. We will be bringing forward amendments on Committee Stage designed to apply the same protections to incest victims as apply to rape victims. I hope the Minister will be receptive to them.

The case in the media this week is ample evidence of the need not only to deal, as required by the court decision, in a reactive way to sexual offences against children and women inside and outside the family but that most child abuse takes place within the family. Women and children are much more at risk behind their own front door than anywhere else. I appeal to the Minister of State, in his role as Minister with responsibility for all aspects of child care, to inject some sort of urgency into the requirements to enact into law the remaining sections of the Child Care Act, 1991.

I wish to share my time with Deputy McGahon.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I pay tribute to the Minister for Justice. Deputy Owen, for bringing in this Bill so quickly after the judgments were given. I am sorry Deputy O'Donoghue had some difficulty understanding the original Bill but I think it is quite clear. I congratulate Senator Honan and Deputy O'Donoghue on the work they did on this issue. It is good that amendments were accepted and I congratulate the Minister for doing so in the Seanad. After all we are here to discuss, to seek the best solution in any given circumstances. Surely what we want to do is to get this Bill right so that at the end of the day victims of incest and child sexual abuse get the best possible protection from the law.

The Minister is introducing a good Bill which covers incest, how it is dealt with in the courts, how it is reported and the supports we should give to its victims. I am sure the case where sentence was handed down yesterday is very much in the minds of the public and Members speaking today. The judge said that his sleep was disturbed having listened to the details of the case. I do not think anyone would be surprised about that. It gives a mild indication of how the lives of the children, the victims in that situation, were disturbed. If it is difficult for the judge to listen to the details in court how much more difficult was it to live with that kind of abuse in one's own home over many years? It was extremely disturbing and damaging for the children involved. That is why it is important to work out the best legislative framework in which to address these issues.

A judge in the Central Criminal Court gave two judgments on how incest cases could be reported and dealt with in the courts. The Minister introduced this Bill quickly to deal with the implications arising from those judgments which meant that professionals trying to work with and protect families could not intervene in a way which would be helpful to children as a result of the provisions in the 1908 Act.

This Bill puts down strong markers on our attitude towards sexual crimes against children, particularly incest, the seriousness with which the crime is viewed, the way the victims of sexual abuse should be dealt with and protected within the criminal justice system. It outlines the opportunities for the media to bring these crimes to the attention of the public and its responsibilities in this area. It defines the type of sentencing that should apply and the language we should use when describing the crime of incest.

This has been a silent area in Irish life as indeed it has in other countries. It is now coming to public attention and I hope this debate will encourage children and their families in this situation to do something and trust our system of justice. Victims of child sexual abuse and women who were raped did not find the courts a friendly place. As a result many sexual crimes are unreported. Victims may feel they will be further abused by bringing cases to court. By that I mean they would be further exposed and traumatised. I welcome the attempts which have been made to deal with that in recent years. Confidence in the courts is growing among women and child victims but there is a long way to go.

Many comments were made about the way we treat children in society. There is a great deal of work to be done but we must not exaggerate. The Government is committed to implementing the provisions of the Child Care Act by 1996. The Minister of State is bringing together the work of the three Departments most intimately involved with children's rights. We are putting the resources in place.

I congratulate the Minister for bringing in the Bill. There was an excellent debate in the Seanad and it is clear there is a strong will among legislators to ensure that the victims of child sexual abuse are dealt with in the best possible way in the courts and an insistence that society opens its eyes to what has happened to children over a long period. Until relatively recently children in families and institutions suffered from child sexual abuse and there were no protective mechanisms either at legislative, social or emotional level to help them. We closed our eyes and ears and did not hear the voices of the children. We did not have the understanding or sensitivity to do something about the position in which children found themselves. We may have heard about it but we refused to act.

The stay safe programme is excellent and I urge the Minister for Education to find out why some schools do not implement it. Schools should ensure that children have access to the programme. Even though we live in a more open age, very often children do not have the language or skills to describe what is happening to them when they are abused. The stay safe programme provides them with that.

Huge demands have been made on the health service as a result of child sexual abuse. When examining the case histories of people who present themselves at adult psychiatric hospitals with eating disorders, depression and alcoholism it often comes to light that they were abused. If we are to tackle the problem seriously we must do so at a legislative, community, educational and health level.

We are not a child centred society. We talk about a family centred society but it has often been at the expense of children. I am glad the Minister for Health announced that there will be an inquiry into the case reported in the North Western Health Board area. I welcome the commitment given by the Minister of State, Deputy Currie, to place children on the agenda of the Intergovernmental Conference next year and ensure that they are mentioned in the Maastricht Treaty when it is reviewed. The North-South dimension is important.

As regards intervention, social workers have not had the legislative and constitutional back-up to intervene in families and we must address that issue. The same debate is emerging on the divorce issue — the rights of families versus the rights of children. If we support families we must look at how we support individual members of those families. We must look carefully at what is best for families and individual children. It is not simple. Parenting continues even in a case of divorce and we often forget that. Child sexual abuse is part of the price we have paid for idealisation of the family. It is important to examine that because it impacts on professionals working in the area and on families.

The Bill deals with a number of important issues. It allows for ongoing media reporting of these crimes and that is important. The secrecy which surrounded child sexual abuse in the past was not helpful. In the discussion paper which the Minister proposes to introduce we must examine the position of children in our culture and the best way in which cases of sexual abuse against women and children can be reported.

The Bill provides for professionals to intervene. They can be told the results of court cases and that is important. The Minister has made clear that, in a case of incest, consent is not a defence. In that sense it is an absolute offence which is committed once intercourse takes place. That is relevant. With the increasing sexualising of young children in society we can see how it leads to inappropriate sexual contact and sexual exposure of young children.

It is very important that this issue is clearly understood in the context of consent. There is no excuse or defence for not taking action in this area as sexual abusers may project on children a sexuality which is not part of their make-up. I think it was Judge McGuinness who said it was very important to have more family law cases reported in public so that the public is better informed and will know exactly what is going on in society. The same applies in this case.

I welcome the Minister's statement that issues in regard to other sexual offences will be dealt with in the discussion paper, which she intends to produce very quickly. I urge her to bring forward this paper as quickly as possible so that these issues can be dealt with. I welcome the provision under which victims will be able to bring a friend or supporter into court with them. This is particularly important as a young child who may not have the full support of other members of her family — there may be violent disagreement within the family about the decision to bring the case to the attention of the police and the court — can feel incredibly isolated.

I welcome the provision which will ensure that the identity of the victim is protected. Young children can be further traumatised if their identity is made known and the protections in this area are very important. The media has adopted a responsible attitude to this issue and I hope this continues.

I thank Deputy Fitzgerald for sharing her time with me. Recent incest cases have revealed a large number of cesspits in our society. As Deputy O'Donnell said, only God knows the full extent of the problem. However, this is not only an Irish problem, it is a huge international problem.

I do not understand this appalling crime and I will go to my grave without understanding how a parent can abuse his young child. My remedy for dealing with people who commit sexual abuse is fairly well known and deeply appreciated by the man on the street, if not by my colleagues in Leinster House. Deterrents of this nature are needed to ensure that the punishment fits the crime. Unfortunately, the bleeding hearts and do-gooders in our society have helped to dismantle the sentencing system. This is why we now find ourselves in the appalling position of having too much law and no order.

Having said that, I support the Bill. My initial reaction was that I should not support it, that beasts who commit crimes of this nature should be exposed. However, on reflection I agree that children, the unfortunate victims, should be protected. Deputy O'Donnell laid the blame for these crimes at the door of men. While this is true in 95 per cent of cases I know of a case involving a young grandmother who it is believed to be pregnant by her 15 year old grandson. While it is not confined to one gender, men are responsible for the overwhelming number of incest cases.

Obviously the Bill is intended to make courts more victim friendly and to remove the Victorian type adversarial court room conditions which can be very frightening for young children. It will also ensure anonymity not only for children but for adults in the plethora of cases now coming to light. It cannot be easy for an adult with a family to give evidence in court in a case involving sexual abuse. These provisions should be welcomed by everyone, including Deputy O'Dea, who has more experience of court proceedings than I have.

I do not regard members of the media as social crusaders; I regard them as people who exploit sad events in our society for profit and increased sales. In recent years we have read the graphic and lurid descriptions given by the media of cases involving unfortunate young children. They do this to titillate the public. It is a sad reflection on our society that there are people in the market for titillation of that nature. Members of the media are not red branch knights fulfilling a social duty; rather they are trying to fill their coffers and to increase sales by giving lurid descriptions of perverted sexual acts. I would welcome any curtailment in the descriptions given of these cases. We live in a very small society where very little is sacred, whether it takes place in the office of the chairman of Bord Gáis or in the public sector. People know who is involved in sexual abuse cases and what is happening. While I have my doubt about the ability of victims to remain anonymous I welcome the attempts being made by the Minister to ensure anonymity for unfortunate and helpless young children who have been raped or defiled.

I wish to express my abhorrence at the inadequate sentence handed down to the guilty person in the X case. A sentence of four years was not sending out any message of deterrent to anybody else who is engaged or has any thoughts of engaging in crimes of defilement against their children or anyone else's children. That gentleman should have got what is given in the southern States of America, chemical castration. That removes the problem for the person and leaves society safer. I hope that method of treatment will some day be introduced here for those who need it.

The decision by Mr. Justice Carney on 1 February 1995 was to the effect that the Punishment of Incest Act, 1908, obliged him to hear a criminal trial for incest behind closed doors. This decision was a timely warning that failure to periodically review and update the law will often result in anomalies that fly in the face of common sense. The decision was, in effect, that the 1908 Act obliged a judge to deal with incest trials in circumstances of secrecy which we usually associate with espionage trials in the United Kingdom. He arrived at his decision by a strict interpretation of the law which would, if correct — I have no reason to believe it was not correct — raise the most serious doubts about the constitutionality of the 1908 Act. In view of the decision by the Supreme Court in the case of Re R. Ltd. 1989 the principle of openness was a touchstone in the administration of justice in Ireland. The principle is often stated thus: not only must justice be done but it must also be seen to be done. Legal support for criminal trials to be heard in camera cannot readily be found in the law reports here or elsewhere. From that point of view I welcome the Bill.

It is only right and proper that incest trials should be publicised. It is a heinous offence. We would prefer if it was not happening or, at least, happening on the scale which is now evident. In view of the fact that it is a reality of modern Irish society it is better that we know the extent of the problem so as to enable us to face up to it squarely as a society. In any event, the decision would have given rise to grave anomalies in the law because the term "incest" in the 1908 Act is narrowly defined. That meant that the decision would not apply to other types of child abuse which could still be tried openly. Incest is defined in the 1908 Act as carnal knowledge by a male with a female "whom he knows to be his grand-daughter, daughter, sister or mother". Therefore, carnal knowledge of a female who does not fall within any of those categories or carnal knowledge between a male and another male under age would not be covered by the Carney decision. Deputy O'Donoghue read into the record an amendment he proposes to table on Committee Stage. I draw the attention of the Minister of State to that proposal and I urge him earnestly to prevail on the Minister to accept it. I welcome the Bill but it is seriously lacking in a number of areas, this area being the principle one.

The victims of rape and now of incest will be guaranteed anonymity in law. There is no such guarantee for the victims of unlawful carnal knowledge, that is consensual sex between a man and a girl under the age of 17 — there are two different categories, up to the age of 15 and between 15 and 17. The name and the address of the victim in the X case could have been publicised in the media had the media chosen to act in such an irresponsible way. That is wrong and it is a serious lacuna in the law. If the victims of rape and incest are to have their anonymity guaranteed by law I cannot see any reason the victims of unlawful carnal knowledge — girls under the age of 17 — are not similarly protected. Perhaps it was an oversight in the redrafting of the legislation. I urge the Government to take this on board.

As I indicated on a number of occasions I am not in favour of censorship but in relation to what Deputy McGahon said I ask the media to exercise a modicum of self restraint in its reporting of this type of case. There is widespread revulsion in the community at the detailing in the media of the most salacious and perverted detail of some sex cases, particularly those involving children. It is neither necessary nor desirable that such cases be reported in terms which dwell and, in many cases, concentrate on the most revolting details. Only a minority of the media here deserve these strictures but to that minority I send this message: please restrain yourself.

There has been a staggering increase in reported child abuse in recent years. Mr. Martin Hynes of the South Eastern Health Board, whose report was carried in all the newspapers, said that the number of reported cases in the South Eastern Health Board area had increased from 251 in 1992 to 624 last year. Society has been slow to respond to the reality of child sexual abuse partly because it was unaware of its existence and partly because it chose to ignore it. Also there was the factor that child victims were unwilling to speak out for a whole miscellany of reasons. The Kilkenny incest case, and the subsequent publication of the excellent McGuinness report, helped to change this. I agree with Deputy O'Donnell who said that progress on the McGuinness report into the Kilkenny incest case has not been as rapid as we would wish. I say to the Minister of State, who is deeply involved in this area, and I wish him luck in his work, that it is noticeable to me and to a number of professionals in the field with whom I have spoken, that progress — I am not blaming the Minister of State exclusively — on the implementation of the report has slowed down somewhat recently. That is a matter of great concern.

The Garda and the health boards have different roles in combating child sexual abuse. It is imperative that they co-operate fully and properly co-ordinate their work in this regard. The Minister for Health recently announced new procedures under which the Garda and social workers will inform each other of suspected cases of child abuse and will agree on a strategy for the investigation. I welcome those guidelines which will be a help but they are only beginning. Difficulties will arise in their implementation if the present pressure of work on social workers is not eased. All the evidence, unfortunately, points to the opposite being the case.

At the recent conference of the public sector union, IMPACT, it was announced that the 200 social workers in Dublin are refusing to deal with any new referrals because they are so overworked. It has been suggested — I have no reason to doubt this — that this, in effect, means there will be 100 cases of children who may be the subject of abuse who will not have their cases examined. Surely, in view of what we know, and in view of all that has happened, this is unacceptable.

Much social work in this area has taken on a fire brigade aspect. Any increase in notifications places great strains on limited resources. Social work can be extremely difficult, unpleasant and dispiriting. We have been told that over the next 12 months that section of the Child Care Act which enables courts to order that families be placed under the supervision of social workers will be implemented. This will mean that the health boards could be faced with an explosion in the demands being made on their limited resources.

Some of the worst child abuse tragedies arose because social workers were over stretched to do their job properly. Resources must be assigned — this is the responsibility of Government — to this area as a priority from areas where the need is less urgent. More specialist social workers will have to be recruited and the whole area of social work will have to be reorganised radically, particularly in the Eastern Health Board region where it is in a considerable state of disarray. Other health board areas where this problem is growing, including my own, have lessons to learn from the mistakes and the difficulties created by the non-assignment of proper resources to the Eastern Health Board area.

It must also be of concern that only nine people have availed of the treatment programme for sex offenders in Arbour Hill costing £250,000. When it is borne in mind that one in every ten prisoners is a sex offender, it is staggering to contemplate the extent of the problem and the potential cost of any realistic rehabilitative treatment.

Any legislation in this area must focus to some extent on the plight of the victim. Criminal law, particularly in this area, seems to have no place for victims. They are used only as witnesses and have no say over how an event which has shattered their lives is to be dealt with by the Criminal Court. Most child abuse cases only proceed where there is a guilty plea. In theory, but only in theory, this saves the victim from having to give evidence, but he or she may still have to do so at deposition stage. This is what happened in the X case.

A charter for victims which has been consistently promised by the Minister for Justice will, if introduced, have to deal with how victims are interviewed, the right of victims to information about their case, the right to be briefed fully and in good time by prosecuting counsel, the right to express their views through victim impact reports rather than just relying on professionals, and the right to legal assistance.

I have often been asked what legal right a victim has to sue where the impact of abuse does not become evident until later in life, particularly where the abuser is a person of means. It is a matter of regret for me to have to say my research has led me to the conclusion that I cannot tell a person who discovers later in life that he or she has been the victim of sexual abuse as a child, that he or she has a cause of action in tort. It seems bizarre that somebody who is injured in a road accident or who walks into a pothole has a definite cause of action in tort, the right to bring a case to establish negligence before the courts. The least that need be said about the defendant, if the plaintiff can establish it, is that he acted negligently or carelessly, but where somebody suffers more than the usual road accident victim would suffer, where somebody has been the victim of sustained and systematic child sexual abuse done deliberately, we cannot tell them that they have a definite cause of action. Apparently the Government is waiting for somebody to risk bringing a case to court to establish whether there is such a cause of action. The matter should be resolved by statute, and I ask the Minister of State to give victims of this type of heinous crime a definite cause of action.

Even if they have a definite cause of action, there is another barrier. The extent of the damage done to victims of child sexual abuse will not become evident until later in life, and usually the person will have no means of bringing a case. Again it seems bizarre that under an amendment to the Statute of Limitations in 1991, somebody who is the victim of negligence can bring an action within three years from the date on which it first became apparent that there was negligence — the limitation period is extended — but even if the victim of child sexual abuse has a definite cause of action in tort, the Statute of Limitations will usually debar the person from bringing an action because in analogous cases proceedings have to be brought within six years. This should also be sorted out by statute if we are serious about protecting victims.

I have outlined a number of areas where victims of all types of crime will have to be assisted, particularly victims of the type of crime under discussion who are especially vulnerable. That could be done easily by statute, and most of the reforms I have in mind are Exchequer neutral. These are serious matters which I ask the Minister and the Government to take on board. I ask the Minister of State also to prevail on his colleague, the Minister for Justice, to accept the amendment that Deputy O'Donoghue read into the record. It makes no sense that the victim of rape and, when this legislation is passed, the victim of incest, will be guaranteed anonymity in law, but the victim of unlawful carnal knowledge, a crime committed against a girl under the age of 17, will have no such guarantee. I commend the media on not taking advantage of this lacuna in the law to report the names and addresses of victims in the past. However, there is no guarantee for the future. The only guarantee we can have is to have it written into the legislation, and that can be done simply by accepting the amendment. This measure would also be Exchequer neutral.

There are a number of other areas where the Bill can be improved. This has been examined from the point of view of the victim, and we will table appropriate amendments on Committee Stage. The Minister of State said earlier that the Minister for Justice will approach this matter with an open mind and be amenable to reasonable amendments. I take him at his word and I hope the Minister will act accordingly because, although we welcome the Bill, which is necessary and fills a gap in the law which was exposed by a High Court decision on 1 February and again on 17 February, we can take the opportunity on Committee Stage to bring about a number of other improvements in the law in this regard, particularly from the point of view of the victims. I have every reason to believe the Minister of State meant what he said and we will hold him and the Minister for Justice to that on Committee Stage.

I welcome this legislation. It is only the third piece of legislation specifically related to children introduced in my 14 years in this House, the other two major legislative measures being the Status of Children Bill and the Child Care Bill. That statistic speaks for itself when compared with the annual appearance of financial and social welfare measures and other criminal measures. It is not surprising, therefore, that many Deputies have used the opportunity of broadening the debate beyond the confines of this legislation which is fairly specific but touches an a range of other important issues relating to children.

The Bill is an emergency measure to deal with a crisis that arose in our courts. It homes in on the secrecy which surrounds this horrific crime against children. In this case we have a welcome modification of the blanket ban on the reporting of incest cases and this is broadly supported throughout the House. The provision was amended in the Seanad to allow other welcome reforms, such as the right to an accompanying person, an increased level of sentencing, a redefinition of the nature of the crime and the consequent right to immediate arrest which may be of immense value to people at risk.

The importance of the reporting of these cases by the media has been commented on by all speakers to date. It is clear there is such a need and it will be an important element in attracting attention to these issues and developing services and legislative responses. In the case of children, the courts, as in so many of other areas, have been leading the way highlighting needs and nudging the politicians to change the law. We need to pay maximum attention to these crimes. It would have been intolerable if the secrecy which already often surrounds the relationship with a child within the family, was to be compounded by the restrictions on reporting in certain cases as a result of recent decisions. It is therefore important that this reform is introduced.

As Deputy McGahon and others said, we are only coming to terms with this problem and he is right that it is as great in other countries. There was a view that somehow we were different, that these things did not happen in holy Catholic Ireland. It is a major change for us to come to terms with just how cruel our families have been to children and how the image and the reality were often poles apart. Perhaps this level of publicity is more needed here until we come to terms with this painful reality and make the necessary changes. We have not done enough in providing resources to ensure that our services and laws are adequate. While we will never eliminate the problem, we have to try to control it and help those who have been hurt and damaged. We will also have to come to terms with the fact that many abusers were themselves abused. We need a broad range of measures, including this legislation.

A number of my colleagues raised the question of whether we should know the details of these cases. At this stage it is important that we should. As Deputy McGahon said, many of us could not imagine that vulnerable and powerless children from under the age of one year have been subjected to extroardinary horrors, torture and humiliation. We have a long way to go. The public reporting of these cases is an important element in ensuring that the issues remain to the fore until they are properly dealt with and proper structures are put in place.

The Minister and the Minister of State indicated that the issues of incest and sexual abuse will be dealt with in a more general review which will arise from a discussion paper which will be published shortly. Psychologists working with abused children have raised with me the issue of the custody rights of fathers who may have abused their children and are still abusing them. Perhaps because it has not moved into the area of being proved in court those are inadequate means to protect the children concerned. It is ironic that the forces of the State will act against a woman who flouts a custody order which she believes to be taking a child out of her jurisdiction in an attempt to protect it. It is an area in which it is difficult to balance rights but it will come up in discussions with organisations such as CARE and others working in this area. I intend to contact such organisations to ensure they make a full submission.

I listened with interest to Deputy O'Donoghue's contribution. It is a pity he wasted much of his time congratulating himself and his colleagues. As this issue is debated infrequently it would have been better if he had suggested various reforms. The debate in the Seanad proved useful in that the Minister conceded some important amendments. All those involved deserve to be congratulated. Despite this much remains to be done.

Deputy Frances Fitzgerald, raised a number of issues of concern to me while Deputy O'Donnell raised the question of refuges and their inadequacy. Inadequate provision has been made for care services and that issue is vitally important.

Deputy McGahon returned to his favourite response of chemical castration. Given the gory details of some cases, including some cases in the west, where children, boys and girls, as young as two years of age have been abused this would not solve the problem; the matter is not as simple as that. As well as introducing strong laws to prevent crime we need to break the cycle of abuse. That is the reason the organisations working in this area must be adequately funded. If they are not in a position to introduce adequate intervention programmes to cater for nine to 11 year olds there is no doubt that 45 per cent will treat others in the way they have been treated because they know no better.

Children in our society live in a twilight zone. We provide them with secrecy in some cases to protect them but at times that secrecy becomes a trap. Behind the closed doors of the family home they often experience the horrors that Deputy McGahon cannot imagine. Incest is one of the crimes against children occurring frequently in too many Irish homes but it is not the only crime committed. In the past year at least three Irish children have died as a result of injuries inflicted by parents while horrific cases involving physical and sexual abuse have been heard before the courts in the past few months.

Last autumn the Law Reform Commission in its report Non Fatal Offences Against the Person made a number of recommendations in relation to children among a wide range of proposed reforms covering areas as diverse but not unrelated as torture, harassment and other issues arising from the Convention on Human Rights. Until we award children the same constitutional rights as adults to bodily integrity, as political leaders we are sending confused messages to children and those who cater for them that children are lesser beings with lesser rights.

It is intersting to note that studies on abusing persons show that parents in particular see childen as their property with no rights of their own. There is much in the Constitution which encourages this idea.

The Law Reform Commission commenced its consideration of the issue with a comment on the right to bodily integrity for all our citizens. It means that no mutilation of the body or any of its members may be carried out on any citizen under the authority of the law except for the good of the whole body and that no process which may be dangerous can be imposed by an Act of the Oireachtas. However, in the case of children this general right is restricted. The commission stated that nothing in this part shall be construed to take away or affect the right of any parent, teacher or other person having the lawful control or charge of the child or young person to administer punishment to such child or young person. Children are the only group in society to whom we say that it is okay to inflict physical punishment on them. This is a flaw in the law and the Constitution.

The Law Reform Commission studied other jurisdictions. Many countries but not all have moved or are moving to eliminate the concept that parents have the right to physically punish their children. The Law Reform Commission went on to recommend that we should have a specific offence of endangering children in one's care, as applies in other countries. We should adopt that recommendation and implement it rapidly. It may be of interest to Members to know that, in theory, whipping is still allowed under our laws and that the punishment of apprentices and sailors is still considered appropriate.

Debate adjourned.
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