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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 27 Jun 1995

Vol. 455 No. 1

Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - French Nuclear Testing.

Ray Burke

Question:

1 Mr. R. Burke asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the action, if any, he proposes to take with regard to the announcement by France that it is to resume nuclear testing on Muroroa Atoll in the South Pacific in view of the forthcoming Inter-Governmental Conference and in view of the fact that it will damage the goodwill and integrity of the 1996 negotiations on creating a more coherent and effective EU foreign and security policy; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11711/95]

Kathleen Lynch

Question:

25 Kathleen Lynch asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the representations, if any, he intends making at EU level regarding French proposals to conduct eight nuclear tests at Muroroa Atoll in French Polynesia; the responsibility, if any, he considers the EU to have in this matter in view of the fact that French Polynesia is an overseas territory of an EU member state; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11750/95]

Dermot Ahern

Question:

29 Mr. D. Ahern asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the action, if any, he proposes to take as a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in view of the recent decision by the French Government to recommence nuclear testing off New Zealand; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11363/95]

Trevor Sargent

Question:

35 Mr. Sargent asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the action, if any, he intends to take through the EU, the United Nations or any other body in an effort to stop the French Military from carrying out nuclear tests in the South Pacific. [11701/95]

I propose to take Questions Nos. 1, 25, 29 and 35 together.

The Government is totally opposed to nuclear testing and is deeply concerned by the decision of the French Government to resume nuclear testing later this year. These concerns have been made known to the French authorities bilaterally and in the appropriate international fora.

The Tánaiste raised the issue with the French Foreign Minister yesterday evening and expressed the Government's regret at the French decision to resume testing this year. He asked that the French Government reconsider its decision, in the interests of the environment, of nuclear disarmament and of a comprehensive test ban treaty.

The objectives of the Government now are: first, to persuade the French Government to rescind its decision to proceed with the tests. The Tánaiste has called publicly on France to reconsider its decision and the Government believes that, in view of the widespread international concern, France should review its position and maintain its moratorium on nuclear tests; second, we want to ensure that Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States maintain their current unilateral bans on testing. The French decision may encourage voices in these countries that favour a resumption of testing. These calls should be firmly resisted by the Russian, British and American Governments; and third, we want to see early progress on a comprehensive test ban treaty. The recent Chinese test, and the French decision, show the limitations of a purely unilateral approach and the imperative need for a binding international agreement that will ban all tests, in all atmospheres, for all time.

In a statement he made on 14 June, the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs said that France's decision would be viewed as a setback to the efforts to bring about an early and complete ban on nuclear testing. Referring to the recent Non-Proliferation Treaty Review and Extension Conference in New York at which the nuclear powers undertook to conclude a comprehensive test ban treaty (CTBT) no later than 1996, the Tánaiste pointed out that the conference had called on the nuclear weapon states, pending the entry into force of a CTBT, to exercise utmost restraint. The Tánaiste emphasised that, in the light of the outcome of the conference, it was particularly disappointing that two nuclear powers, France and China, had decided to continue testing.

On the same day as the Tánaiste's statement, the French Ambassador was received in the Taoiseach's Department by officials who, on the instructions of the Taoiseach, conveyed the Taoiseach's strong concern about this matter to the French authorities.

On 15 June the Irish Ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva, on instruction, outlined the Government's views to a plenary session of the UN Conference on Disarmament.

Prior to the French announcement, the Tánaiste had called publicly and repeatedly on the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia and France to maintain their unilateral moratoria on nuclear testing. In this connection, he emphasised the great importance of securing a successful conclusion of the negotiations for a comprehensive test ban. Therefore, the French authorities can be in no doubt about the sense of disappointment felt by the Irish Government and people over their decision to resume testing.

The Government view with real concern the prospect that the French decision in the period ahead, may complicate the efforts of EU states to exert effectively their combined influence in the non-proliferation and disarmament fields. These are areas which seemed to hold out the promise of further significant advances in the future. An action which might inhibit such progress is deeply regrettable.

On the morning of the French decision to resume nuclear testing later this year on Muroroa Atoll in the South Pacific we on this side of the House condemned their intention which has led to justified outrage, anger and resentment. Can the Minister of State tell us what response the Tánaiste got from the French Foreign Minister yesterday.

The position of the French Government to date has been that it is listening to what is being said by various countries around the world. No response has been forthcoming but the tests do not commence until September which gives the French Government some time to consider the views of the international community, including Ireland, and the effects of these tests in terms of the environment, disarmament and nuclear armaments. We are particularly concerned about the repercussions of this decision in encouraging other countries which have nuclear weapons to argue for the resumption of testing. We hope that in the period between now and September the French Government will pay due attention to the international concern that has been expressed about this testing.

Will the Minister of State admit to the House that the pressure exerted by Greenpeace and other concerned organisations, in addition to the motion put forward by Fianna Fáil last spring which reflected that concern in relation to the renewal of the NPT, has been very effective when compared with the blank cheque approach of the Government and the Minister? The Government should have insisted on a five-year renewal with specific targets. The ink was not dry on the unconditional renewal of NPT when the Chinese carried out a nuclear test and now the French have committed themselves to further testing. Even at this late stage, will the Minister of State not agree that a major error was made by the Government?

I categorically reject the Deputy's views. In fact, had those views been acceded to and five-year extensions been granted, we might have been left in a position where there was a complete free for all, in regard to nuclear testing.

We have already had two tests in a couple of months.

Ireland's approach to the NPT conference was to push for an indefinite extension. That was achieved without a vote and no state party advanced a proposal for a series of five-year extensions. Such extensions would merely have weakened the non-proliferation regime by calling into question the performance of the treaty, which is its foundation, and might have encouraged would-be proliferators. We wanted the process for the review of implementation strengthened. This was achieved. The enhanced review arrangements give greater scope for non-nuclear weapons states such as Ireland to hold nuclear weapons states to their commitments to nuclear disarmament and to a comprehensive test ban treaty. France's decision to renew nuclear testing is clearly a unilateral one. I believe the outcome would have been precisely the same had the five-year reviews been agreed to.

As I said to the Deputy at the time of the debate on the NPT, his decision to move the motion was a strategic one. We all share the same objective in relation to ending the nuclear arms race and nuclear testing, but a five-year extension of the treaty would have meant that it might have come under question every five years. We now have an enhanced review procedure which begins next year. Such an outcome would not have been possible had the strategy suggested by the Deputy been adopted. I continue to disagree with the Deputy's strategy in this area.

The fact that the Chinese and the French are involved in nuclear testing makes a nonsense of what the Minister of State has just said in relation to the NPT. This was our treaty, having been initiated by Frank Aiken, and Ireland should have taken a stand on it. It is typical of this Government to be judged by words, not actions. If the French proceed with these tests — hopefully they will not — will the Minister of State, through the Tánaiste, insist that notice be given to the people in the South Pacific of when testing will take place? The French have been obsessively secretive about this in the past and tests have taken place without any notice being given to the countries affected. Can the Minister of State give an assurance to the House in that regard.

The Government considers the decision of the French authorities on this matter to be highly unsatisfactory. We will continue to press France to reconsider its decision. Because the testing will not resume until September, I am hopeful this will give the French Government ample opportunity to reconsider what I believe to be an unfortunate and wrong decision. That is not to say, however, that the approach adopted by Ireland at the NPT was not correct. The approach suggested by Deputy Burke would have put the whole foundation of the treaty at stake. I would remind the Deputy that this change of policy by the French Government has come about since the election of President Chirac, whose party is in partnership with Fianna Fáil in the European Parliament.

I was wondering when the Minister of State would mention that.

I hope, therefore, that the Deputy's party and its Leader will use their influence——

We have done that.

——with President Chirac to make known the views of our Government on this issue. Every political party here should use their resources to make the French Government aware that the resumption of nuclear testing is both undesirable and unnecessary. The Deputy will be aware that it is possible now to have computer simulation of the effects of nuclear testing.

That can be done in regard to flowers and gardens also.

We have received and studied with worry the reports on the effects on the environment in Polynesia of the proposed French tests. I share the Deputy's concern and his fears for the people of that region about the risks posed by this resumption of testing.

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