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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 18 Oct 1995

Vol. 457 No. 2

Reports on Developments in the European Union: Statements.

I am always pleased to have the opportunity to address the House on the subject of the six-monthly reports. The reports we are debating today cover the period from the second half of 1992 to the first half of 1995. While we rarely get an opportunity to debate these reports in this House, the Foreign Affairs Committee and the European Affairs Committee have greatly improved our capacity to monitor developments in the Union and I would see our debate today as complementing their work. It is worth commenting at the outset that the title of the six-monthly reports has changed from "Developments in the European Communities" to "Developments in the European Union". While the European Communities are still there, the change of title reflects the birth of the European Union following the entry into force of the Treaty on European Union on 1 November 1993.

Deputies are of course familiar with the European Union's three distinct elements, referred to as "pillars". The first pillar comprises essentially the three pre-existing Communities, the European Community, the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Atomic Energy Community; the second pillar is concerned with the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the third pillar deals with Justice and Home Affairs (JHA). All of these facets are dealt with in the six-monthly reports.

The format of the six-monthly reports has been modernised so as to produce what I think Deputies will agree is a more concise and user-friendly publication. I am also glad to record that the reports are fully up-to-date, with the publication of the Forty-Sixth Report covering the first half of this year.

The European Union, and the Communities which came before it, have brought unparalleled peace and prosperity to a large part of the Continent of Europe. The benefits of the European Union in terms of stability and economic development extend well beyond its borders. The Union is a logical, practical, and imaginative response to the challenges which face the peoples of Europe. The success of the "European project" depends on harnessing the commitment and abilities of all of our citizens.

I should like to look at some of the principal developments mentioned in each of the reports under review. The Forty-First Report, covering the second half of 1992, reported on the Edinburgh European Council in December of that year which decided on the Community's financial arrangements to the end of the decade. It also reached a compromise dealing with Danish concerns about elements of the Maastricht Treaty — this compromise was widely seen as having put the Maastricht process back on track. The same period witnessed the currency crisis in September 1992 which led to the withdrawal from the ERM of Italy and the United Kingdom.

Arguably the most significant development during the first half of 1993, covered in the Forty-Second Report, was the positive outcome of the referendum on the Maastricht Treaty held in Denmark in June of that year. A year earlier the Danish electorate had ignored the advice of its Government and declined, albeit by a tiny margin, to ratify the Treaty. That result had caused a crisis of confidence, but happily the Danes voted "yes" the second time around.

The Forty-Third Report dealing with the second half of 1993 covered the period of the entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty on 1 November of that year. I have already mentioned that this necessitated a change in the title of the six-monthly reports. The Forty-Third Report also referred to the Commission's White Paper on Growth, Competitiveness and Employment which drew in large part on contributions from member states. The same report recorded the introduction of the Common Foreign and Security Policy in place of European Political Co-operation.

The Forty-Fourth Report stated that the first half of 1994 was a period of consolidation, with the Maastricht Treaty not long having entered into force. Nevertheless there were developments of importance. The enlargement negotiations with Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway were concluded in March of that year. Elections for the European Parliament took place in June 1994 and the new Committee of the Regions held its inaugural meeting in March of that year. The people of Austria were the first to hold a referendum on EU membership and in June 1994 they voted by a two-to-one margin in favour of accession. The European Council at Corfu in June 1994 established a Reflection Group to prepare for the Intergovernmental Conference. I shall have more to say about this later.

The Forty-Fifth Report dealt with the second half of 1994, with Sweden and Finland following the example of Austrial by voting to join the Union. As we know, the people of Norway decided against. In July of last year Mr. Jacques Santer, the then Prime Minister of Luxembourg, was chosen to replace Mr. Jacques Delors as President of the European Commission. Relations with Central and Eastern Europe developed and strengthened in the same period and the Union continued to contribute substantially to the further development of democratic institutions, market economies and respect for human rights.

Finally, the Forty-Sixth Report brings us right up to the first half of this year. On 1 January 1995 Austria, Sweden and Finland acceded to the Union raising the total number of member states to fifteen. On 2 June I attended a conference at Messina to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the original Messina Conference which launched the negotiations resulting in the Treaty of Rome. On the margins of that Conference the Reflection Group, which will prepare the agenda of the Intergovernmental Conference, held its first meeting.

In relation to the Single Market I will start my detailed review of developments by touching on the issue of Employment, Economic and Monetary Union, the financing of the Community, and on three of the most significant policy areas. Agriculture, Fisheries, and Social Policy.

A single market of 370 million people is now very largely in place. The market has brought great benefits to the European economy, especially to a small export-oriented economy like Ireland's. We export some two-thirds of what we produce, compared to an EU average of just over one-quarter. While Britain remains our largest market, our dependence on that market has declined significantly, from 54 per cent in 1973 to 27.5 per cent in 1994. We have a significant trade surplus with our European partners. Our economic well-being is intimately bound up with that of our partners.

The period under review encompassed both the depth of recession and the recovery from it. The recovery has been a vigorous one, but has been characterised across Europe generally by sluggishness in the creation of jobs and by persistently high unemployment. This is a matter of great concern to European citizens.

Deep concern about the apparent weakness of the European economy in job creation, compared to the US and Japanese economies, led to the Commission's White Paper on Growth, Competitiveness and Employment, presented in December 1993. On the basis of the White Paper, the European Council identified a number of key areas for intensive study, including training policies, the flexibility of work organisation, various forms of regional and local initiatives, non-labour wage costs, and special help for groups hard hit by unemployment, such as schoolleavers without qualification, the long-term unemployed, unemployed women and older people.

Member states were asked to submit multi-annual programmes to stimulate employment. The various studies will result in a first annual report on employment which will be submitted to the next European Council in Madrid in December. Employment will be a major theme at Madrid, which will mark the transition from reports to action.

Despite the set-back of 1992, Economic and Monetary Union remains the top priority for the Union and fundamental to the process of European integration. Successive meetings of the European Council during the period under review reaffirmed the commitment to Economic and Monetary Union. Governments have reaffirmed their commitments to the convergence criteria. Last May, the Commission presented its Green Paper on the Practical Arrangements for the Introduction of the Single Currency. The next meeting of the European Council, in Madrid next December, will have before it for approval the all-important reference scenario for movement to Economic and Monetary Union. This reference scenario will provide the blueprint for the third stage of Economic and Monetary Union: that is, for the locking of the participating currencies, the introduction of the single currency for transactions and, finally, the issuing of notes and coins which will replace the national currencies.

Looking back, we can see that agreement reached by the European Council at Edinburgh in December 1992 on the financing of the Community was a vital one. Despite recession and a certain amount of disillusion, it put the financing of the Community on a new basis, agreeing a financial package — the so-called Delors II package — for the seven years 1993-99 which made possible significant increases in Community expenditure in real terms. In doing so it restored faith in the process of European integration. Furthermore, the Edinburgh package made possible agreement, in 1993, on the arrangements governing the Structural Funds for the period 1994-99.

Over the period in review, the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy was put into effect. It is due to be completed in the current marketing year. This was an issue of crucial importance to Ireland. While taking more account of market realities, the reform has retained the essential principle that agriculture is a European policy. Although the emphasis on price support has been reduced, the income of farmers has been protected through an increased element of direct payments. The satisfactory conclusion of the CAP reform facilitated agreement on our part to the GATT Uruguay Round.

The review of the Common Fisheries Policy was completed at the end of 1992 and has since been fully implemented. The system of national quotas was retained. Of particular importance to Ireland, the restrictions on foreign vessels fishing in the 12-mile Irish coastal zone were extended for a further ten years. These provisions constitute an essential safeguard for Irish coastal fishing communities.

The social dimension of the Union has developed considerably in recent years. The Social Protocol annexed to the Maastricht Treaty now increases its capacity to act in the social field.

The Union has achieved much in recent years in areas such as social dialogue, women's rights and health and safety at work. I need hardly add that Ireland has gained considerably from the actions of the Social Fund in the development of human resources.

In promoting the quality of employment, the European Union has recently adopted a number of important measures such as organisation of working time, protection of young people at work and the right of employees in large-scale enterprises to information and consultation.

There is, of course, an increasing awareness that social legislation of the Union must take account of the impact it may have on competitiveness and employment. The Commission also recognises this. In its recent MediumTerm Social Action Programme it states that there is at present less scope or need for a wide-ranging programme of new legislative proposals in the social area.

A major innovation of the Maastricht Treaty was the placing on a Treaty basis of co-operation in the area of Justice and Home Affairs — the so-called third pillar. This commenced, in effect, with the meeting of the Council of Justice and Home Affairs Ministers of 29-30 November 1993. The treaty provides for the possibility of various forms of joint action, and the Council drew up a work programme in the area of police and customs co-operation, the fight against drugs and crime, especially organised crime, co-operation in civil matters as well as in the area of asylum and immigration.

There have been important achievements: the Europol Convention was signed in July last. This provides for the establishment of a European Police Office which will be a centre of police co-operation and exchange of information. This will be particularly useful in the fight against drug trafficking. Also signed in July was a Convention on the Protection of the Financial Interests of the Community. This convention, otherwise known as the Fraud Convention, provides for co-operation in preventing fraud against the Community and for uniformity in dealing with perpetrators of it. The Customs Information System Convention was also signed.

I should now like to turn to external policy, beginning with the CFSP. The entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty during the period under review has given the European Union a greater capacity for action in the area of foreign and security policy through the definition of common positions on international issues and the formulation of joint actions. Under the new arrangements, activity has been intensified, for example, a range of joint actions and common positions have been adopted on issues relating, inter alia, to the former Yugoslavia, the Middle East peace process, the Europan stability pact, Rwanda and Burundi. The following issues have been at the forefront of activity within the European Union over the past three years.

A tragedy of enormous proportion has unfolded in the former Yugoslavia.

Perhaps as many as 250,000 people have been killed in Bosnia — over 10,000 alone in Sarajevo. Nearly 2.7 million are receiving support as a result of the work of UNPROFOR and that of the UNHCR.

For more than three years of bloody conflict the international community has been appalled by the gross violations of human rights which were perpetrated in pursuit of territorial and political ambitions. However, there have been significant developments in recent weeks which give rise to hope. Last month the Foreign Ministers of Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which is also acting on behalf of the Bosnian-Serb leadership, agreed on a set of basic principles for a settlement of the conflict. Important and, I hope, decisive talks are to be held with the parties in Washington on 31 October. A ceasefire, which is generally holding in Bosnia-Herzegovina other than in the north-west, came into effect on 12 October.

I do not wish to underestimate the difficulties which must be overcome before a lasting settlement can be achieved in this troubled region. The negotiating process, which itself must contend with a range of very difficult issues, might yet be undermined by fighting on the ground as, unfortunately, happened so frequently in the past. But there is a real prospect of peace. We will be working with our European Union partners over the next crucial weeks to foster and consolidate the peace process. Should this succeed, the European Union intends to play an active role in the implementation of the civilian aspect of a peace settlement, particularly with regard to reconstruction in the region. This will help to promote peaceful co-existence and provide decent living conditions to those who have suffered so much on account of the tragic developments over the past three years in the former Yugoslavia.

The process of reform in Russia has been of fundamental importance in the past three years. A new constitution has been introduced and a constitutional court established to oversee its implementation. The parliamentary process is developing and political debate is open and lively. Free and fair democratic elections were held in December 1993, monitored by the European Union and other international organisations and preparations for a second round of parliamentary elections in December of this year are proceeding on schedule. However, although progress is undeniable serious problems remain.

In particular, the situation in Chechnya continues to give cause for concern. The level of conflict in the area has been substantially reduced following the important agreements reached by both sides in July of this year on a ceasefire, disarmament and exchange of prisoners, but a peaceful resolution of the situation has not yet been realised. Violations of the ceasefire by both sides have been reported and implementation of the July agreements was recently suspended by the parties following assassination attempts on representatives of the Russian Federation in Grozny. The European Union is working closely with the OSCE with a view to preventing any further deterioration in the situation on the ground and promoting the early resumption of discussions on the implementation of the July agreements, which are the first institutionalised steps towards a peaceful solution.

As regards the Middle East, the past three years have witnessed truly historic achievements. In September 1993 Israel and the Palestinians signed a Declaration of Principles. This led to two agreements in 1994 and 1995 which have given the Palestinians an important measure of autonomy in Gaza and the West Bank. Jordan and Israel signed a peace treaty in October 1994. Jordan thus became the second Arab state to negotiate peace with Israel since Egypt did in 1979. These major achievements will help make the Middle East peace process irreversible and thus hold out to the rest of the world the prospect of the removal of a conflict which has on numerous occasions in the past threatened a global confrontation.

The period under review has witnessed progress in the process of democratisation with elections held in several African countries and the remarkable transition of South Africa following the end of apartheid. There have been advances in substantive EU dialogue with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) following the Berlin Conference of September 1994. Dialogue between the EU and the Organisation of African Unity has also been developed, particularly in relation to the establishment of African conflict prevention and resolution mechanisms. However, the EU continues to be concerned about the human rights situation and the slowness of progress towards democracy in a number of African countries.

There have also been major crises resulting from human conflict and natural disasters in Africa during the period under review, among these the appalling genocide which took place in Rwanda in 1994 has and continues to provide the greatest challenge to the international community. More than a year after the massacres the situation in the Great Lakes region remains volatile with two million Rwandan refugees living in camps in neighbouring states and severe overcrowding in Rwandan prisons.

The safe and voluntary repatriation of refugees remains the major political and humanitarian issue. However, it is also essential that the necessary conditions for their return are created in Rwanda and that those responsible for atrocities are brought to justice. The anticipated hearing of cases by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda will be an important contribution to the process of national reconciliation. On the ground the re-establishment of the justice system and other civil institutions is essential to the process of recovery and national reconciliation. The ongoing situation in Burundi, along with the presence of refugees in other neighbouring countries, necessitates effective regional and international engagement if a long-term solution is to be achieved.

President Robinson has visited Rwanda on two occasions, most recently from 9 to 13 October when she was accompanied by my colleague the Minister of State, Deputy Burton. That visit reflects the priority which we all believe should be afforded by the international community in resolving the tragic problems of Rwanda and the Great Lakes region.

The European Union's external economic relations relate to an area where there have been many significant developments during the periods covered by the reports. The Union continued to engage in dialogue with all of its major trading partners including the United States, Japan and Canada as well as with regional groupings such as ASEAN and with Latin America. The conclusion of the Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations and the coming into being of the World Trade Organisation were two of the major achievements during the period covered. I would like to mention three developments which are particularly important to Ireland. Austria, Finland and Sweden became full members of the Union on 1 January 1995. The positive response of the peoples of Austria, Finland and Sweden represented a great boost to the European Union. Ireland shares many common interests with the three new member states and their participation in Union decision-making will help us all to forge a Union which is fully responsive to the needs of all of its members. My only regret concerning the recent enlargement process was the decision by the Norwegian electorate not to join the Union at this stage.

In the area of multilateral trade, the World Trade Organisation came into existence on 1 January 1995 with Ireland as one of its founding members. The net result of the successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round and the establishment of the WTO will be to provide a secure and predictable international trading environment and a continuing process of trade liberalisation.

Ireland's policy in the negotiations was to support the conclusion of a global agreement, covering all countries and sectors in a manner consistent with the level of development of each country while seeking to minimise the negative effects that any agreement might have on specific sectors in Ireland such as agriculture. This objective was met and Ireland stands to benefit significantly from the resulting liberalisation of international trade.

Members of this House are no doubt aware of the importance placed by Ireland on its relations with the United States. In recognition of these ties Ireland during its last Presidency of the European Union played an important role in the negotiations leading to the conclusion of the Transatlantic Declaration which states the principles of US-EU partnership and sets out the institutional framework within which US-EU relations are pursued. Negotiations are currently taking place between the Union and the United States to deepen this relationship still further. It is expected that these negotiations will be concluded in time for the European Council in Madrid and that the Council will approve a joint EU-US action plan for the strengthening of transatlantic relations. During our Presidency of the European Union I intend to do all possible to build on the work already begun to foster and enhance that relationship.

Japan is the world's third largest economy after those of the European Union and the United States. In its communication to the Council of Ministers in March 1995, the European Commission emphasised the importance which the Union places on its relations with Japan. I share that view.

There have been a number of significant developments to the south. The Commission adopted positive opinions on the Cypriot and Maltese membership applications and it has been agreed that accession negotiations with these counties will begin six months after the completion of the Intergovernmental Conference and in the light of its outcome. We look forward to the eventual accession of these countries to the European Union.

With regard to Turkey, Customs Union is scheduled to enter into force on 1 January next year, subject to ratification by the European Parliament.

The Union has also continued the process of deepening and strengthening its relations with Mediterranean third country partners. The European Council at Essen in December 1994 emphasised the stategic importance of the Mediterranean for the European Union and reiterated its willingness to establish a Euro-Mediterranean partnership. In this context, a new series of broad-ranging Euro-Mediterranean Agreements are in various stages of negotiation with individual Mediterranean countries. Trade links with the region are to be further stengthened, leading to the progressive establishment of a Euro-Mediterranean free trade area by 2010. We welcome the prospect of a deepening of our relations to the south and I look forward in particular to the Euro-Mediterranean Conference which will take place in Barcelona on 27 and 28 November. The aim of this Conference is to enable the EU and its neighbours on the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean to reach agreement on the course of their future relations and co-operation over a wide range of areas until well into the next century.

In the course of the three-year period under review, significant progress was made in intensifying the European Union's relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and in assisting these countries to prepare for eventual EU membership. Landmarks in the on-going process of pan-European integration include:

the coming into force of the Europe Association Agreements with Hungary, Poland, the Czech and Slovak Republics, Romania and Bulgaria, and the more recent signature of such agreements with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania; the conclusions of the Copenhagen and Corfu European Councils in June 1993 and June 1994, respectively, which acknowledge and associated countries' ambitions to European Union membership and set down the conditions necessary for membership and the commencement of accession negotiations; the adoption by the European Council in Essen last December of a comprehensive pre-accession strategy designed to assist the associated countries on the road to European Union membership; the publication earlier this year by the Commission of a White Paper on the preparation of the associated countries for integration into the Single Market at the time of their accession. Their gradual alignment on Community policies for the construction of the Single Market will strengthen the competitiveness of their economies and increase the benefits of their econmic reforms.

I need hardly state that the eventual enlargement of the Union to include associated countries of Central and Eastern Europe will create significant challenges for the European Union and its member states, including Ireland. Nevertheless it is important for us always to bear in mind that the achievement by them of the conditions necessary for accession and the eventual successful conclusion of accession negotiations will enhance stability, confidence and prosperity throughout Europe.

Further east, the Union has negotiated Partnership and Co-operation Agreements — PCAs — with many of the countries of the former Soviet Union and it is its intention to conclude similar agreements with other such countries in the future. These agreements are wide-ranging, covering trade and economic co-operation, political dialogue and cultural relations and are an important means of facilitating European Union support and assistance to the economic and political transformation efforts of the countries concerned. As you know, conclusion of the Interim Agreement with Russia, designed to implement the trade and economic provisions of the EU-Russia PCA, was delayed because of Russian responses to the situation in Chechnya. But the European Council meeting in Cannes last June, noting that progress had been made with regard to this issue, decided in favour of signing the Interim Agreement. Signature has since taken place.

Europe took a significant step forward with the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty. The Treaty established the mechanisms necessary for further advancement in the process of European integration. It will soon be time to take another step in that process. The Maastricht Treaty itself provides that an Intergovernmental Conference shall be convened in 1996 to examine certain areas which were not fully resolved by the Maastricht Treaty. Those provisions include: the Common Foreign and Security Policy; the Union's legislative procedures and the decision-making powers of the European Parliament; and the possible insertion of new Titles on Civil Protection, Tourism and Energy into the Treaty.

Preparations for the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference are well under way. It is now clear that the Intergovernmental Conference will be far more than an exercise in tying up the loose ends of Maastricht. It will be required to set the stage for the enlargement of the Union to encompass well over 20 members.

The Corfu European Council in June 1994 decided to establish a Reflection Group to help to prepare the ground for the Intergovernmental Conference. In particular, the group was asked to elaborate options on certain institutional questions in the perspective of the future enlargement of the Union. In addition, the Brussels European Council of December 1993 specifically requested the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference to consider the questions relating to the number of members of the Commission and the weighting of the votes of the member states in the Council and also to consider any measures deemed necessary to facilitate the work of the institutions and guarantee their effective operation. At the Cannes European Council of June 1995 additional guidelines mentioning the third pillar — that is co-operation in Justice and Home Affairs — subsidiarity, employment and the environment, were set out for the Reflection Group.

The Reflection Group is made up of one member from each member state, a member of the Commission and two members of the European Parliament. As Deputies will be aware, Ireland's representative on the Reflection Group is the Minister of State, Deputy Gay Mitchell. The Reflection Group will play an important role in the preparation of the Intergovernmental Conference agenda, but, it must be stressed, is not a negotiating forum. Its task is rather to identify the issues that are likely to arise for discussion at the Intergovernmental Conference and to put forward options to the Intergovernmental Conference for addressing these issues. It has met nine times already and will continue to meet regularly between now and submitting its report to the European Council in Madrid in December.

As regards the timing of the Intergovernmental Conference, it is expected to open during the Italian Presidency in the first half of 1996, and will continue throughout the Irish Presidency during which we will be expected to oversee the management of its agenda and the progress of the negotiations. It will clearly be a major priority of the Irish Presidency and we will advance its work as expeditiously as possible.

The overall Irish approach to the negotiations is that our most fundamental interest is in the development of further integration and in a Union which has institutions which function effectively. We recognise the need to streamline and simplify the legislative procedures of the Union. Where substantive and practical progress can be made, we will support this. At the same time, we will aim to protect the overall balance between the member states within the institutions of the Union and to protect the overall balance between the institutions. We will in particular oppose any diminution of the role and competences of the Commission. We will support measures to bridge the gap that has developed between the citizen and the Union. It is vital that the relevance of the Union to its citizens be strengthened, and that the Union become more effective in tackling problems, such as unemployment, international crime and environmental pollution, which adversely affect the quality of its citizens' lives.

I thank the Tánaiste for a very comprehensive report on the European Union in the past six months. I intend to deal mainly with the Intergovernmental Conference conference. The Commission's conclusion is that the complex institutional structures and equally complex decision-making procedures are hampering the Union in achieving the goals set out in the treaties. Like the Parliament, the Commission wants to see far more efficient decision-making introduced and an extension of majority voting in Council on nearly all legislative proposals including such sensitive issues as enlargement and financing. Perhaps of more significance, in the context of the Intergovernmental Conference, the representatives of the actual participants in the conference of member state governments have now begun to put forward their initial views on the issues which have been addressed in those nine meetings which have taken place.

The Reflection Group, whose membership comprises two members of the European Parliament, one member from each member state and a member of the Commission, has begun the search for common ground in the varying positions which have been put forward by the participants at the conference, that is the member state governments and, to a lesser extent, the positions of the European institutions, the Parliament and the Commission. While the Reflection Group is not due to finish its work until the end of the year, a broad consensus is emerging on a number of issues. Similarly, the major areas of divergent views between the member states are also becoming increasingly evident.

With regard to institutional structures, the member states appear to be in agreement that the present functions of the biannual European Council meetings of Heads of State and Government should be maintained. In regard to the Commission, there is general agreement in the Reflection Group that this institution should maintain its monopoly of legislative initiative. A minority suggests that this monopoly should be accompanied by certain restricting mechanisms. As more and more regulations are being introduced, perhaps it is not a bad idea.

On the politically sensitive question of the membership of the European Commission, there is a proposal that membership be reduced from 15 to 12 members, in spite of the hoped for increased enlargement, as mentioned by the Tánaiste. Naturally, smaller states like Ireland would see it as vital that we retain a commissionership while some of the larger states are advocating a reduction in numbers from 15 to 12.

With regard to supervisory control on the activities of the Commission, there is a significant degree of support for reinforcing its powers, the powers of the Parliament and the Council in this area, and for a mechanism to allow individual commissioners to be censured. This exists to some extent in Parliament but it requires unanimity. There is broad agreement in the Parliament on the question of fixing a maximum number of seats and, again, we would lose numbers.

There is a need to simplify legislative procedures. In particular, the Reflection Group considers it necessary to simplify procedures and reduce the overall number of legislative procedures to consultation, co-decision and assent. Only a minority of the participants in the Reflection Group have so far advocated that the Parliament should exercise increased political control over the activities of the EU. There is some support, however, for strengthening the role of Parliament in the fight against fraud. That is essential because there is a suggestion that fraud is widespread, not just within the institutions of the Community but also in the governments of some member states.

An investigation some years ago in northern Italy uncovered that everyone, including a doorman, had a car funded by the European Community. There was another investigation into the building of a dam in Sicily and, to my knowledge, that dam has never been built. The contract for the dam was awarded by a certain political group to a company which made sure it would never be built because the control of water was the responsibility of that group. Those matters have not been cleard up. We have apparently failed to tackle the problem of fraud which can amount to three or four per cent of the Community's funding.

Significantly there is clear agreement that a second or upper house — a type of European senate — should not be established. A position in such an institution might be a nice retirement role for somebody from the Department of Foreign Affairs — I am speaking politically and not referring to the current members of Government at the Department. I wonder would they be required to wear togas in the European sense of total institutionalisation.

There is an acceptance that national parliaments should be more closely associated with the workings of the European institutions and one proposal concerns the establishment of an advisory council on subsidiarity whose members would be drawn from national parliaments. That would be a far more practical role. Not only should we have an input from Members of the European Parliament, other than through the committee system, but our Members should particpate in advisory councils. A number of advisory councils have been established in Europe whose membership is made up of people from various non-political groups. Such advisory councils make us more aware of what is happening in Europe.

With regard to the Council, there is general agreement on maintaining unanimity as a requirement for modifying primary law. A majority of member states' representatives favour extending qualified majority decision-making for secondary legislation. Predictably, the British strongly oppose this suggestion but, significantly, many representatives of other member states also have reservations about extending majority voting in different policy areas. I am sure there are many areas with which we would find difficulty given our narrow vested interests.

There is a clear divergence of opinion on the weighting of votes in the Council with the larger member states arguing for greater account to be taken of factors such as population in the allocation of weighted votes. Not surprisingly, the smaller member states oppose this suggestion. That would create an imbalance which would destroy Europe.

With regard to the functions of the Presidency of the Council, there is not yet clear agreement on the changes, if any, to be made to the current sixmonth rotating system. The French Government's view is that a senior representative should be nominated to represent the Council of Ministers on the international stage, presumbly with the intention of working in close collaboration with the Presidency-in-office. Not surprisingly, the EU Commission is opposed to such a move which probably is intended to lead to a reduction in the international profile of the Commission President. The Belgian Government is also opposed to this proposal. The French Government will oppose it now also because it no longer holds the Presidency of the Council.

There is a general consensus among the member states' representatives in the Reflection Group that the conduct of the common foreign and security policy in recent years demonstrates a lack of coherence in the EU response to the new challenges of the post-Cold War era. There are, however, widely divergent views on the underlying reasons for this lack of coherence and on the most appropriate methods of tackling these problems. Some representatives suggest that the political will for a CSFP is lacking in certain quarters; others take the view that there is a structural problem which has resulted in insufficient instrumentation being established to implement an overly ambitious policy.

During a recent meeting with one member of the Reflection Group, I was extremely concerned about his tendency to talk about a European military force which might become directly involved in conflicts such as that in the former Yugoslavia and elsewhere. That is particularly worrying because we already have a two or even three tier Europe and with the Western European Union we may have a fourth tier. God knows what will happen if monetary union goes ahead. We will have different layers of the European Community which will mean little to the people.

There is also some concern that the separation of the political and the external economic dimension under two different pillars in the Maastricht Treaty contributes to this lack of coherence.

A number of member states consider that the EU should have an international legal personality and all are agreed that an analysis-forward studies unit working on common foreign policy questions should be made available to the Council of Ministers. This suggestion is linked by certain member states to the proposal to create a post in the European Council for a senior politician who would become the Council's human face. I do not disagree with that suggestion and I intend to refer to it later in my contribution. The face of Europe is totally anonymous and few people are familiar with it, yet there is only minority support among member states' representatives for increased functions for the Parliament in the area of foreign policy.

With regard to questions of security and defence, some member states are of the view that the Western European Union should be gradually integrated into the EU institutional structure while others, in particular the non-WEU countries, consider that such a merger is not feasible. Other member states' representatives suggest an interim formula mid way between integration and autonomy for Western European Union-EU relations. That would help to destroy all that is beneficial to Europe. Europe is not just a part of NATO nor is NATO European. Some European countries are neutral such as Ireland, Austria and Sweden and when Europe speaks on foreign policy, it speaks with far greater strength than NATO and indeed it has a greater moral authority in that area.

With regard to the free movement of people within Europe and the related question of policing access to the EU from third countries, some member states' representatives argue in favour of increased EU competence in areas such as immigration, asylum and controls at external borders. We are one of the two or three countries whose citizens must produce their passports on entering Europe and in that respect we are a different type of citizen within the European Community.

The Reflection Group has apparently begun to examine the feasibility of incorporating the Schengen Agreement into Community law, possibly with an opt out clause to allow certain member states to postpone their involvement in such a development. Again, we are talking about a two or three tier Europe in that regard.

There is an emerging view that energy, civil protection and tourism, all of which are mentioned in the Maastricht Treaty as areas that could be included among new Community competences, should not now become common policies and that instead further co-operation between the member states can be developed in these areas.

There is a majority view within the Reflection Group on the need to maintain the criteria and the timetable for economic and monetary union but there is no apparent desire to amend the Treaty's provisions or to incorporate new provisions in the Treaty on economic and monetary union. We are not being told the truth in that regard. We were told economic and monetary union would take place in 1999, that we would have one currency, one market and one union but we will not even know the details of how we will qualify for them by 1999. I suspect that the date will be pushed further forward. I ask the Minister in his reply to refer to the headline in yesterday's edition of the Irish Independent which stated “Kohl warns of war if EU rejects monetary union”. In recent months the British Government attacked Gerry Adams for suggesting that the troubles in Northern Ireland would resume if no progress was made in the peace process. However, it is more frightening and hypocritical for the leader of one of the main countries in the EU to compare the position in Europe to that in Yugoslavia. Most people know that European monetary union will not be achieved as the conditions are too stringent. By the time we have complied with all the conditions laid down by the EU, at which stage we will no longer be recipients of Structural Funding, we will almost be wiped out. We will lose money on the one hand and will not be allowed to use our initiative to develop our economy on the other. This is a frightening prospect. There needs to be more straightforward thinking so that people do not continue to believe that the Single Market and the single currency are simple matters. They are complex matters on which we should make haste slowly.

On the question of the Union budget, there does not appear to be any degree of support for tackling the issue of own resources or new financial instruments in the context of the Intergovernmental Conference. The proposal to remove the distinction between compulsory and non-compulsory expenditure has been rejected by a majority of the representatives of member states. It now seems likely that the Parliament will not succeed in gaining control over the annual budget allocated to the Common Agricultural Policy, a potential development which many feel could pose a real threat to its future. I have spent some time in the European Parliament where the populist view is anti CAP. However, the CAP is the heart of much of Europe and is the soul of many rural areas.

There is a widespread view within the Reflection Group that employment and the environment should be clearly established as priorities for the EU, yet there is no concensus on how employment creation or environmental protection objectives can be incorporated in the Treaty. There is a consensus view in the group that the Intergovernmental Conference should not deal with the conditions governing further enlargement or the potential impact of enlargement on specific internal policies, notably agriculture and the Structural Funds. However, the representatives of member states are discussing appropriate methods of expelling a member state which no longer respects fundamental human rights or basic principles. Some member states are in favour of EU accession to the European Convention on Human Rights while others are opposed to it.

I have outlined the present position within the Reflection Group as I understand it. However, it is important to remember that the group is not due to terminate its work until the end of the year and that while the views put forward within it by the representatives of the member states will broadly reflect their Government's positions they will not necessarily reflect definitive national policy on particularly difficult questions. This work will be completed for the Madrid Summit which will take place in mid-December. We do not know when the Intergovernmental Conference will officially begin its work but even if it begins in 1996 it will not complete it by the end of the year but will continue into 1997.

The Intergovernmental Conference should deal with the lack of consensus on the way forward for Europe and people's lack of confidence in its leadership. I believe only six or seven Deputies could name four members of the Commission while nobody could list all the policies in regard to reform etc. The people on the street are receiving no direction from Europe and the opportunity should be availed of at the Intergovernmental Conference to look at where it is going and to make haste slowly. Enlargement of the EU to include Poland. Romania and the former Yugoslavia will lead to a reduction in the funding available. Yet there has been no reference to this. People do not know what powers the Commission has, where the Commissioners come from or which of them deals with the various sections. While I welcome the appointment of a EU ombudsman he should have an office in every member state so that people do not have to ring Brussels to make a complaint.

Europe has learned little from the Maastricht Treaty which was written in a language incomprehensible to the ordinary person and whose concerns were far removed from their lives. The fact that the Maastricht Treaty was defeated in one member state and supported by a small majority in another is a lesson for all of us and indicates how far away the EU has grown from its citizens.

Concerns have been raised about unnecessary interference in matters of national policy. Everyone is aware of the story about the woman who rang the Marian Finucane show to tell how she had been prosecuted for selling scones she had baked in her kitchen which did not meet the requirements of EU regulations. Some of these regulations are ridiculous. A few years ago a regulation proposed to remove the colouring from jam.

There is a loss of national identity among people in many areas. However misplaced these worries are they are a fact of life and it would be foolish for politicians to think that people are not concerned about them. The further enlargement of the EU should be carefully considered in the interests not only of Europe but also of those states which may not be ready to become members.

The EU has been good for Ireland in many ways, through Structural Funding, trade diversification and giving us a central role on the European stage. However, we must not be blind to its failings. The EU must muster sufficient political will to tackle the problems of unemployment in a comprehensive manner. This has not been done to date. The more regulations have been introduced, the more difficulties have been placed on employers in terms of extra cost etc. As the representatives of IBEC told the Joint Commitee on European Affairs last week, Ireland dropped from ninth most competitive country in the world a few years ago to twenty-second most competitive last year. This is partly due to EU regulations which have a beneficial effect in more advanced countries but which have a detrimental effect on small businesses here.

There has been agreement on the setting up of a European police force but there has been no further movement in this area. Those of us who were naive enough to believe that the drugs discovered in recent months were meant for the European market were shocked to see the consignment of drugs from Amsterdam discovered at Dublin Airport.

I compliment the Customs Service and the Garda Síochána on the volume of drugs seized. I also compliment fishermen whose nets were filled with drugs on their honesty and integrity in not succumbing to the temptation to either sell or use them. Little or nothing has been done to tackle this problem despite the fact that drugs are now freely available in every part of rural Ireland and some individuals operating within the trade have profit margins of up to 5,000 per cent.

These are the core issues which the European Union should address as opposed to the objective of an enlarged federal Union. It must try to regain the confidence of its citizens. I am disappointed that the Europen poverty programme has not been placed on the agenda of the Intergovernmental Conference. I regard this as one of the failures of the Department of Social Welfare.

If the bureaucracy continues to hold sway, the credibility of the European Union will be further undermined. I am pro-Europe and always have been. We need to consolidate what we have before we move forward. I would like to think that the majority will always be in favour of further expansion, but there is no chance of this happening if we fail to bring people with us.

The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs made a lengthy speech in which he reviewed recent developments in the European Union, but what we are primarily concerned with is the question of where we go from here. There is not much we can do about what happened in the past three or four years, some of which we are unhappy about, but it is water under the bridge.

I expected the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs to spell out where Ireland stood on the matters that will have to be discussed and decided in coming years. He devoted the final paragraph of his speech to future developments. It was full of bland, meaningless clichés. He stated: "The overall Irish approach to the negotiations is that our most fundamental interest is in the development of further integration and in a Union which has institutions which function effectively". We are all in favour of motherhood and apple pie and against sin.

Earlier during Question Time the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs answered questions. Unfortunately, it was difficult to get an answer from him. He is a great man for bland clichés. Saying nothing in a nice way is called diplomacy and has its uses at certain times, but the Government and the Department of Foreign Affairs should get off the fence and tell us where they stand on the issues facing this country and the Union. They have not done so up to now.

There has been an endless series of seminars and meetings at which everything has been discussed, but we are still waiting for the White Paper on foreign policy which has been promised for an extraordinary length of time. We were assured it would be published in the spring, the summer and then the autumn, but we are practically into the winter and have still not seen it. Even when we do I am worried that it will be a bit like the speech the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs made today, that he will not be prepared to take a stand on any issue and will leave everything open in a vague way in the hope everything will work out.

We face some serious difficulties. We talk glibly about European Monetary Union and a single currency as if they were something we could sail into, that there were no difficulties relating to them and that the rate of progress in the future will be similar to that in the past, but that is not so, it will be very different. As Deputy Davern said, there is a different atmosphere, a degree of disillusionment and, for the first time, active antagonism towards the Union from some of its own members, particularly Britain.

Of all our external relationships the most important from many points of view is our relationship with Britain because of factors of geography, history, trade and many others. It is the key relationship, but it was not addressed by the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs. We cannot assess Ireland's situation in coming years unless it is assessed in the context of British attitudes and policy, some aspects of which were outlined last week in Blackpool. If the Secretary of State for Defence, Mr. Portillo, a senior member of the British Cabinet, represented, even in a most limited way, what British policy towards the European Union might be in coming years, the outlook is bleak.

There is a simplistic view that, irrespective of what the British do, we can do our own thing because we are real Europeans. We cannot operate that way as the economic consequences would be too great. I respectfully suggest to the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs that some of the figures he quoted in relation to the single market are doubtful. He stated: "While Britain remains our largest market, our dependence on that market has declined significantly, from 54 per cent in 1973 to 27.5 per cent in 1994". I do not know from where those figures came, but they do not represent the reality.

The degree of our trade with Britain in practice is much higher and the degree of our trade which is indigenously owned and which is vulnerable is far higher because a high proportion is with Britain and affected by imports from Britain. It is, therefore, misleading to take our trade figures globally and to say that Britain accounts only for 27.5 per cent because the global figures include huge, almost fictional, sums of money which appear only in trade statistics.

We have an economy with a huge amount of transfer pricing where the commercial reality is a great deal less than the figures we sometimes like to talk and boast about. We know the difficulties we will encounter if Britain devalues and we do not. We saw those difficulties in 1992 and the early part of 1993. In the end, against the will and wishes of the Government and many others, we devalued because we had to do so. If we are in the European Monetary Union without Britain and are locked in permanently to a Frankfurtdominated hard currency and Britain are free to float as they wish, where will we stand? The Government is not even asking that question, let alone answering it. That is a crucial question for us and is what the debate should be about.

There has been talk in the last few weeks of the Germans being unhappy with the French approach to their budget, public finances and fiscal policy. France is a powerful country in every sense of the word. If doubt is being cast on the eligibility of France to join the European Monetary Union, where does that leave Ireland? We will not be on the map. We should have a real debate about this, not just use bland clichés saying something will turn up in the next few years to make things easy for us.

In a recent survey carried out by the Dublin Chamber of Commerce 77 per cent of business firms suported membership of the European Monetary Union but only 37 per cent thought it realistic to enter if the UK stayed out. Some 22 per cent thought the Irish economy was not ready for European Monetary Union and they were right.

During Question Time today Deputy Harney sought to raise the question of our official economic statistics. She did not receive reassuring answers. People are increasingly aware of the dubious nature of some of our official statistics. It is one thing for us to be aware of that but members of the German Parliament are also becoming aware and are beginning to query them. The sooner we sort that out the better. Some of the examples given today by Deputy Ahern are very interesting. In a recent year we are supposed to have had a GDP growth of 8 per cent in real terms. That is phenomenal. Only a handful of countries in the world have anything like that.

It was for the year 1994. However, our level of employment did not increase, nor did unemployment fall. If we had real growth of 8 per cent we could see it around us but we do not see real growth. We see a continuing high level of unemployment and we have great difficulty in obtaining jobs. We see a severe inability to provide normal infrastructure out of our own resources. We rely on huge transfer payments from the EU and without them there would be very little activity. The level of agricultural incomes, which make a huge contribution to the economy, would be between one third and a half of what they are. The influence of that on our economy would be enormous. These problems must be faced but we are not receiving any leadership from the Government.

It is disappointing that the debate is marked by a total reluctance on the part of the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs to spell out exactly where we stand or where the Government feels we should stand on these matters. I do not see that reluctance to express a view in other countries. In Britain they are falling over themselves to express their views in strong terms. In Germany they are expressing extremely hard, tough views. If we take on board what they are saying in Germany we would think three times about where we might be going. Strong views are held in France on these issues and they are not reluctant to express them.

We have a huge dependence on foreign trade. Two-thirds of what we produce is exported, while only one-quarter of production in other EU states is exported. If there were a major reversal of the forward movement of Europe the consequences for us would be very serious.

If the EU were a business and run as such this would be a time to consolidate. There has been much expansion and enlargement, new competencies, jurisdictions and so on. However, the EU is not a business. It is much bigger and more important than a mere business. It is not just a series of economies. It has political obligations and is subject to political imperatives. The overriding obligation is securing and maintaining peace in Europe, once the cockpit of world wars. It has been successful in that but if it is to continue that success, which, in the last resort is the most important, it cannot simply consolidate and turn its back on its neighbours who were recently dominated by authoritarian regimes and say: "build up democratic institutions on your own; do the best you can and come back in 25 years. If you get on well and are rich enough we will take you in". There is a political and moral obligation on Europe to enlarge the Community and help people who are weak both economically and in terms of their democratic institutions in order to strengthen those institutions, as happened in Greece and Portugal which were subjected to authoritarian regimes before they joined the Community.

Because the European Union must enlarge significantly and we must take in countries a great deal poorer than Ireland, future enlargements will be a very different cup of tea. I am not talking about the two countries mentioned by the Tánaiste, Malta and Cyprus. They will not make a whit of difference because they are tiny, their economies are very small and they have no effect on this country. I am talking about major countries that will greatly influence us economically when they become members, countries such as Poland, Hungary and the Czech and Slovak Republics. We will have to think long and hard about this matter, but whether it suits us or not economically, politically we have no choice but to accept these countries at the earliest feasible date.

We must also look further afield to the Russian Federation. The future of Europe is very much bound up with the future of its biggest country. Whether that country remains a federation and a unified country or breaks up into a whole series of autonomous republics remains to be seen. We must adopt an approach whereby we can accommodate the difficulties and phobias relating to that country due to historical reasons, and realise that we must maintain a good relationshp with such a large country that could destabilise this continent as far as the Atlantic if the wrong developments took palce or if it felt threatened by its neighbours to the west.

I have referred to only a few of the matters I believe are fundamentally important in terms of the Intergovernmental Conference and associated conferences that will take place in the next few years. The difficulties are much greater than we are led to believe. The Government, while it undoubtedly spends much time and energy making the administrative preparations necessary for these conferences, is shying away from the real debates and problems and from working out solutions to them from this country's point of few. It is shying away from adopting policy positions on many of these matters of fundamental importance.

I hope the debate will not be dominated by military and security affairs. The economic problems are the greatest problems facing us, but in so far as there is discussion of military and security affairs I hope we will take our heads out of the sand and realise that we have been enormous beneficiaries from the Union and that whether we like it or not we have an obligation to play our part as full members, not just as recipients all the time.

I listened with interest to the Tánaiste's opening contribution and the contributions of Deputies Davern and O'Malley. Deputy Davern served his political apprenticeship in the European Parliament and had some interesting remarks to make arising from his experience there. It is appropriate that we are talking about the European Union, European policies and European politics in the aftermath of our earlier discussion on the Electoral Bill. Most people who spoke on that legislation strayed somewhat from the confines of the Bill, stating that politicians must concentrate on the politics of their own locality if they are to remain national politicians, although some people questioned whether that is good politics.

Deputy O'Malley stated that the Government is not providing sufficient or appropriate leadership in terms of the wider European questions. Within the ambit of the Oireachtas Committee on European Affairs there is broad scope for Members with an interest in European policy to make their views known and to make appropriate suggestions and proposals. Perhaps a great number of debates in Dáil Éireann on the wider issue of the European Union and European policies would be effective. What we are talking about this evening are reports on developments in the European Union, and the Tánaiste gave a precise overview of those developments.

It is an appropriate time to hold this debate because in a few months' time Ireland will hold the Presidency of the EU, in preparation for which tremendous work is being done at European and national level. It is important for Ireland and the European Union that the Presidency is successful, and the lead-up work through the Intergovernmental Conference must be concentrated on heavily. I hope the work being done by Deputy Mitchell and his colleagues in this regard will bear fruit.

The Tánaiste outlined important issues that will have to be dealt with through the Intergovernmental Conference such as a foreign and security policy and discussions on legislative procedures and the powers of the European Parliament. He also referred to new titles under civil protection such as tourism, energy and so on. I was interested in Deputy Davern's remarks on the powers of the European Parliament and the composition of the European Commission. Suggestions have been made about streamlining the Commission. It is appropriate nationally and internationally that calls are made for efficiency and for the smallest number of people possible to make important decisions; we are told that is a way of making better and quicker decisions. However, the European Union consists of many countries with different cultures and ideas and it is important that the greatest number of people possible are at the table when the final decisions are made. I hope we will continue with the present system whereby every country, large or small, will have full representation at Commission level. We must seek to maintain that system and I expect we will be successful in that regard.

The Tánaiste referred briefly to matters such as agriculture, social and economic policy, all of which are very important for Members and the country. Social policy is closely related to employment and is something we could debate all evening. I agree with what Deputy O'Malley said about our method of producing statistics. Statistics can lead us to believe the country is doing exceptionally well and allow us to convince ourselves we are among the premier league players in Europe, that everything is booming and has been booming for the past six or seven years. However, when we as public representatives look all around us we see unemployment on every doorstep and a continuing unacceptably high level of poverty we must ask if the statistics are correct. In the coming years particularly during the term of the Irish Presidency I hope we will put employment creation and social policy at the top of the European agenda and keep it there.

I concede there have been very effective efforts at European level to tackle the problem. The European Social Fund has done tremendous work and has provided large sums of money for training and other types of grant-aid but that has not resolved the problem. While we continue to have an unemployment rate which is much higher than the European Union average there is cause for concern and Members must demand action from Government. Everyone has a role to play in keeping unemployment at the top of the agenda in the Oireachtas and at European level.

We have to examine European Union policies which may not allow us to progress as strongly as possible in maintaining and creating jobs. Deputy Davern mentioned somebody with a home bakery who was prosecuted for breaching EU rules. Admittedly the prosecution may not have related entirely to European rules and regulations but there is a European dimension to it. Tens of millions of ECUs have been spent trying to maintain and develop rural areas but other European rules and regulations hinder the success of such programmes. There is little point in spending huge sums of money trying to regenerate rural regions when the red tape and bureaucracy make it difficult to set up development programmes in rural areas.

The reports on agriculture mentioned this evening refer to the period from 1993. During that period the policies put in place by Commissioner MacSharry were implemented. We would have to concede that the scare stories we heard and may have spoken about during the early part of that programme have come to nothing. Our rural areas have not been totally decimated, support for agricultural prices has not disappeared and matters have not deteriorated to the extent that some experts predicted, but we realise that we have been unable to deal with the flight from the land. It is good that European agriculture is strong but it is disappointing to note that the numbers employed directly in agriculture continue to reduce.

We have a problem with bachelors engaged in farming in rural Ireland.

That is something of which I am aware and I will have to tackle it. My colleague, Deputy Sheehan speaks of the problems of bachelors in a wider context.

The numbers of people employed in agriculture in Europe are reducing by the day and that adds greatly to unemployment. There have been very deliberate and to some degree successful efforts to put in place rural development programmes to fund alternative rural enterprise programmes. These have helped and the Leader II programme holds out great hopes for people that they can not only continue to remain in rural areas but build a new economic future for their region. Every parish and townland will be covered by the Leader II programme and more significantly funding under the Leader II programme will have to be matched by private investment at local level. I believe the combination of European, State and private investment will help a new generation to put new schemes for rural development in place. We must do our utmost to ensure that industries and new ideas are not hindered at an early stage by excessive bureaucracy. We are excellent at spending European moneys and at implementing the rules and regulations to the limit and beyond and I suspect that may not be the case in other member states. We should take note of that.

The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs mentioned developments in the fishery industry. If any industry should be a cause of embarrassment for every Irish Government since 1973, it is the fishery industry. We cannot speak of jobs lost in the industry since 1973 but of the job opportunities that were lost. We have a set quota under the Common Fisheries Policy but the quota could have been much greater if we had protected our industry in the 1970s when we negotiated to join the European Community.

Debate adjourned.
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