Bertie Ahern
Question:3 Mr. B. Ahern asked the Taoiseach the meetings or discussions, if any, he has held with Senator Mitchell on his visit to Ireland. [4206/96]
Ceisteanna — Questions. Oral Answers. - Northern Ireland Peace Process.
Bertie Ahern
Question:4 Mr. B. Ahern asked the Taoiseach whether he will propose at his forthcoming meeting with the British Prime Minister that the unionist parties should join the British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body. [4207/96]
Bertie Ahern
Question:5 Mr. B. Ahern asked the Taoiseach the number of joint statements he has issued with Mr. Gerry Adams since taking office; and whether he considered at the time that Mr. Adams was giving commitments on behalf of the republican movement as a whole. [4208/96]
Mary Harney
Question:6 Miss Harney asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with Senator George Mitchell; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [4264/96]
Mary Harney
Question:7 Miss Harney asked the Taoiseach the discussions, if any, he has had with the British Prime Minister since 20 February 1996. [4265/96]
Mary Harney
Question:8 Miss Harney asked the Taoiseach the discussions or contact, if any, he has had with the United States President since 20 February 1996; and the role, if any, he envisages the United States administration can play in rebuilding the peace process. [4266/96]
Mary Harney
Question:9 Miss Harney asked the Taoiseach the discussion or contact, if any, he or his officials have had with the SDLP since 20 February 1996. [4267/96]
Mary Harney
Question:10 Miss Harney asked the Taoiseach the discussion or contact, if any, he or his officials have had with the Alliance Party since 20 February 1996. [4268/96]
Bertie Ahern
Question:11 Mr. B. Ahern asked the Taoiseach if he will ensure that any referendum on peace will be couched in terms that can be put to the people, both North and South, and not be open to differing and divisive interpretations. [4369/96]
Mary Harney
Question:12 Miss Harney asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting of 21 February 1996, with John Hume, leader of the SDLP. [4429/96]
Mary Harney
Question:13 Miss Harney asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting with Independent Unionist MP, Bob McCartney. [4430/96]
Mary Harney
Question:14 Miss Harney asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with Bill Flynn, Chairman of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy. [4534/96]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 3 to 14, inclusive, together. Intensive efforts have continued during the past week to secure the restoration of the IRA ceasefire and the commencement of all-party negotiations. In particular, the Government has been focusing on the objective of agreement on a specific date for the beginning of negotiations. In this way, an avenue will be provided for the peaceful political resolution of differences in a democratic fashion without violence or the threat of violence. The past week has been characterised by intensive exchanges with relevant parties with this objective in mind, but obviously I can only give limited information on these at this juncture.
First, I have been in further contact with the British Prime Minister. I believe a convergence of views is now emerging between the two Governments on how the various ideas for progress can be accommodated in the context of agreement on a specific date for negotiations. However, further work remains to be done in order to ensure a positive outcome to the forthcoming summit, a date for which will be finalised shortly. I expect to speak to the Prime Minister this afternoon or later this evening.
Second, the Government has been keeping in close contact with the Northern Ireland parties. I had a constructive meeting on Saturday week last with Mr. Bob McCartney, the Unionist MP, and I believe that, as a result, there is a better mutual understanding of our respective positions and possible ways forward.
I wish to reiterate the invitation to the leaders of the two main Unionist parties to meet the Tánaiste, the Minister for Social Welfare and myself. I referred to this invitation in the House on 31 January. On the question of Unionist participation in the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body, I would welcome such participation, but that is a matter for the parties concerned to ultimately decide.
My meeting on Wednesday with the SDLP leader, Mr. John Hume, MP, was very useful and we have maintained almost daily contact since then. We share the same urgency regarding an agreed specific date for all-party negotiations and, at our meeting, we had a detailed exchange of views on how the ongoing preparations for the summit meeting might best be pursued with a view to ensuring a successful outcome. As part of those preparations, the Government is examining Mr. John Hume's suggestion for referendums North and South on non-violence and all-party negotiations. An unambiguous interpretation of any such referendum would be clearly desirable in order to maximise the potential for a positive outcome.
In addition, official level contact with Sinn Féin has been continuing. In response to Question No. 5 from Deputy Ahern, two joint statements involving the Government and Sinn Féin were issued, on 14 July and 28 August last year. It was my understanding at the time that the commitments made in those statements by Mr. Adams had the support of the republican movement generally. Both statements included affirmations of a total and absolute commitment to democratic and peaceful methods of resolving political problems.
Regarding the Alliance Party, there have been official level contacts but no meeting at political level since the ceasefire was ended by the IRA. I would be happy to have such a meeting with the Alliance Party at a mutually suitable date.
Finally, the Government has always attached significance to the constructive role of the US administration in the peace process. I have discussed the situation personally with President Clinton by telephone on two occasions in the past week or so and I am keeping him regularly informed of progress.
The Government had a very good meeting on Thursday last with Senator George Mitchell. I availed of the opportunity to convey our deep gratitude for the excellent work undertaken by the international body which he chaired. The Government delegation gave him a detailed account of our efforts to secure a reinstatement of the IRA ceasefire, placing particular emphasis on the importance of a specific date for negotiations. Senator Mitchell conveyed the readiness of President Clinton and his administration to assist the two Governments in their efforts, describing the US role as one of support and encouragement to all sides. I also had a meeting with Mr. Bill Flynn and Mr. Bill Barry.
I join with the Taoiseach's expression of sympathy to the Ceann Comhairle on the death of his brother.
Given that the original date for talks — 29 February — has almost expired, this side agrees with the Taoiseach that every effort must be made to ensure that a firm date for all-party talks and negotiations is fixed and adhered to resolutely. Is the Taoiseach in a position to tell the House whether a summit will be held later today or tomorrow? I understand the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister are unavailable on Thursday or Friday. If that is not the case, perhaps the Taoiseach will outline the position. Is he satisfied that a date put forward for negotiations in this communiqué will be fixed and adhered to resolutely, rather than just suggesting a date for all-party talks as in the previous communiqué on 28 November?
I wish to express my appreciation to the Deputy for his support of the Government's objective of securing a specific date for the opening of all-party negotiations. I am not in a position at this stage to state specifically when a summit meeting will take place. However, as I indicated to the House, I expect to have further discussions with the British Prime Minister this afternoon or later this evening. We are working towards obtaining agreement on a specific date.
I asked the Taoiseach whether the communiqué will fix a date which will be adhered to resolutely.
It is the intention that it would be adhered to resolutely. This is a commitment we are seeking and hope to obtain.
Rather than it being necessary for me to put down 20 parliamentary questions, this side endeavours to support the Government on this matter. Is it the Taoiseach's intention to hold the summit before he leaves for the Far East? Does he hope to achieve that or is it not possible to hold it?
I have given the House as much information as I can on that matter. I am working with a view to having a summit at the earliest possible date. My objective in attending such a summit is to have agreement on a specific date for the opening of all-party negotiations. I indicated to the House that I will have further consultations with the British Prime Minister about this matter later this evening. I am not in a position to be more specific at this point on the date or time of a summit. I may be in possession of further information later but as of now I cannot be more specific. I ask the Deputy to appreciate that position.
If the Taoiseach achieves the objective of holding a summit, perhaps his office and those around him will be a little more helpful to the Opposition. On the last occasion I heard most of the communiqué on the television before I received a copy of it.
The Deputy will recollect that, on the last occasion, the summit was not expected to take place. There was no finalisation as to whether a summit would be held or the precise wording of the matter until approximately two hours before it took place. The Deputy should have a degree of understanding with regard to my ability to communicate information in that short timeframe, given that——
The Taoiseach was too busy advising the media.
——most of the time in question was spent in transit from Dublin to London for the summit. Therefore, my ability to be in touch with the Deputy was less than might otherwise be the case. I am anxious to ensure the Opposition is kept as informed as possible on an up to date basis of matters as they transpire.
I do not expect the Taoiseach to contact me when he is trying to arrange a summit. He might reflect deeply on the speed with which that summit was arranged and whether another summit should be arranged in the same way. There is not much point in holding summits if issues are not tied down, as is the case with this communiqué.
On the contrary, the record will show that the way in which that summit was arranged was of considerable benefit in so far as the communiqué was concerned and the results that flowed from it. I do not accept the Deputy's interpretation in regard to the matter but, having said that, it is my purpose to ensure we get a specific date for all-party negotiations and to create the most favourable conditions possible for ending the IRA campaign of violence.
Is it the Taoiseach's view that mandates secured in the elective process will be sufficient for entering into all-party talks or will it be necessary for parties to endorse the Mitchell principles?
That is one of the matters currently in discussion between the British and Irish Governments. I am not in a position to give any more detail on the matter at this juncture but I assure the Deputy that the issue is being carefully addressed.
I asked the Taoiseach for his view. Is the Taoiseach aware that at lunch-time today the deputy leader of the Ulster Unionist Party said it would be necessary, after elections, for parties to endorse the Mitchell principles? Does the Taoiseach share that view?
As the House is aware, I am working with a view to agreeing a communiqué and a basis for the opening of all-party negotiations with the British Government. I am concentrating my attentions on that matter. I have told the Deputy the matter to which she refers is one of the issues currently in negotiation and, therefore, I do not propose to express any views about it of a personal kind. These matters are currently the subject of negotiation between Government and it is the intention to reach an agreed position on them. As soon as that is the case, I will report to the House on the matter.
As a result of the meeting his officials have had with Sinn Féin, has the Taoiseach any indication whether Sinn Féin will endorse the Mitchell principles at this stage?
Obviously that matter has been discussed in the confidential discussions arranged between officials and Sinn Féin. The purpose of the meetings undertaken was to establish the conditions and basis for a resumption of the ceasefire by the IRA on the recommendation of Sinn Féin. As to any representation of Sinn Féin's position, it would be better if that came from Sinn Féin.
I thought the Taoiseach's judgement on the communiqué of 28 November would have been based on the success of the objectives of the twin track process, first, the Mitchell report which was binned by the British Government and, second, the firm aim of achieving the second track by the end of February 1996, which cannot now happen and which must be left for history to judge. Does the Taoiseach welcome the first sign in 12 months that the British Government is not prepared to accept the proposal of the Ulster Unionist Party to have a debating assembly on moving the peace process forward? Will he agree there might be some hope, now that the British Government is moving away from the Unionist proposals, to debate the peace process for the next two years, as stated by its leader?
There will be adequate time for historical retrospection in regard to the communiqué of last November, but I ask those who wish to make such judgments to reflect on what might have happened if such a communiqué had not been agreed. I believe if it had not been agreed the consequences would have been far more severe than anything that happened since, but I am quite prepared to deal with the Deputy's opinions on that matter comprehensively on another occasion; it is not an appropriate occasion for that type of discussion here today. As far as the Unionist proposals are concerned and the British Government's attitude to them, I do not propose to get involved in any discussion or comment on the positions adopted by particular parties involved, either in attributing success or failure to any particular party's proposals or to the attitude of other Governments to the proposals of particular parties. We are seeking an agreement and we want negotiations in which everyone will take part. I do not put a high value, therefore, on recrimination.
One of the six Mitchell principles calls on the participants to agree to abide by the terms of any agreement reached in all-party talks. Has Senator Mitchell given his opinion to the Taoiseach on the mechanics of such an agreement or will the Taoiseach give an opinion on that? Would it have to be a unanimous agreement by all the parties and, if so, will the Taoiseach agree that by signing such an agreement, the undertaking required by Senator Mitchell would have been delivered?
It is important to recognise that these are principles. The Mitchell report does not deal with the mechanics of how these principles would be dealt with in a talks process because, as the Deputy knows, the mechanics of the talks were outside the remit of the Mitchell body. Obviously that is a matter for discussion now in the political track and it is one of the issues currently in discussion between the Irish and British Governments. I have taken careful note of the opinion Deputy McDaid has expressed on the matter.
As Senator Mitchell's role is continuously referred to in the preparation for the summit, and in the hopes of restoring the peace process as quickly as possible, did the Taoiseach raise with Senator Mitchell the possibility of him having an ongoing role in the process, assuming it can be put on the tracks as soon as possible? As the six principles will obviously play a key role in any further negotiations, a role for Senator Mitchell and the US Administration is vital. What steps has the Taoiseach taken with the British Government to ensure such a role for Senator Mitchell?
That is certainly not excluded and I want to express my appreciation again to the US Administration for the very constructive role it is playing in the current efforts to ensure agreement on a specific date for all-party talks. This is clearly evidenced by the fact that President Clinton has had two extensive conversations with me in the past week or so on this matter. I have no doubt he and other members of the US Administration have been in similar contact with other figures engaged in the process at present. The possibility of the further involvement of Senator Mitchell can be the subject of discussion between the two Governments and if an agreed, useful function is identified, I do not have the slightest doubt that Senator George Mitchell, who has given generously of his time to assisting us in solving these problems, would be willing to assist but it is a matter that obviously must be processed forward on the basis of agreement.
The Taoiseach did not answer the question. Has this matter been part of the discussions and is it intended to ask the British Government to agree that Senator Mitchell should have a role to play in this process?
That matter has been adverted to in the discussion but the discussions are not concluded and obviously any role of this nature would have to be one which was agreed to and where specific tasks were identified which could not be performed otherwise. I am not in a position to go further than that at this juncture. The emphasis at this stage is on securing agreement between the two Governments on a specific date and on a procedure to enable talks to start on that specific date.
Has the nature of the elective process now been agreed with the British Government? Will the Taoiseach agree it is important, in the context of all-party talks, that the smaller loyalist fringe parties are represented in those talks and will he give me an assurance that any elective process to which the Irish Government agrees will have the maximum possible representation in all-party talks?
The question of the form of any elective process is one of the matters currently in negotiation between the British and Irish Governments. I cannot appropriately go any further than that at this stage.
The Government is conscious of the need to recognise the particularly constructive role played by the two loyalist parties, the Ulster Democratic Party and the Progressive Unionist Party, not only in instituting a ceasefire, but in maintaining it despite the abandonment of the IRA ceasefire. The Government is also conscious of the constructive approach both parties have adopted towards finding new ways forward to solve the problems which have long defeated present and past generations of political leaders in Northern Ireland and elsewhere. While the results of any election, if an election is to occur, are not something that can be determined by Governments, I express my appreciation of the constructive role those two parties have been playing and continue to play.
Does the Taoiseach agree it is important that questions put to the people in a referendum should be straightforward and not capable of being interpreted in various ways? Does he agree that Article 10 of the Downing Street Declaration should not be put to the people as several times during the past two years people put their own meaning on it once they had created great division?
I will not be drawn into commenting on whether Article 10 of the Downing Street Declaration is clear or unclear as I was not involved in its drafting, but the question of a referendum or referenda, and the appropriate wording, are currently the subject of discussion and negotiation between the Irish and British Governments. Therefore, I cannot elaborate any further on the matter.