Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 7 Mar 1996

Vol. 462 No. 7

Ceisteanna-Questions. Oral Answers. - Western European Union.

Ray Burke

Question:

5 Mr. R. Burke asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on the London Declaration of the Western European Union to the heads of State of the European Union, which states that the Western European Union must be able to implement its decisions unaffected by any opposition from countries regardless of whether they are neutral, or are observers or associate members of the organisation and which also calls for the Western European Union to become gradually involved in the Common Foreign and Security Policy making full use of the Western European Union Council's authority to act on behalf of the European Union; the implications, if any, for Ireland of such initiatives; his views on whether this statement posses a specific threat to Ireland's neutral status within the European Union; and whether he can raise this issue in the Council of Ministers. [5332/96]

Ben Briscoe

Question:

10 Mr. Briscoe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the role the Government envisages the Western European Union should have in the development of the European Union. [5293/96]

Mary Wallace

Question:

11 Miss M. Wallace asked the asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on the agreed strategy between the Foreign Minister of France and Germany, for the forthcoming EU Intergovernmental Conference next month, which is aimed at creating a common European defence policy and introducing majority voting on most issues in Brussels; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [

Seamus Kirk

Question:

21 Mr. Kirk asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he supports Ireland's participation in the so-called Petersberg tasks, under the auspices of the Western European Union. [5289/96]

Mary Wallace

Question:

24 Miss M. Wallace asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on the statement by the Secretary General of NATO, General Javier Solana, seeking more structural relations with the European Union; and his views on the establishment of such relations. [5296/96]

Seamus Kirk

Question:

40 Mr. Kirk asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement regarding the fact that the Western European Union, through the drafting of a White Paper, is exploring deterrence and the role of nuclear weapons. [5288/96]

Ray Burke

Question:

42 Mr. R. Burke asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the Government's reaction to the fact that the Commission has proposed a merger between the European Union and the Western European Union. [5284/96]

Ivor Callely

Question:

62 Mr. Callely asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the likely development and role of Ireland in the common foreign and security policy of the EU and possible common defence; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [5247/96]

I propose to take Questions Nos. 5, 10, 11, 21, 24, 40, 42 and 62 together.

The broad approach which is being pursued by the Government in relation to issues expected to arise at the Intergovernmental Conference, including the question of relations between the EU and the Western European Union, has been the subject of a number of statements by me in this House and elsewhere. This approach will continue to be in harmony with our outlook and traditions and at the same time responsive to the new and still evolving challenges that face us in promoting peace, security and progress at the European and global level.

The questions put by Deputies Ray Burke and Kirk arise from views expressed in the declaration adopted by the Western European Union assembly at its extraordinary session in London on 22 and 23 February 1996.

The Western European Union assembly is a consultative body made up of parliamentarians from the 10 Western European Union member states. Parliamentarians from Western European Union observer states, Western European Union associate members and associate partner states also attend in accordance with their respective status but do not participate in the adoption of declarations by the assembly. In accordance with Ireland's observer status in the Western European Union, Ireland was represented in an observer capacity by Members of this House at this meeting of the Western European Union assembly.

The views of the Western European Union assembly are not binding on the member states of the Western European Union. Western European Union decisions are the preserve of the Western European Union council, made up of representatives of the Governments of Western European Union member states. The Western European Union's position on the forthcoming intergovernmental conference was adopted at the meeting of its Council of Ministers last November in Madrid. The Western European Union agreed on the importance of a comprehensive definition of security, rather than an exclusively military one. The Western European Union member states also explicitly acknowledged that the Intergovernmental Conference will need to harness to the best effect the diverse contributions to security and defence that European nations are able to make, and the national security and defence positions of each country must be respected and the outcome of the Intergovernmental Conference must be acceptable to people in each member state.

The views reflected in the Western European Union Assembly Declaration would appear to be at odds with the Western European Union's own formal contribution to the Intergovernmental Conference adopted at Madrid. Also, I am not aware of any intention by the Western European Union council to take up the assembly's proposal for a White Paper as referred to in the Question from Deputy Kirk.

For reasons that I have outlined, I do not regard the Western European Union Assembly's Declaration as impinging on Ireland's position outside military alliances. Accordingly, I do not believe that any useful purpose would be served by pursuing the specific points raised by the Deputies with my colleagues in the European Union.

Several Deputies have raised the issue of relations between the EU and the Western European Union. Article J.4.2 of the Maastricht Treaty provides that the Western European Union is an integral part of the development of the European Union. In this connection proposals and suggestions have been put forward in the context of the forthcoming intergovernmental conference. The Intergovernmental Conference will review the common foreign and security policy provisions of the Maastricht Treaty, including the eventual framing of a common defence policy, which might in time lead to a common defence, in accordance with the objective set out in the Maastricht Treaty to assert the union's identity on the international scene.

A central issue in the Intergovernmental Conference negotiations will be to determine how the CFSP provisions, including through the EU-WEU relationship, can best be developed to enhance the EU's contribution to European and global peace and security. The proposals contained in the European Commission's formal opinion for the Intergovernmental Conference, and in the agreed communiqué from the meeting in Freiburg on 27 February, between German and French Foreign Ministers, are situated in the perspective of enabling the EU to respond more effectively to the international challenges which face it.

With a view to facilitating CFSP decision making, Foreign Ministers Kinkel and de Charette have suggested that the possibility of differentiating between decisions of principle and implementing decisions should be examined. They envisage that implementing decisions could be taken by qualified majority vote. There is already a provision to this effect in the Maastricht Treaty which has yet to be used in practice. They also suggest for consideration the idea of voluntary abstention by partners who are unwilling or unable to join a consensus. This would not prevent the EU's majority from taking or implementing the decision in question. The two Ministers have also suggested that partners in the minority should show political and financial solidarity in such cases. It is of relevance to note in this connection that the proposal has also been made that CFSP, as a general rule, should be financed from the Community budget.

The Government believes it is important that the EU should enhance its capacity to exercise a constructive influence for the development of a stable, just and peaceful international system. To this end, we will be working at the Intergovernmental Conference for practicable and sustainable ways of improving the functioning of the CFSP. We agree that the possibility of making more use of the Maastricht Treaty's provisions for qualified majority voting on implementing decisions should be explored. However, with some partners, we do not favour proposals to move to qualified majority voting for sensitive foreign policy questions, particularly decision-making and financing arrangements in the context of proposals to develop a common defence policy for the Union. Any Treaty changes proposed, including in relation to decision making or financial arrangements in the CFSP area, could be adopted by the Intergovernmental Conference only if all partners, including Ireland, were to agree.

With regard to EU-WEU relations, the French and German Foreign Ministers stated that their objective is the eventual merger of the Western European Union with the EU and their wish to make progress towards that goal at the forthcoming Intergovernmental Conference. The Commission also favours incorporation of the Western European Union into the Union according to an agreed timetable.

Deputies will recall that various possible institutional options for future EU-WEU relations were identified in the Reflection Group report and in the Western European Union contribution to the Intergovernmental Conference. These ranged from maintaining the EU and Western European Union as separate organisations, but with enhanced co-operation between them, through to proposals for eventual full merger. Both the Reflection Group report and the Western European Union contribution to the Intergovernmental Conference accepted that the different positions of member states would have to be respected and that negotiations on the various options were a matter for the Intergovernmental Conference.

There is an emerging consensus that the EU should be better equipped to make a contribution internationally in such areas as peacekeeping and humanitarian operations — the so called Petersberg tasks identified by the Western European Union. For their part, the Foreign Ministers of Germany and France envisage that the objectives inherent in the Petersberg tasks should be reflected in some way in a revised Maastricht Treaty. The Commission has made a proposal along broadly similar lines.

The Government is studying these and other proposals carefully. Like the other neutral states which are observers at the Western European Union — Finland, Sweden and Austria — Ireland sees scope for exploring further the potential for Irish involvement in the Petersberg tasks, and the suggestions that these tasks could be given an EU treaty basis in any revision of the Maastricht Treaty. I should make clear that Ireland's approach to involvement in the Petersberg tasks of peacekeeping or humanitarian operations in no sense entails any mutual defence commitments that would be incompatible with its policy of military neutrality.

With regard to the remarks by Mr. Javier Solana, Secretary General of NATO, in Munich on 3-4 February 1996, I understand he said he believed "that an enhanced institutional relationship between NATO and the European Union could add significantly to achieving a comprehensive crisis management strategy". In making this suggestion, Mr. Solana made it clear that he was speaking strictly on a personal basis. Accordingly, I do not propose to comment on his remarks.

One of the most serious decisions to be made on foreign policy relates to the issue we are debating, which has major implications for us. Varying views are expressed at Commission level, Western European Union Secretary General level, in the Kinkel report and in reference to the Petersberg Declaration. These are complex issues. I strongly suggest to the Tánaiste that the message from the Minister of State, Deputy Mitchell, to the children through the schools is naive, seriously damaging and misrepresents the position. For example, the four existing neutral countries could have full Western European Union membership——

I must dissuade the Deputy from quoting.

The document is a very serious misrepresentation of the position. It is most irresponsible and unhelpful to what is a complex and serious issue and I ask the Tánaiste, in the most constructive way possible, to have it withdrawn.

As I said in reply to Deputy Kitt, the information issued by the Minister of State, Deputy Mitchell, which was sent not only to schools, was published in two articles in The Irish Times in late 1995 and no objection was raised at that time in this House or elsewhere. We are becoming aware of the complexities of common foreign and security policy. Prior to the intergovernmental conference we want to ensure there is full and through discussion, at all levels, of the complex issues involved. The Deputy will recall that some years ago when we sought associate membership of the Western European Union this House did not discuss whether it was right or proper for us to do so. The decision was taken by the Government without consulting the House.

It related to observer status.

It was a fait accompli, and not a good precedent. On this occasion we are seeking to have as much debate as possible so that the people understand the options, challenges and responsibilities. The information, which was sent as part of the communiqué to Europe, was issued with that in mind.

The Tánaiste referred in his detailed reply to the Petersberg tasks. The Petersberg Declaration outlines those tasks and states that the military units of Western European Union member states acting under the authority — that is the crucial word — of the Western European Union could be employed for humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks and tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacekeeping. That role is much wider than the role played by us at present, which is as observer. We are not a full member of the Western European Union, and to claim that the Petersberg tasks allow us flexibility within foreign common and security policy would be dangerous.

In regard to Ireland participating in peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, I see potential for Ireland to make a contribution in that regard. I want to approach that from a positive point of view. Our other European Union partners, Austria, Finland and Sweden, which have remained outside military alliances and, like us, are observers at the Western European Union, have also shown an interest in Western European Union peacekeeping and humanitarian tasks. In saying that I am being totally consistent with a statement made by the Deputy's leader, Deputy Ahern, on these matters.

And by me.

That would be our intention. I intend to go into it in far more detail in the White Paper.

Irrespective of the institutional relationships which might or might not develop between the Western European Union and the European Union, will the Tánaiste agree that as a matter of fundamental principle it is very difficult to justify being a member of an organisation and claiming and generously getting the benefits of that membership, as we do in the European Union, while not being prepared at a time of need to defend that Union of which we have been such a major beneficiary?

We have a positive contribution to make and have made very positive ones since we joined the United Nations in peacekeeping and humanitarian tasks. There are a range of possible options and concerns in regard to the future institutional relationships between the EU and the Western European Union. They have been identified and will be discussed at the intergovernmental conference. We do not have any apologies to make for the traditional position this country has taken and we should not approach discussions on it with the view that we have anything to apologise for. We should approach them from a positive point of view. A new security architecture for western Europe is developing. That is consequent upon what has happened during the past number of years, the ending of the Cold War, the new relationships, the development of NATO and other organisations and the various interrelationships that will take place. I would like a rational discussion and debate about how security architecture will develop. I want to approach that from a positive point of view and I hope I have the backing of the House on that. I am proud of the contribution made by Irish men and women down through the years in humanitarian and peacekeeping tasks.

I welcome the Tánaiste's response and I agree with much of what he said. I wish to refer to my earlier point, also made by my colleague, Deputy Burke, which relates to what the Tánaiste said. We want a balanced and intelligent debate. If any Minister is communicating with students on this matter, we want the message spelled out clearly in appropriate language. Deputy Burke and I have referred to the activities of the Minister of State, Deputy Mitchell. His party said bluntly during the 1994 election that it supported full membership of the Western European Union, but the Tánaiste may be evasive on this. I ask that in communicating with our young people we should follow the spirit of the Communicating Europe initiative and not advance a pro-WEU position. I ask the Tánaiste to take a personal interest in this matter and ensure that when dealing with school children especially that his views as expressed here are represented, not the personal views of the Minister of State.

I will reply to the Deputy's supplementary on the basis of wanting to make a positive contribution. The Deputy will recall from his time in the Department of Foreign Affairs that we hold seminars around the country to give the people a sense of ownership of foreign policy. In the past they did not have that and the House did not have an adequate input into the development of foreign policy. We have set out to remedy that and we are on the way to being successful in doing so. The communication made by Deputy Mitchell to many institutions and bodies is consistent with the information given during those seminars which took place throughout the country and the White Paper will set out all the options. It is important to set them out and I hope we can have a discussion which acknowledges the realities of European security architecture. I have had many discussions with the Finns, the Swedes and the Austrians on this matter. They are far more forthright about accepting the realities of European security architecture. We have been slow to acknowledge certain institutions and alliances, but that is not to say in any way that we have anything to apologise for in regard to the role we have taken. We must take cognisance of the realities, including the changes that have taken place since the collapse of the Cold War.

One of the realities that must be taken into account when talking of the Finns and the Austrians is the reality of geography and their position regarding the borders of the former Soviet Union bloc. Does the Tánaiste agree with the view on this side of the House that the most effective contribution Ireland can make to the work of peace is to place our Defence Forces at the disposal of the European Union under the auspices of the common foreign and security policy for the purpose of helping in situations such as crisis management where peacekeeping skills and resources would be required, similar to the role we played with such a proud record with the United Nations since the early 1960s? To involve ourselves with the Western European Union having regard to its nuclear capacity would go beyond our neutral status and our commitment to nuclear non-proliferation.

I agree with the Deputy that we have made a proud contribution through our role in the United Nations That is acknowledged in any debate that takes place at the UN or in any of our bilateral relations. We will be mindful of that in terms of our contribution to the Intergovernmental Conference. The Deputy reminded me of the geography of the Finns, the Swedes and the Austrians in relation to the development of foreign policy. It is important that we put all the issues before the House and the people in the first instance, which we will do by way of the White Paper. We agreed in the programme, A Government of Renewal, as we did in the previous Government, that if it were decided to change our status it would be done only by the people who rightly own the policy position taken by many Governments through the years.

This is a serious matter. Does the Tánaiste approve of central European Union funding for the Western European Union which will mean that Ireland, a neutral non-nuclear country, will be a partner in financing a nuclear armed military bloc dominated by the richest western and colonial states? Does he agree that we have the option of not becoming further involved in the Western European Union? Will he also agree that our desire to make a positive contribution to peacekeeping around the world can be well accommodated through the UN and that perhaps he ought to be occupied in making the UN more effective rather than trying to look for an alternative, as appears to be the case? Is it time we had a referendum on neutrality so that the people can have ownership of foreign policy once again?

The Deputy is seeking to anticipate the discussion that will take place on publication of the White Paper. First and foremost I want to defend the United Nations, but I am sure the Deputy would accept that there are certain weaknesses in the United Nations and it has been changing its policy by looking for regional organisations to carry out various peacekeeping duties.

One example is what is happening in former Yugoslavia where the world powers feel the United Nations need the support of NATO through IFOR. That would not have happened five or ten years ago. The European Union has a crucial role in implementing the civilian aspects of the Dayton Accord and has an interest in such matters. I hope we can have a very open and frank discussion on the options, responsibilities and challenges facing us in all these issues after the publication of the White Paper and before the Intergovernmental Conference.

We had a very good exchange on this matter and the Tánaiste's reply has been very helpful. I want to refer to this misleading document entitled "Message from Gay Mitchell TD" in which the Minister of State, amongst other things says that the four existing neutrals could then have full Western European Union membership available to them without taking on Article V commitments, thereby retaining their existing levels of neutrality indefinitely. He also said that we must consider, in a cool and rational way, Ireland's role in a future Europe which can be made stable and secure.

There are so many inaccuracies in this document——

It is causing considerable concern to those who want to approach this matter in a rational way rather than from a Fine Gael point of view, which party wants us to join NATO. While I am not seeking a definite answer on the spot, if the Tánaiste would reflect on the matter the damage done by this document could be undone. I suggest that he make a personal statement.

Could Deputy Ray Burke elaborate on the inaccuracies to which he referred?

Deputy Ray Burke has just said the Fine Gael Party wants to join NATO. I have been in Government with the Fine Gael Party for some time and have not heard of any desire to join NATO.

(Interruptions.)

Members of the Fine Gael Party express that desire regularly and a proposal for full membership of the Western European Union appeared in their last European manifesto.

Let us hear the Minister's reply.

In trying to be helpful in a very complex area, with which we will all have to get to grips in coming months and throughout the duration of the Intergovernmental Conference, I said in my reply:

Deputies will recall that various possible institutional options for future EU-WEU relations were identified in the Reflection Group report and in the Western European Union contribution to the Intergovernmental Conference, that these ranged from maintaining the EU and Western European Union as separate organisations, but with enhanced co-operation between them, through to proposals for eventual full merger.

All those options are incorporated in the report of the Reflection Group and we should be ready to deal with them.

Lay it out on Fine Gael notepaper.

Fine Gael policy is full membership of the Western European Union.

The Deputy and his Leader can make up their minds on these matters.

Top
Share