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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 12 Mar 1996

Vol. 462 No. 8

Social Welfare Bill, 1996: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

This Bill — the third Social Welfare Bill since I took up office 15 months ago — contains some of the most significant changes ever proposed to our social welfare system. Last January, I described the budget as innovative in that, for the first time, an integrated approach was being taken to addressing our most pressing social and economic problem, long-term unemployment.

This Social Welfare Bill goes further than its primary purpose of giving legislative effect to the improvements in social welfare rates of payment announced in the budget last January. I have said before in this House that the days of the piecemeal and ad hoc approach to the development of the social welfare system are over. We need comprehensive, co-ordinated and integrated strategies which reflect the needs of people across the full spectrum of those in receipt of social welfare support.

This Bill is doing just that. Its 46 sections comprise a package of measures which will mark some of the most significant and far-reaching changes ever in the development of our social welfare system, simplify many aspects of an overly complex system, strengthen the rights of our citizens, consolidate the pro-work and pro-family policy direction commenced in last year's Bill, and provide for an improvement in the living standards of our citizens dependent on social welfare through increases in weekly rates of payment which are in excess of projected inflation for the year.

In addition to providing for a three per cent increase in weekly personal and adult dependant rates of payment from early to mid-June this year and for an increase of £2 in the monthly rates of child benefit from next September, the Bill also makes provision for such matters as the introduction of a new disability allowance to be administered by my Department as a replacement for the existing disabled person's allowance payable by the health boards, a new one-parent family payment which will amalgamate the existing, lone parent's allowance and deserted wife's benefit and remove once and for all the concept of "desertion" from the social welfare system. Recipients will no longer have to prove they have been "deserted" to qualify for payment; merely that, for whatever reason, they are raising a child or children alone and require income support. The new scheme will also apply equally to men and women.

It also provides for important reform of unemployment assistance with the aim of making it more attractive for people to take up part-time employment by enabling them to retain a higher proportion of their social welfare payment when they do so, an independent appeals system for people whose claims for supplementary welfare allowance have been turned down by enabling them to make a further appeal to the Social Welfare appeals office, and provision to allow unemployed people to have access to the social welfare tribunal at an earlier stage in trade disputes in line with a commitment I gave last year arising from the experience of the Irish Press dispute.

Before discussing the provision of the Bill on a section by section basis, I would like to draw the attention of the House to a number of specific initiatives in this year's Bill.

Perhaps the most fundamental and far-reaching initiative in this year's Bill is the introduction of a new one-parent family payment. This new payment, which I envisage coming into effect from the beginning of 1997, will replace and enhance the existing lone parent's allowance and deserted wife's benefit.

It has two main objectives. It will remove once and for all the requirement to prove "desertion" which has often been seen as difficult or degrading to women. It will also ensure equality of treatment for men and women in the area of lone parenthood, the denial of which has been increasingly seen as unfair to men who nowadays more often raise children alone. The necessary legislative changes required to facilitate the introduction of the one-parent family payment are contained in sections 17 to 21 of the Bill and I will outline those provisions in greater detail later.

The introduction of a new disability allowance is a major step forward in our provision for people who have disabilities or are unable to return to work due to long-term illness. This new allowance will be administered by my Department as a replacement for the existing disabled person's maintenance allowance payable by the health boards.

At present, the disabled person's maintenance allowance is administered by the health boards under regulations made by the Minister for Health under the Health Act, 1970. The Bill provides for the inclusion of the disabled person's maintenance allowance as a social assistance payment under the social welfare Acts. The new payment will be known as the disability allowance and existing recipients of disabled person's maintenance allowance will transfer to the new scheme.

The necessary legislative changes required to bring the new allowance into operation within the social welfare system are contained in sections 13 to 16 of the Bill. These provide for some improvement in the eligibility criteria for the new allowance compared with conditions currently applying in the case of the disabled person's maintenance allowance. In line with a commitment I made last year following a High Court judgment on this issue, for the first time couples will receive two personal rates of disability allowance rather than the lower rate which currently applies to one spouse where both partners are in receipt of disabled person's maintenance allowance.

Another far-reaching measure to which I want to draw particular attention concerns the reform of unemployment assistance which is provided for in section 22 of the Bill. The intention is to simplify the existing arrangements which are extremely complex and to make it more attractive for people to take up part-time employment by ensuring that they retain a higher proportion of their social welfare payment than is currently the case.

This type of reform is one I have favoured for some time and is also in line with a recommendation made to me in late 1995 by the Expert Group on the Integration of the Tax and Social Welfare Systems. The work of that group is now being finalised and I expect that its final report will be concluded shortly. In the interim, the group submitted an interim report and a number of recommendations to me in the context of the 1996 budget. I am pleased I was able to take several of their recommendations on board in drawing up my budget proposals.

Briefly, the Bill provides for changes in the manner in which earnings from occasional or part-time employment are assessed for unemployment assistance purposes. Under existing provisions, unemployment assistance is payable in respect of a day of unemployment provided the person is unemployed for at least three days in a period of six consecutive days. As a result, someone who works for four or more days in a period of six consecutive days loses entitlement to unemployment assistance for the remaining days in that period.

Furthermore, unemployment assistance paid for days of unemployment in the period of six consecutive days is reduced, where earnings from the days worked exceed a certain threshold or disregard. This disregard amounts to one-sixth of the maximum weekly rate of unemployment assistance appropriate to the person's family circumstances, plus £15 for each day worked.

Any earnings in excess of the disregard are assessed as means and are deducted from the appropriate weekly rate of unemployment assistance. The resulting amount — the weekly rate less means — is then divided by six to give the person's daily rate of unemployment assistance. It is this daily rate which is then payable in respect of each day of unemployment in the six day period. It is an extremely complicated system which cries out to be simplified and the provisions in this year's Bill set out to do just that.

The new arrangement will provide that unemployment assistance will be payable in respect of a week of unemployment rather than in respect of a day of unemployment as at present; a week of unemployment will be defined as any three days of unemployment in a period of six consecutive days; unemployment assistance will be payable at the full weekly rate, in other words, it will be paid in respect of the days of unemployment as well as the days of employment in the relevent week; and 60 per cent of any earnings during that week will be deducted from the weekly rate of unemployment assistance for claimants with children. For claimants without children, a daily disregard of £10 will be applied for each day worked and earnings in excess of this amount will be assessed at 60 per cent. This daily disregard will protect people without dependent children from losses which they would otherwise suffer. The combined effect of these changes is to ensure that everyone gains.

To illustrate the effect of these changes, let us look at the position of a married recipient of unemployment assistance, with an adult dependant and three dependent children, who earns £90 for three days' work. Under the new arrangements, he or she will be better off by £9.50 per week. If that person earned £60 for the three days' work, he or she will be better off by more than £27 per week. The change is of greatest benefit to people who manage to secure relatively low paid work; its purpose is to encourage people to take up job opportunities which may arise from time to time even if these are not always well paid or secure.

I am satisfied that these changes will be beneficial to many unemployment assistance recipients as they make the option of taking up part-time or casual work much more attractive than at present. This may give them the type of employment they are seeking or may provide them with valuable work experience that enables them to move into higher grade employment subsequently.

I am pleased to be able to make provision in this Bill for an independent appeals system, via the social welfare appeals office, for people whose claims for supplementary welfare allowance have been turned down by the health boards. The existing supplementary welfare allowance appeals system has been the subject of criticism for some time past; the Ombudsman has expressed concern about the adequacy of the current arrangements. I am satisfied that the approach I am adopting now will meet those concerns.

It had been suggested to me that there might be an immediate right of appeal to the social welfare appeals office following an adverse decision on a claim for supplementary welfare allowance. However, it is appropriate that the first avenue of appeal should remain with the health boards. Given the immediate and urgent need associated with SWA claims generally, it is important that, as far as possible, claims for SWA are processed satisfactorily from the claimant's point of view within the health board. It is my intention that the right of appeal to the Social Welfare appeals office will be provided initially in respect of claims for basic SWA payments and for the rent, mortgage and other supplements available under the scheme.

I want to ensure that the administrative arrangements for appeals against adverse decisions in respect of the basic SWA payment and supplements are seen to be working efficiently and satisfactorily before I can consider extending it to the main remaining entitlement under the SWA scheme, the exceptional needs payment. This payment differs greatly from other SWA payments because of its discretionary nature and, therefore, the right of appeal to the SWAO will not be provided, for the present, in respect of claims for it.

I wish to outline the specific provisions contained in the Bill. Sections 1 and 2 contain the usual provisions relating to short title, construction and definitions. The general increase of 3 per cent in the weekly personal and adult dependant rates of social insurance and social assistance payments, payable from early to mid-June next, is provided for in sections 3 and 4. The special increases of the carer's allowance and the lone parent's allowance are also provided for in section 4.

Provision is made in section 5 for another significant increase in the monthly rate of child benefit. With effect from 1 September next, child benefit will be increased by £2 per child per month. This means that the monthly payment will amount to £29 for the first two children and to £34 for the third and subsequent children. Over the last two years, we have provided increases of 45 per cent in respect of the first two children and 36 per cent in respect of other children, which is unprecedented and which reflects the Government's determination to improve support for families in a way that is not clawed back by tax or rent increases.

This section also provides for the increase from £200 to £500 in the grant payable on the birth of twins. It further provides for the introduction of a new grant of £500 payable in respect of twins on reaching ages four and 12. This new grant will be effective from 1 January of this year for twins with birthdays on or after that date and is in recognition of the substantial extra costs which arise for parents of twins, both at birth and at the relevant ages.

Section 6 provides for an increase of £10 in the income limits which are applied in determining entitlement to family income supplement. This will mean that from mid-June next most current recipients will get an increase of £6 a week. The new weekly income thresholds will range from £195 for a one child family to £334 for a family with eight children or more.

With a view to removing one of the greatest disincentives to taking up employment, section 7 provides for the continued payment of increases for dependent children for up to 13 weeks to people in receipt of such increases at the full rate who have been unemployed for 12 months or more and who take up employment which is expected to last for at least four weeks. This will ease people's transition from social welfare to wage earning. It is a concrete way in which we can help unemployed people back into work.

The necessary legislative provisions required to give effect to the PRSI reforms announced in this year's budget are contained in sections 8 to 12. These changes will come into effect on 6 April next.

Section 8 provides for a number of significant changes affecting employees and employers as follows: an increase of £30 in the PRSI free allowance for employees insured at Class A — under this change employees will not be liable for PRSI in respect of the first £80 of weekly earnings; an increase in the ceiling up to which PRSI contributions are payable by employees from £21,500 to £22,300 per annum; a reduction in the lower rate of employer's PRSI from 9 per cent to 8.5 per cent; a reduction in the main rate of employer's PRSI from 12.2 per cent to 12 per cent; an increase from £231 to £250 in the amount of weekly earnings below which the new reduced rate employer's contribution of 8.5 per cent will apply; and an increase of £1,000, from £25,800 per annum to £26,800 per annum in the ceiling up to which PRSI contribution are payable by employers.

Section 9 deals with the position of self-employed people. First, it provides for the existing PRSI-free allowance to be increased from £10 to £20 per week, or £1,040 over a full year. Second, it provides for a reduction in the minimum social insurance contribution payable by the self-employed from £230 to £215 per annum. Third, it provides for an increase in the annual income ceiling, from £21,500 to £22,300, up to which PRSI contributions are payable by self-employed contributors.

Section 10 provides for an increase from £520 to £1,040 per annum in the amount of reckonable income in respect of which optional contributions are not payable by share fishermen under the scheme of optional social insurance. Section 11 provides for a reduction from £230 to £215 in the annual rate of voluntary PRSI contribution payable by a person who ceases to be a self-employed contributor and subsequently becomes a voluntary contributor.

The extension of class A insurance to community employment workers, currently insurable for the purposes of occupational injuries benefit only, is provided for in section 12. The new rate will apply only to those who commence working on a community employment scheme on or after 6 April next. The sponsors of community employment workers will be exempt from paying the increased employer contribution arising from this extension and will continue to be liable for their contribution of 0.5 per cent in respect of occupational injuries benefit. I also intend to extend the class A insurance rate to people who take up employment on the present core schemes.

Section 12 also includes provision for regulatory powers to modify the social insurance status of employees of Telecomm Éireann. This will enable the modified insurance of those employees to be maintained in the event of Telecom Éireann forming a strategic alliance.

I referred earlier to the introduction of a new payment to be known as the disability allowance which will replace the disabled person's maintenance allowance which has up to now been administered by the health boards. The relevant legislative provisions are included in section 13 to 16. Section 13 sets out the eligibility criteria for receipt of disability allowance, outlines the basis on which means will be assessed and provides for the weekly rate of the allowance and for increases in respect of adult and child dependants. Section 14 contains a number of transitional provisions required to effect the transfer of existing recipients of disabled person's maintenance allowance to the new disability allowance scheme.

Section 15 makes the necesssary amendments to the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1993, arising from the establishment of the new scheme. It provides that all of the general provisions in the 1993 Act which relate to social assistance payments, such as claims and payments provisions, will automatically apply to the new disability allowance. It also makes appropriate provision for the inclusion of disability allowance in the system of continuing payments for six weeks after the death of the recipient and provided for a number of other consequential technical amendments to legislation. Section 16 is a standard measure which provides that the new allowance will be brought into force by way of a commencement order.

I also referred earlier to the introduction of the new one-parent family payment which is provided for in sections 17 to 21. Section 17 sets out the conditions of entitlement for the new payment. These are broadly similar to those which apply currently to the lone parent's allowance scheme. It makes provision for improved earnings disregards for lone parents in employment or self-employment and for a change in the method of assessing the value of capital. It also provides for the transfer to the new scheme of persons who have applied for or are already in receipt of the lone parent's allowance and ensures that their entitlements will not be reduced by virtue of that transfer.

Section 17 also provides regulatory powers to exempt a social welfare recipient from the obligation to transfer to the Department of Social Welfare or the health board any payments they receive from a liable relative. These powers are being taken as a consequence of the new arrangements being introduced for lone parents whereby a proportion of maintenance payments can be retained towards their housing costs.

The position of women in receipt of deserted wife's benefit, deserted wife's allowance or prisoner's wife's allowance is protected under section 18. Similar protection is extended to women who have applied for any of those three schemes and whose applications have not been finalised prior to the introduction of the new arrangements.

The present deserted wife's benefit scheme will be discontinued for new claimants once the new uniform payment for all lone parents is introduced. However, special transitional arrangements are being made for women who, by virtue of being under age 40, lose entitlement to deserted wife's benefit because they no longer have a child dependant and who would otherwise have requalified for benefit under the existing arrangements on reaching age 40. Section 18 provides that the entitlements of women aged 38 to 40 on the introduction of the new arrangements, who would otherwise have requalified for deserted wife's benefit on reaching age 40, will be maintained.

Section 19 provides for the appropriate amendments to the Social Welfare legislation consequent on the introduction of the new one-parent family payment while section 20 provides for the definition of a qualified parent for the purposes of the payment to include a parent who would otherwise be a qualified parent but for the fact that their marriage has been dissolved. This is to ensure that no one loses out in the event of becoming divorced.

Section 21 provides that the arrangements in respect of the introduction of the one-parent family payment will be brought into effect by way of a commencement order.

I outlined earlier the purpose and effect of section 22 which provides for significant changes in the way earnings from employment are assessed for unemployment assistance purposes, leading to major improvements in the level of social welfare support provided to prople who take up occasional or part-time job opportunities.

Section 22 also provides that unemployment assistance at the higher long-term rate will be payable to claimants who, immediately before claiming unemployment assistance, were in receipt of the carer's allowance.

Section 23 makes provision for two amendments to the rules governing the means test for unemployment assistance and the pre-retirement allowance. First, it provides that allowances in respect of accommodation provided for a child, paid by a health board under the supported lodgings scheme, will be disregarded in the assessment of means. Second, it provides that a specified amount, which will be set initially at £2,000, received under the rural environment protection scheme will be disregarded in the assessment of means for the purposes of unemployment assistance. These changes are very logical ones designed to ensure that people are not penalised by one State scheme because they receive support from another.

The purpose of section 24 is to incorporate into primary legislation the provisions relating to homemakers, made under regulations in 1994, which enable contribution years spent working in the home on a full-time basis caring for a child or an incapacitated person to be disregarded when calculating a person's yearly average number of contributions for the purposes of the old age contributory pension. This section also increases from six to 12 years the qualifying age for a child under this scheme — a very major improvement which will benefit thousands of women who work full-time in the home.

In addition, section 24 will also remove an anomaly in the existing provisions whereby the year in which a person commences or ceases to be a homemaker cannot, in practice, be disregarded since the person involved is required to be a homemaker for the entire contribution year in order to benefit under this scheme. The amendment provides for regulatory powers to award credited contributions in the contribution year in which a person first becomes, or ceases to be, a homemaker and to prescribe the time and manner of making application to be classed as a homemaker.

The provisions of section 25 arise from the proposed discontinuance of the the deserted wife's benefit scheme, to the extent that it affects women without children, and the deserted wife's allowance scheme. It provides for an extension of the pre-retirement allowance scheme to both separated men and women, aged 55 and over, who have not had an attachment to the labour force within a specified preceding period.

Section 26 provides that a person who is entitled to a pro rata old age contributory or reciprocal pension, an EU pension, or a pension under a reciprocal agreement, will be entitled to receive whichever is the higher.

This section also provides for a technical amendment to the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1993, arising from regulatory changes made in April 1995 providing for the extension of full social insurance to new entrants to the public service.

Section 27 provides for the survivor's pension to be renamed as widow's for widower's contributory pension. This is a response to the many pensioners who, for a variety of reasons, disliked the term survivor and requested the right to be termed widow or widower. This section also provides that a widow or widower who remarries will remain entitled to a pension at the rate which would otherwise have been payable had they not remarried. At present, if a widow or widower remarries and where the second spouse dies, it is possible that the widow or widower may on reapplying for a pension, fail to satisfy the contribution conditions, or may qualify for a pension at a lower rate than that payable before remarriage. The pension position of these people will now be protected under legislation and the change is designed to reduce what was seen as a disincentive to marriage by widowed persons.

Provision was made in the Social Welfare (No. 2) Act, 1995, giving effect to the commitment that no spouse would lose out in terms of his or her social welfare entitlements on becoming divorced. A corresponding provision is made in Section 28 as a result of the renaming of the survivor's pension to the widow's or widower's contributory pension.

Section 29 simply provides that the provisions of sections 25 to 28 will be brought into force by way of commencement orders.

Sections 30 to 32 provide for the new arrangements whereby claimants of supplementary welfare allowance who are dissatisfied with the outcome of an appeal to the health board against an adverse decision may make a further appeal to the social welfare appeals office. Section 30 provides for regulatory powers to give effect to these arrangements.

In the context of these new arrangements, section 31 provides for regulatory powers to specify the procedures to be followed on appeals decisions relating to claims both for social welfare payments generally and for supplementary welfare allowance. Regulations to be made under these powers will provide that all such decisions and determinations will have to be given to claimants in writing and will have to set out the reason or reasons for an adverse decision.

An amendment to the existing provisions relating to revised decisions by deciding officers, appeals officers and officers of the health board in the case of supplementary welfare allowance is contained in section 32. This relates to cases where a new fact comes to light resulting in a revised decision being made which reduces a person's entitlement. The deciding officer will now have discretion to decide that the reduction in entitlement should only take effect from a current date where, for example, he or she concludes that the person concerned could not reasonably have been expected to know the relevance of the fact.

The purpose of section 33 is to provide an immediate avenue of appeal to the social welfare tribunal, without first having to appeal the deciding officer's decision to the chief appeals officers, to people who are disqualified from receiving unemployment payments by virtue of their participation in a trade dispute. This arises from a review of procedures in the Irish Press dispute last year which showed that the interim appeal stage in that case served no particular purpose other than to delay a final decision.

Sections 34 to 36, inclusive, contain a number of miscellaneous provisions which are largely of a technical nature.

Section 34, provides for an amendment to section 261 of the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1993, relating to the award of expenses to representatives of appellants at appeal hearings. The practice at present, by agreement with the Incorporated Law Society, is that expenses of £30 are awarded to solicitors and other professional witnesses in respect of attendance at an appeal hearing. This practice has been the subject of a successful challenge in the High Court. Accordingly, the current legislation is being amended by section 34 which provides that costs incurred by a person in relation to any matter referred to an appeals officer will not be awarded but that expenses will continue to be paid as at present. This section is modelled on the legislative provisions applying to the employment appeals tribunal which similarly does not award costs.

Section 35 sets out to resolve a specific problem facing people moving from short-term payments such as unemployment benefit, unemployment assistance and disability benefit to old age pension. Under the existing provisions, the short-term payments are only payable up to the date on which the person reaches age 66 whereas the payment of old age pensions does not commence until the next following Friday. This means there can be a gap of up to six days payment between one and the other. To ensure that there is no gap, section 35 provides regulatory powers under which the short-term payment may be continued until the pension commences.

With a view to improving service delivery for claimants of short-term payments, my Department is currently implementing a new computer system known as the integrated short-term payment system. This system will encompass the making of supplementary welfare allowance payments, a function which under existing legislation is vested in the health boards. The regulatory powers required to enable supplementary welfare allowance payments to be made by my Department are provided for in section 36. I should emphasise that entitlement to such payments will continue to be determined by the health boards as at present.

Section 37 provides for a number of amendments to the Third Schedule of the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1993, in order to improve the provisions relating to the assessment of means for social assistance payments. These include, for example, that a prescribed amount of earnings in respect of employment of a rehabilitative nature will be disregarded in the assessment of means for social assistance purposes; provision for the deduction of child minding earnings before the 50 per cent disregard of remaining earnings is applied in the case of lone parent and one parent families; and the disregard of allowances paid by a health board in respect of accommodation provided for children under the supported lodgings scheme in the assessment of means for social assistance payments other than unemployment assistance, which is being provided for separately in section 23 of this Bill.

Last year's Social Welfare Act provided for an extension of child depend-and allowances, where appropriate, up to age 22 where children were in full-time education. This year, section 38 of the Bill provides for a further extension of that age to the end of the academic year after the 22nd birthday. This will benefit parents on social welfare who are seeking to support full-time students whose birthdays fall in the earlier part of the academic year.

Under the existing legislation, an increase of disablement pension, known as the constant attendance allowance, is payable where the degree of disablement is assessed at 100 per cent and the claimant is so incapacitated as to require someone to attend constantly to his or her personal needs. Section 39 provides regulatory powers for the payment of the constant attendance allowance in cases where the degree of disablement is assessed at less than 100 per cent. The amount of the increase payable in such circumstance will be less than the amount payable where the degree of disablement is assessed at 100 per cent and the rate may vary in relation to the degree of disablement.

Section 40 provides that fees payable to the Comptroller and Auditor General in respect of an audit of the accounts of the social insurance fund will be borne directly by the fund. This amendment arises because the Comptroller and Auditor General is now legally entitled to charge an audit fee.

The purpose of section 41 of the Bill is to extend, from two to six years, the period within which legal proceedings may be brought against the estate of a deceased person for the recovery of overpayments of social assistance.

Under the household budgeting scheme operated by my Department, certain social welfare recipients can opt to have deductions made from their payments and paid over to specified bodies such as the ESB and local authorities. Section 42 extends the scope of the scheme to include bodies not currently covered, in response to requests from existing participants.

Section 43 is a technical amendment designed to update a reference in the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1993, to section 9 of the Minimum Notice and Terms of Employment Act, 1973, which has been replaced by section 3 of the Terms of Employment (Information) Act, 1994.

Section 44 provides for an amendment to the Combat Poverty Agency Act, 1986, under which the period within the board or the agency is required to submit each three year strategic plan may be extended, by not more than six months, by the Minister of the day.

Sections 45 and 46 provide for an increase from £178 to £188 in the amount of weekly earnings below which employees are exempt from liability for the health contributions and the employment and training levy. The corresponding annual income exemption level for self-employed people is being increased from £9,250 to £9,730. These changes are being made at the request of the Departments of Health and Enterprise and Employment and will take effect from 6 April 1996.

I emphasised at the outset the innovative nature of this year's Social Welfare Bill. It is substantial legislation which will protect and improve the living standards of people who, for one reason or another, are outside the labour force, provide a clear pro work and worker focus in relation to incentives, simplify many aspects of a very complex social welfare system and continue the pro family policy direction I put in place last year.

I commend this Bill to the House and I look forward to a constructive and useful debate on its many provisions. I thank the Deputies for allowing me the additional time to finish my contribution.

We have a reasonably comprehensive social welfare system which is designed to help the weakest and most disadvantaged in society. As we approach the end of this century the time is right to make fundamental changes in the structure of the system.

Over the years we have put substantial resources into social welfare. Currently one-third of Government expenditure, in excess of £4,000 million, is spent on social welfare. Almost everybody is at some stage a recipient of social welfare payments and at present about 1.5 million people benefit. Approximately 1.33 million workers are employed under social welfare schemes and almost 0.5 million families receive child benefit for over one million children.

In planning the social welfare system for the 21st century we have to look at the socio-economic challenges facing us. The structure, attitudes and mores of our society have changed dramatically. Recent disclosures have highlighted attitudes particularly of the 1940s and 1950s. In modernising our society we have, I hope, modernised it in a mature way.

We must look at the benefits of the European Union in particular and the transfers of funds over the last couple of decades to see how best we can restructure the social welfare system to ensure that those most in need are supported. From the economic point of view we have failed as a society to convert good and sometimes dramatic economic improvement into a better lifestyle for the less well off. We have an opportunity now to make an impact by shifting expenditure from areas where an exorbitant amount is being spent towards the people who need it most. We need major policy changes to ensure that we have a fair and equitable system going into the next century.

As well as the economic changes which, thankfully, have been for the better over the last decade or two, other profound changes are taking place in society. There have been reports in recent times on our ageing population. It has been estimated that the population over the age of 65 will increase dramatically over the next 25 years. This will lead to significant additional expenditure on old age pensions and services.

Another change, especially in the last decade, relates to the role and status of women in Irish society which has changed profoundly in the last couple of decades. It is not very long — only a generation ago — since women had to give up their jobs when they married. It would be unthinkable today to do some of the things that were considered normal 25 years ago. Married women are participating to a much greater extent in the paid labour force today, and the social welfare system needs to adapt and recognise this. In a broader sense, the change in the status of women means that the social welfare system must recognise women's independence and move from the concept of dependency which currently forms a major part of the system.

I acknowledge there are positive changes in the Bill but that more must be done. Women in the home are still regarded as dependants and that is not funny for someone who works hard rearing a large family. A spouse will not be given half of the old age pension but an adult dependant's allowance. They are still their husband's dependants. That is inequitable and should be altered as quickly as possible.

The social welfare system must meet the challenges that arise, the Social Welfare Bill should set out clear strategic objectives to develop the system and not simply be a form of administrative changes. The three key priorities for 1996 should have been tackling unemployment, supporting the elderly and achieving equality. Current excessive levels of unemployment mean every Department has a political and moral responsibility to do everything in its power to create employment. The cancer of long-term unemployment cannot be allowed to continue. Despite the efforts of everyone concerned there is an increasing number of long-term unemployed.

It is incredible that the Department of Social Welfare does not have an up-to-date record of the long-term unemployed. In reply to a parliamentary question I was told it would get the information from the Central Statistics Office but its figures are for last autumn. The Department does not know the educational status of the long-term unemployed. Such basic information should be available to it if is to tackle this problem. We know that the greater the level of education the better the chance of securing employment.

Average life expectancy continues to increase and this is mainly as a result of improved health care facilities and enhanced nutrition. Great credit is due to voluntary organisations who ensure people have a nutritious meal every day. Sometimes institutions and homes for the elderly are maligned but great improvements have been made. For example, nutritionists and physiotherapists work in homes for the elderly and that is welcome. Such facilities contribute to the quality of life for the elderly. It is satisfying that we have made that kind of progress since the 1950s. There are greater pressures on the State to look after the elderly. It is easy to be critical of voluntary bodies and the Church but there were many State institutions, which were not well run.

Traditionally the extended family looked after its elderly out of love and affection. However, smaller sized families have contributed to the demise of the extended family and extra pressure is put on the State to look after the elderly population. The pattern of change which characterises Irish society has not been uniformly kind to the elderly. Not too long ago, age bestowed almost total protection on the individual from personal assault and insulting behaviour. Now the elderly are subject to depraved behaviour and vicious assaults. I do not understand why they beat people senseless and leave them dying or dead for less sake of a few pounds. It is barbaric and inhuman behaviour. There are too many examples of vicious attacks on the elderly and we are more shamed by them than by the events of 40 years ago. We should do more to provide a secure environment for the elderly and that must be a key objective of Government policy. That we owe the elderly a great deal is a truism and we should show great respect for them. However, we have a lot to be thankful for in our modern society.

As regards the new alcoholic drinks, the packaging has been modernised and the logo changed. Instead of calling it lemonade it now now called a "lemon drink". Some time ago one would be lucky to be given a bottle of lemonade if one were holding a donkey outside a pub on a fair day having walked seven or eight miles to the fair. Our parents did not have milking parlours or modern machinery. Indeed, some parlours are better than the old hovels in which some of the elderly live. Our animals are often better cared for than the elderly. We have only to look at the coats of the horses at Cheltenham to know they are well fed and cared for. We cannot say the same for the elderly.

The most recent annual report of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul pointed out that many of the elderly have one overcoat and one pair of shoes. If they get wet they may not be able to spare the fuel to light a fire and dry them. There is a long way to go and there is much more to be done to show the respect which the elderly deserve from this generation.

Ensuring equality for women, people with disabilities and other disadvantaged groups must also be a key policy objective. The importance of equality was emphasised in last week's report of the National Economic and Social Forum which set out a range of sensible measures to ensure equality for women, people with disabilities, travellers and others. With regard to one of those sections of society, the travellers, we have seen them pilloried, maligned in a fairly vicious way and singled out for all sorts of insults. We must treat all sectors of society equally.

How does this Bill measure up to these objectives? It contains some provisions but I will introduce amendments to section 2 on Committee Stage. There is little enough strategic coherence in the Bill, which is evident from an examination of the three areas which I mentioned earlier.

How does the Bill measure up to the objective of tackling unemployment? I compliment the Minister for cutting PRSI payments because I believe this will be welcomed by employers who want to take on additional workers. I also welcome the Minister's proposal to change the way people who are on unemployment assistance will be means tested if they take up part-time work. However, that is basically it. Is this the radical overhaul of the existing social welfare system which is needed to facilitate getting people back to work? Obviously not. We have failed to tackle this problem. More people are out of work and more are long-term unemployed.

The Government's overall response to the unemployment crisis is a farce. There are now three bodies involved — the Department of Social Welfare. FÁS and the local employment service which is supposed to provide information, advice and assistance directly to people who are looking for work. This is in addition to a whole plethora of other bodies involved in this area. How is any employer or person looking for work supposed to find their way around this maze of quangos? Instead of adopting a coherent plan to tackle unemployment, all we get is a reliance on the old structures which had their uses and their day but which are obviously in need of modification because of the changes in society and the workplace.

What does this Bill do in response to the recommendations of the most recent report of the task force on unemployment? We had some political shenanigans on the release of that report when the Tánaiste said that this was the definitive response, only to have the Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte, telephone Mr. Joe Mulholland of RTÉ to point out that this was not the case. That is not the way to tackle a problem coherently. The task force recommended that a range of Department of Social Welfare operated schemes, including the back to work allowance and the part-time job incentive scheme, should be examined in the context of other income support measures for those on low pay, such as the family income supplement, PRSI exemptions and other measures to address the interface of tax and social welfare. The task force stated that there is considerable complexity in the range of income support measures currently in place for those in low-paid employment. It considered that the role and objective of individual measures need to be clarified and streamlined to ensure they complement one another.

What does the Bill do in response to this recommendation? Nothing. In the £10,000 to £15,000 income bracket workers with three or four dependants are worse off as a result of an increase in income, so if an employer decides to give an employee an increase of £1,000, £2,000 or £3,000, the employee would tell him that he cannot afford to take it. It would cost the employer more in PRSI commitments but the employee would have less take home pay. This is as a result of the interaction of the medical card system, differential rent subsidy, etc. This must be tackled urgently.

A range of simple measures for the elderly should have been introduced in the Bill. In the budget, the Government introduced the totally inadequate proposal for tax relief on security measures for those aged 65 and over who live alone and pay tax. There are about 50,000 such people but the vast majority of them pay very little tax. Introducing a tax break for vulnerable elderly people who live alone was an insult.

The response from a wide range of bodies indicated the need for a much wider level of support for elderly people. The Minister, of course, responded by setting up a task force to examine the issue but the solution is clear. There should be a social welfare payment to assist elderly people in securing their homes. Alarm systems, which are available relatively cheaply, would be a tremendous security for elderly people who live alone but they need some assistance to purchase those systems. In industry or agriculture when one wants to buy a bulldozer, a tractor or a piece of equipment one is generously supported but an old person living alone is offered a tax break which is of no use whatsoever. We do not need to study that problem at length as it is clear what must be done. At a time when interest rates are at their lowest level in living memory, the social welfare system uses rates of up to 10 per cent. This is an old hobbyhorse of mine which I have brought up several times. Can you imagine levelling 10 per cent on an unfortunate elderly person who has a few pounds set aside for their funeral expenses? A decent burial is traditional. What does the Department of Social Welfare do? It says it will charge the person 10 per cent on it. In contrast, what happens to a person's few bob in the credit union or bank? He or she would be lucky to get 1 per cent on it when DIRT and the various bank charges which apply every time a person steps inside the door are taken into account. For example, if a person wants to change a cheque, make a lodgment or withdraw money, he or she is charged by this country's great banks, one of which recently revealed profits of over £1 million per day in its annual report. Surely those banks have some responsibility and should make some effort to give elderly people a break. It was those people who helped build up today's Ireland and the banks should pull their weight.

The Department of Social Welfare does not take account of the interest which is earned on this few pounds but uses a national system. Not satisfied with this, the Minister has introduced rates of up to 15 per cent for some claimants. Does he not realise that this move is totally counterproductive because he is simply making people afraid to put their money in the local bank or credit union? Why should they save money with those institutions when they are penalised for doing so? Why should they save it with the bank when they must pay a surcharge on it? People can drop into their banks in any town or village to find out the interest earned on their savings for the previous month or year. I do not know why that cannot be done when it is being done by health boards for other means testing arrangements. It could and should be done by the Department of Social Welfare. Now is the time to ensure that the interest involved is put against the rate levied on the few pounds people set aside for a decent burial rather than using a penal system. This issue is not just my hobbyhorse, on today's Order Paper, Deputy Nealon's Question 226 asks the Minister the plans, if any, he has to re-evaluate interest rates... as it is hard, if not impossible for people, certainly with small savings, to receive anything like interest of 10 per cent currently and if he will do something about it. I ask the Minister to consider those elderly people and to address this matter on Committee Stage.

Another issue is the treatment of the self-employed. From April 1988 the PRSI system was extended to the self-employed, but many of them aged 56 and over do not qualify for the old age contributory pension despite the fact that they are required to pay PRSI up to age 66. On reaching pension age, having paid their annual contributions, they are told they do not have enough payments but that they will be given back the greater portion of what they paid in. That is of no use to them. They should be given at lease some concession for their payments. This qualification criterion is inflexible and penalises many thousands of the self-employed. Surely the Minister could have introduced flexibility to this scheme to enable such people buy additional contributions to enable them to qualify fully for the State pension or, alternatively continue to pay contributions beyond the age of 66 to meet the existing qualification requirements. Another option, supported by a number of reports, is the provision of a pro rata payment on the amount of contributions paid on reaching retirement age. I demand that this issue, which must be dealt with sooner or later, should be addressed now. In reply to my Parliamentary Question 103 on 7 March asking how much is paid into the social welfare fund by the self-employed, I was told it had increased from £21,792,000 in 1988 to £90 million per annum. The self-employed who contribute that money are entitled to a contributory payment. I will keep up the pressure to ensure that inequity is taken out of the social welfare system.

The Bill performs just as badly in dealing with the position of women. The Commission on the Status of Women 1992 recommends that the term "qualified partner" should be substituted for "dependant". It also recommends that social welfare payments should be divided between the recipient and the qualified partner. Qualified partners should be issued with their own allowance book and the Government should work towards establishing that.

There was an announcement on 19 February 1995 that the Minister would unveil his plans for a new lone parent's allowance, the main aspect of it being that it would not be subject to means testing, but this Bill provides that it is subject to a means test. Will the Minister explain why he has introduced a means test for that allowance?

Those with a disability in residential institutions receive a derisory allowance. Will the Minister introduce a measure to give those unfortunate people an appropriate disabled person's maintenance allowance.? How does their position fit into the Government's commitment to equality? This matter has been heavily criticised by the Ombudsman and it is time this archaic measure was changed to ensure those people are given a decent allowance as they do not have the price of a plug of tobacco. I will introduce amendments section by section on Committee Stage when I will have more time to deal with the Bill.

The Minister was faced with two main options when designing and developing provisions in this Bill. His first was to attempt to fine tune the existing social welfare schemes and provisions. Alternatively, he could have chosen to embark on a systematic and substantial assessment of the overall system. There were at least three compelling reasons for him to select the latter option. The first is transformation of the State's finances, second, the rate of rapid change which has impacted on practically all aspects of Irish life and, third, I expected him to adopt a fresh, courageous and even a visionary approach given his comprehensive contributions in relation to social welfare dealing with the needs and rights of the financially underprivileged to which I listened for many years when he was on the Opposition benches. Day in day out people, particularly Ministers in various Governments, were blamed. I thought that when this Minister got into Government substantial changes would be made, but we have had two budgets and the track record is not great. There is no point in blaming everyone else. The Minister had an opportunity to do something about the most vulnerable in society, his record is not great. Less was provided in general increases in the past two years then ever before. When the net value of the Minister's proposals is assessed, there will be no doubt about the strategic option he has chosen. For the second year in succession he has come down on the side of minimal change and tinkering rather than a comprehensive review and invigorating reform.

This is substantial legislation and one that will have far reaching consequences. There are 11 parts and 46 sections to the Bill. It provides for increases in the rates of social insurance and social assistance payments. It improves the family income supplement, increases child benefit and transfers responsibility for the administration of the disabled person's maintenance allowance from the Department of Health to the Department of Social Welfare. It also provides for claimants who are dissatisfied with the outcome of the decision made by a health board on a claim for supplementary welfare allowance to appeal it to the Social Welfare Appeals Office. It provides for miscellaneous amendments to the Social Welfare Act in respect of social insurance contributions payable to employers, employees and the self-employed. There are many other adjustments and amendments to the Health Contributions Act and the Youth Employment Agency Act. By any standard it is far reaching and substantial.

It is puzzling that we do not devote more time in this House to debating that bundle of far reaching issues. In overall terms we get one major opportunity in the political year to discuss these matters in the Social Welfare Bill. We have another more restricted opportunity to discuss them at the time of the Estimates, but in overall terms I and my party believe we do not devote sufficient time and thought to these matters and to working in unison to bring about fundamental and far reaching improvements on these issues.

This year the Government will spend in excess of £4,000 million on social welfare, an enormous sum. While we ought to devote more time to discussing how that money is spent to ensure its recipients get the best possible deal and taxpayers the best possible return, we tend annually to engage in a narrowly focused debate ever more difficult to understand given the challenges posed by the nature and scale of poverty in our society.

A previous Government proposed initiatives on strategic management in the public sector, the intention being to put in place a system that would ensure public resources are used effectively and efficiently, providing a service tailored to consumers' needs, well designed to serve the general public. When that suggestion was first mooted, part of the overall intention was that each Government Department would produce an action-oriented statement of strategy setting out clear objectives, pointing to the manner in which these could best be achieved and how resources could best be allocated to meet them, ultimately ensuring not alone the efficient delivery of services, guaranteeing that those availing of them would get the best, affordable deal but that taxpayers would get value for their money.

Somehow we do not seem to have managed to proceed along those general lines. Rather each year after budget day we tend to effect a number of marginal ad hoc modifications of systems or provisions already in place without engaging in any radical overhaul or investigation of how the system is operating or could be improved while continuing to be confronted by overwhelming demands on the Social Welfare Vote.

Over the past two years this country has experienced phenomenal growth rates. Our economic performance is one of the best in Europe and all the financial indicators point to this being a healthy, wealthy country. That being the case, there is a huge onus on this Government — not specifically on the Minister — to endeavour to amalgamate our taxation and social welfare systems and to ultimately ascertain whether we can deliver our citizens a better deal. Since the ever increasing numbers of unemployed people constitute a huge demand on our social welfare system, it goes without saying that, if we could manage to reduce their numbers, we would have more funds at our disposal to target those in greatest need, who are not in a position to work or fend for themselves. Here I have in mind the very old and very young in our society.

It is a great pity we are not making a more sustained, systematic effort to restructure our taxation system, which would enable us to at least provide work for the additional numbers of unemployed people. When I talk to people in the Small and Medium Firms Association and ask them why they are not in a position to recruit additional workers, inevitably they answer that it is because of their present greatest competitor, our social welfare system. That is very worrying and must be tackled by key Cabinet Ministers. The Minister for Finance must give the lead in attempting to tackle that issue since that objective can be achieved only by a radical restructuring of our taxation system. Simply put, if we continue to tax work as if it is a luxury, can we wonder why the numbers of unemployed people continue to increase? That issue must be addressed by this Government.

Despite the Minister for Social Welfare having a substantial budget of £4,000 million, the level of increases he is in a position to allocate is relatively small. I cannot foresee us having a decent social welfare system that will alleviate the grinding poverty within many communities, particularly those already hard hit by long-term unemployment. I have direct, day to day contact with the unemployed in my constituency where we are beginning to witness third generation unemployed people. We will not be in a position to give those families the help we would wish until we can create jobs and sufficient numbers of people are paying into the Exchequer and fewer drawing on it. That fundamental principle must be stressed each time we have an opportunity to speak on such matters. While I note an attempt being made in this Bill to reduce PRSI, a small step in the right direction, it is unlikely to have any sizeable effect. While commending it I sincerely wish it was more.

I regret that the position of women remains bleak in terms of equality of access to employment. Women available for and seeking work are not allowed to sign on at present, a major inequality issue. I do not know how that inequality could be addressed by an amendment on Committee Stage, but we must devise some system which would enable women who want to work to sign on, thus giving them an entitlement not theirs at present.

The Bill provides increases of 2.5 per cent and 3.5 per cent respectively announced on budget day but they will not result in any significant improvement in the overall standard of living. Before these increases are paid a whole range of increases in day to day living costs will have come on stream. I refer to the cost of electricity, of basic commodities such as bread and a number of other basic commodities required by any household.

The increases have been cancelled out before they are paid. Despite the fact that we are allocating a great deal of money people are not even marginally better off at the end of the day. It is generally accepted by all commentators that the number of people living in poverty has increased dramatically. Because of the way the system is structrued some people are trapped indefinitely in dependent lifestyles. That is a very sad indictment on a country that boasts and is proud of its strong economic growth. It is a failure of public policy that we are not able to translate the strong level of growth into job creation. I call on the Minister for Social Welfare to produce a strategic plan with quantified targets, priorities and specific commitments for the phased improvement and further development of the social welfare system and in conjunction with his Cabinet colleagues, particularly the Minister for Finance, to find the ways and means to generate and create employment and remove the taxation obstacles to employment so that fewer will be dependent on social welfare.

Section 30 provides the regulatory basis whereby a person who is disatisfied with the determination of an appeal to the health board on his claim for supplementary welfare allowance may appeal the decision further to an independent social welfare appeals office. What was the reason for this change? Have the Minister and his Department no confidence in the appeals system that applies to the supplementary welfare allowance scheme? If the Minister has confidence in the scheme why has he set about putting in place a different set of procedures? In my view the Minister has no confidence in the supplementary welfare allowance appeals system and what he proposes is an attempt to take over the appeals system and place it firmly with the Chief Appeals Officer. I have no great difficulty with that but how will it be achieved and what benefits will accrue from it? Will the Minister address this question when responding to the debate?

The economic indicators support the economic commentators forecast of strong growth in the next six years. Will this growth transform our economy during the next decade enabling us to meet the convergence criteria laid down under the Maastricht Treaty while at the same time achieving a much greater convergence with the European Union average living standard than has occurred in the past 30 years? Should that happen, will we have a two-tier nation? What will happen to the one-third of the population who stand to be left behind? That is a bleak prospect but in conscience we have to confront it and decide what to do about it.

I am concerned also about section 17 which introduces a new one-parent family payment in place of the lone parent's allowance and the deserted wife's benefit. This new payment will be paid to a qualified parent who may be a widow, widower, a separated spouse, an unmarried parent or the spouse of a person detained in legal custody for at least six months and who has at least one qualified child dependant. In my view this measure is an attack on the deserted wife's benefit scheme which will substantially reduce the number of people eligible for deserted wife's benefit and will also reduce the amount of money, if any, payable to them. It is an attack also on the insurance based social welfare benefit to which people contribute for protection in cases of desertion. The proposed measure has been dressed up and presented to this House in the form of a new scheme. Careful reading of the legislation will show that the Minister is merely using a sprat to catch a mackerel. While providing a more generous means test for one-parent families, such as lone parents, he will make substantial savings on the deserted wife's benefit scheme. There are approximately 14,000 deserted wives in receipt of deserted wife's benefits at a cost of approximately £70,000 to the Department. These benefits are paid to deserted wives because their insurance or the insurance of the deserting husband gives them that entitlement. There is no limit to the amount of money they can earn subsequent to or at the time of receiving this benefit. The Minister now proposes to reduce that substantially by placing a special ceiling of £12,000 on income. In addition he proposes to put in place special transitional arrangements under which a reduced rate of payment will be made for a prescribed period. However, neither the duration of the period, nor the reduced rate or the period of transition is mentioned, but is to be left to regulation. Will the Minister explain exactly his Department's view of the new arrangements? Will he spell out exactly his Department's estimates on the impact this will have on the deserted wife's benefit scheme? Will he advise the House on the number who will lose deserted wife's benefit or whose benefit will be substantially reduced because of the proposed new measures?

The Minister will reply in a more structured way later as Béarla no as Gaeilge?

Is cuma. Tig liom an ráiteas go léir a chur as Gaeilge, más maith leat.

Sections 13 to 15 provide for the transfer of responsibility for the disabled person's maintenance allowance scheme from the Department of Health to the Department of Social Welfare by way of the introduction of a new social assistance payment scheme to be known as disability allowance. I welcome this. An increasing number of people, unable to work because of ill health, do not have the necessary social insurance contributions to be awarded disability benefit or invalidity pension. I am concerned about the assessment of means for disability allowance which will be broadly the same as in the case of unemployment assistance, but the benefit and privilege provisions under which young people living in the family home are assessed with parental income will not be applied.

While I welcome the change in regard to assessment with parental income — it was a matter I raised last year — I am concerned that in the case of disability allowance we are creating an anomaly whereby if an applicant is young, single and able bodied, and living at home, benefit and privilege will be taken into account but will not be taken into account if one is sick.

My fear is that we will run the risk of creating a culture of sickness among young people where sickness could be cultivated in order to obtain the maximum disability allowance instead of reduced unemployment assistance. This potential culture of sickness is to be avoided. Will the Minister re-think this particular element of the means test strategy?

This significantly increased level of economic growth and prosperity means the Minister will have a high level of resources available to him. He will have an opportunity to tackle more decisively and effectively our major economic and social problems, particularly unemployment, poverty and social exclusion. My party strongly recommends that these resources should be distributed more equitably than they were in the past to ensure a better balance in the achievement of economic and social objectives.

While I welcome the improvements in this Bill, I am concerned about other aspects of it. I will await the Minister's response to the issues I have raised. My party will then decide whether to table amendments on Committee Stage. This Bill does not set out the Minister's social objectives over the next number of years. There is no mechanism in our parliamentary structure to debate many social issues which need to be addressed in the coming decade.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this Bill. Deputy Quill said she regrets the lack of opportuinties to discuss social issues. However, the Select Committee on Social Affairs provides a forum at which to do this. A delegation from that committee went to Sweden recently to study a proposal to change its law. We had an opportunity to meet officials from its Department of Social Welfare, child care agencies and Department of Justice. It was refreshing to study a social welfare system which has different problems to deal with and which comes from a different cultural mindset, although our delegation was mainly interested in its laws in relation to the punishment of children.

A lot of work is being done in this area. I received a report recently on housing which left as many questions unanswered as it answered. We also receive reports on means testing. There is ongoing analysis of poverty which I hope will lead to a major review. A study on the integration of taxation and social welfare is also of major importance. I could not find recent statistical information for the Department of Social Welfare; the last figures I have are for 1993. Is that information published in the same way as it was in the past?

The Bill establishes an appeals system for health boards. The independent appeals system set up by a former Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy Woods, was a successful structure. I welcome its extension to other areas. I would like a similar appeals system for other parts of the health service, such as medical cards. I also welcome the introduction of a disability allowance. For years people lived on long-term supplementary welfare. There was a gap in the social welfare system for those who did not qualify for disability benefit or invalidity pension when they were sick because they did not have enough contributions. This is a major improvement because some people were living on a low level of income. It is also directly related to unemployment assistance.

While I welcome the improvement in the carer's allowance, it still needs to be reformed. When this was first introduced by a former Minister for Social Welfare. Deputy Woods, more than 70,000 carers assumed that their work would be acknowledged at last. However, it was so rigidly means tested that only a small minority qualified. That is still the case despite the improvements in this Bill. This week I came across a case which would have been included under the famous prescribed relative's allowance scheme which was abolished in favour of the supposedly more generous carer's allowance. The prescribed relative's allowance scheme was not means tested; a person who gave up full-time work qualified for it. The case involved a woman who gave up a job with an income of between £15,000 and £20,000 a year to look after her mother-in-law. She was told that because her husband had reasonable means she would not qualify for any assistance. This is hard to understand because she is not only looking after an elderly person in need of care but she is also freeing up a full-time job. I ask the Minister to consider extending this allowance to people who give up full-time employment to care for an elderly person in recognition of the major sacrifice they make.

Support of carers, which clearly has a health element, should not be the sole responsibility of the Minister for Social Welfare. The Department of Health should commence with some form of payment however modest, perhaps similar to child benefit, to those providing care and as resources permit, it should be expanded and developed. As previous speakers said, a feature of society was that we looked after our old people. There is still a strong will to do this and support would make it easier. This matter should be taken up not as an income maintenance issue but as a health and social policy issue requiring some form of subsidy. It is a debate to which we will return because of the age profile of the population. It is a growing problem which will be of direct concern to the Minister in a number of years and to many of us in the House some decades hence. It will remain on the agenda.

Sweden, which has small unemployment numbers, has an extraordinary attitude to work. Female participation in the workforce is virtually universal apart from during the first year of child rearing. State provided childcare arises from the extraordinary work ethic which comes largely from their Protestantism which obliges them to work to earn a living. That is seen as the greatest role, whereas here we are still struggling with the idea that the mother should be in the home and that it is her primary duty to be there. Sweden has a totally different environment and social services. Some people will have listened to Vincent Browne's debates with women and men about feminism and its future and the great debate started here by the Taoiseach's wife who expressed a viewpoint that was already known. It is fascinating that Sweden deals with it so differently because of its child care provisions.

Sweden had decentralised the provision of social welfare, health and other services. Decentralisation of the services of the Department of Social Welfare is a debate about which we heard a little in the House but it seems to have been taken off the agenda. When replying to the debate will the Minister give an indication of his thinking on decentralisation? In Sweden everything from health care to providing medicine is handled by a social welfare committee at municipal level. In the context of social welfare, centres were developed in various areas and it was expected that services would devolve locally. I would like to know what progress has been made in that area and future plans.

We were fascinated to note that one of the responsibilities of the Swedish Department of Social Welfare was based on an analysis of children and their needs. That is an important issue in this society where it affects lone parenting, which is such a major issue in terms of poverty, exclusion and the whole of society. One of the duties of the local social welfare committee is to deal with custody and access of children. Swedish thinking on children is based on the child's need and rights — that is stated in our laws too — but it has led Swedish people to some very unusual areas. They live in a society where only 50 per cent of the people marry. Many people live outside marriage and many are separated. They have been dealing with these issues for generations longer than we have. They have come to the conclusion that it is critical for a child to have reasonable access to both parents and this is extended into the social welfare system. We sent a copy of the report on our recent visit to Sweden to the Department but if the Minister has not had time to analysie it he might ask somebody to examine it.

One of the obligations of the social welfare committees of the Department of Social Welfare in Sweden is to investigate and establish the paternity of children where the parents are not married. We have begun to make provision here to pursue a father to support his child. This type of proposal raises hackles here because it is seen as punitive. It is based on the principle that every child is entitled to a father and a mother. We facilitate fathers to ignore that responsibility by the way in which we handle the issuing of allowances. Issuing allowances in Sweden is conditional on the identification of both parents, not on whether that parent is in a position to support the child, and on the attitude that the child is entitled to two parents.

In responding to the needs of lone parenthood, have we done another injustice to children by facilitating one element of the partnership to forget his responsibility? This is a matter which could be debated in consultation with lone parent groups. There are no teenage pregnancies in Sweden. They do not have a large number of young mothers bringing up children alone, as we have, Because there is so much employment in Sweden, they have alternatives. It is important that we begin to examine this issue.

What we have done for lone parents by improving the means test to enable them to return to the workforce has been tremendous. It has made a big difference in that a large number of women have taken up community employment schemes and other types of employment as a result of improvements in recent years. That has been valuable in terms of bringing people back into the workforce and creating new models for children. We were fascinated by this approach in Sweden and we thought it should be considered here.

In April 1995 there was a major conference on the European Union programme to foster the social and economic integration of the least privileged groups. One of its priorities was that any policy responses should be developed in consultation with the recipient group. I suggest some of these issues be taken up with lone parent groups and those most directly involved with them, with a view to facilitating a fundamental change in thinking.

It is funny in a society based on Catholic traditional beliefs, supposedly child centred, that we allow at least half of the people responsible for bringing children into the world to condone the neglect of them. In doing so, we may have created a climate where that becomes more commonplace. These matters gave members of the committee reason to reflect on whether our response to problems, albeit with the best intentions, lead to poverty traps etc. which we will spend the rest of our lives trying to disentangle.

The welcome change in means testing for lone parents has highlighted some anomalies. For example, a married woman obviously cannot qualify for a lone parent allowance. In terms of being available to look after her children, her husband will not take on that responsibility. She is in a community employment scheme and works with lone parents who take home much more money than her because of taxation and the impact of means testing. Her needs are as great but her resources to meet them are less because means testing is not based on need but is confined to this category.

I welcome the improvement in exemptions for PRSI contributions for the lower paid which will have a major impact on employment. The extension from £50 to £80 has led to increases in payments for those on low pay and has facilitated the creation of employment. That is the way forward in the context of a tax and social welfare system that is seen to be anti-work. I welcome also the extension of the household budgeting scheme which has worked extremely well for families who find it difficult to manage.

I support the views of many of my colleagues that the issue of dependency must be tackled in a serious way. Last year the Minister promised he would introduce a basic income for children this year and move towards a radical integration of child benefit and child dependant allowance. What has hapened in that regard? I welcome the £2 increase in child benefit while noting that child dependant allowances have been frozen.

I welcome the Bill which makes a number of improvements in the social welfare system by way of the new one parent family allowance, the creation of disability assistance and, in particular, the new appeal scheme.

The function of Social Welfare Bills is twofold; to implement the changes announced in the budget and to alter social welfare law to iron out some anomalies in the system. Since budget day, and even before, we have been aware of the budgetary aspect of the Social Welfare Bill but it is to the other aspect I want to draw attention. I have been a Member of this House for 14 years and have seen many Social Welfare Bills introduced but I cannot see any difference between this Bill and its predecessors. I have never seen a Minister for Social Welfare, of any political persuasion, introduce a Social Welfare Bill designed to create more anomalies or injustices in the system. The general idea is to redress anomalies that have become evident with minimal cost to the Exchequer.

I received an unsolicited document from the Minister this morning which referred to this Bill as containing "some of the most significant changes ever in the social welfare system". That claim is misleading to the point of being fraudulent. The reality is that there is much less to this Bill than meets the eye despite the smug, overblown assertions that it contains significant changes.

Any objective observer would agree this Bill is hardly revolutionary and, if I may borrow a quote, it will not shake the State to its foundations. It effects some slight improvements in the social welfare code which are welcome. I welcome also the provision in regard to disability allowance. While it will not make any difference in practice to the people already in receipt of disabled person's maintenance allowance, it introduces more coherence to the system. I welcome also the appeals procedure for SWA which appeared first in the guise of a Private Members' Bill put forward by my colleague, Deputy Joe Walsh, and which shamed the Government and the Minister into introducing that much needed and glaringly obvious reform in the system. Serious problems will arise with the new lone parents' provisions as outlined by my colleague, Deputy Quill, but we can deal with that in much greater detail on Committee Stage.

I listened to the Minister's opening statement this afternoon but all the high tech jargon about contribution class rates, reciprocal arrangements, pro rata systems, etc. cannot conceal the obvious fact that the everyday reality of life for a large and growing proportion of our population is one of grinding poverty, deprivation and exclusion. The record of this Government to date has resulted in the poor becoming poorer, and that will continue. When the poor become poorer the rich generally get richer but that does not happen here because of our grindingly progressive taxation system. The poor become poorer, however, and the Government does not have to take my word for that.

I refer to the 1996 post budget submittion of the CORI justice group which has no particular axe to grand and which metes out the same treatment, regardless of which party is in Government. That group's report states: "Since coming to power this Government has presided over a widening in the poverty gap of £1,500 in the take-home income of a long-term unemployed couple compared to a couple earning a £40,000 salary". It continues:

Ten years ago, in 1986, the Government's Commission on Social Welfare published their report. It concluded that a single person needed £68.50 a week and a couple £110 to provide "a minimally adequate standard of living” (in 1996 terms). Ten years later most social welfare rates are below this level while many low paid employees live in households with income equivalents below this very low poverty line. In the past ten years the national cake has grown to more than 50%. However, large numbers of people continue to live in poverty and the gap between them and the rest of society continues to widen dramatically.

The Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy De Rossa, enthusiastically supported the recommendations of the commission referred to in that report. He enthusiastically supported any proposal that minimal income levels for people dependent on social welfare should be increased to at least these figures. I recall contributions the Minister made when in Opposition to the effect that this was not good enough for him and if he ever got the opportunity he would make major improvements. He has now had that opportunity, he has laid out his stall for the two years he will be in Government, at least until the next general election, but the improvements have been conspicuous by their absence.

All the high tech jargon and the legal niceties cannot obscure the fact that the Minister for Social Welfare described 3 per cent increases and, for some benefits, a greater level of increase, in harsher economic times as "miserable". That is not my epithet; it was so described by the then Deputy De Rossa from the relevant comfort of the Opposition benches. When he was given an opportunity to put his hand on the tiller and see what he could do, in the first year he gave 2.5 per cent and in the second 3 per cent.

How much does the Deputy want?

Has the meaning of the term "miserable" changed like the famous advertisement which appeared in an internal party magazine? Is it a case of "now you see it, now you don't"?

What would be the optimum?

The Minister has not improved the circumstances of the most deprived social welfare recipients, rather he has disimproved them.

He will say that total social welfare expenditure has increased. Of course it has and by more than the rate of inflation because there are more people unemployed and growing dependency. If the poor could reelect a Government, this Government would be sure to be returned because many more people are poor now than when it took over.

The Minister will use the argument that he is targeting the increases, but he did not target childless couples, poor single people or elderly persons who do not have dependent children, rather he targeted the middle classes.

What about the dirty dozen?

The increase in child benefit is payable to the richest in the country.

Does the Deputy want to abolish it?

Does this constitute targeting? As we all know, the Minister adopts a flexible approach to language. I will comment on the Bill fearlessly and will not be interrupted by the clown prince of the Government.

Let the women of Ireland hear that comment.

The Minister also participated in the targeting of the middle classes by the abolition of third level fees. In other words, his record in Government over two years includes the giving of unsolicited gifts of £2,000 by the writing off of fees plus substantial increases in child benefit in respect of the sons and daughters of beef tribunal lawyers and others of that ilk whereas he gave childless elderly persons an extra 20p a day. That figure will rise to 22p this year.

That is gross misrepresentation.

Since he did not do me the courtesy of staying to listen to my contribution I hope the Minister will advert in his reply to the questions I wish to ask him. What does he propose to do about the position of self-employed persons aged 55 years and over when PRSI for the self-employed was introduced in 1988? This issue has been dodged both by him and successive Governments.

Including the one which introduced it.

Many of the people concerned are living in dire poverty, for example, small farmers and business people whom I meet every day in my constituency. The law states that if they have paid one stamp less than the ten year requirement, they will not receive a contributory pension whereas if they have paid one stamp more, they will receive a pension at the full rate. Does this constitute justice, equity and fairness? Is that what the Minister would describe as socialism.

I have asked various Ministers, including Fianna Fail Ministers, about this matter during the years and received platitudes in reply. I was promised that it would be reviewed, considered, examined and referred to the National Pensions Board which was supposed to come up with some magical pro rata pension system or, at least, with something more equitable.

When I raised the matter by way of parliamentary question on 5 March the Minister stated in reply: "The whole question of pro rata pensions falls to be considered in the context of the recommendations contained in the final report of the National Pensions Board, Developing the National Pension System, taking account of the overall future financing of pensions.” In plain language, that means the board is still reviewing it. This matter has been ongoing for eight years and the board has had ample opportunity to review it. It is time to make the hard decision.

What will the people who have paid one stamp less than the ten year requirement get in return? They will receive a refund of 53 per cent, minus the interest except in respect of contributions due after 1 November 1990. The Government will hang on to the remaining 47 per cent in the maw of the Exchequer. Most of the people who have made contributions will not gain a red cent. This constitutes extortion and extra taxation without any benefits.

They are covered for widow's and orphan's pension.

The vast majority from whom this tribute is exacted by the Exchequer will receive nothing in return.

What plans does the Minister have to ease the tremendous burden which will be placed on the social welfare system of demographic changes? In Opposition he portrayed himself as a man of vision who would shake the system to its foundations if ever given an opportunity to do so. This is one problem he will have to confront squarely while in office.

Recent figures suggest that the percentage of the total population accounted for by those aged over 65 will rise to 12.5 per cent by 2011 and 17 per cent by 2025. This will place a tremendous burden on the Exchequer. At Question Time, on a slightly different subject, my colleague, Deputy Rory O'Hanlon, secured from the Minister for Finance the information that the public sector pension bill will rise from £563 million, at 1996 levels, to £1.22 billion by 2020.

In its 1993 report on meeting the challenge of an ageing population the National Pensions Board recommended that priority should be given to encouraging all employees and the self-employed to take out adequate pension cover. It stated:

The projected increase in expenditure required to maintain the existing level of flat rate pensions under the social welfare system in the decades ahead in the light of demographic changes and the already limited scope for increasing revenue from PRSI in the light of the serious unemployment situation has to be tackled. In view of this it will continue to be necessary to promote second tier pension coverage through occupational schemes and personal pension arrangements.

What is being done to promote this coverage?

For tax purposes, a self-employed person is only allowed to contribute 15 per cent of gross wages to a pension scheme. The reality is that many self-employed persons will not be in a position to contribute until they are well established in their professional occupation or business in their mid-thirties, by which time the rate of percentage they will have to pay to justify an adequate pension which would give them a reasonable standard of living at retirement age will be far in excess of 15 per cent.

This anomaly is compounded by the fact that if a company wants to provide pension cover for one of its directors who is paid through the PAYE system the 15 per cent rate does not apply; it can contribute far in excess of this figure. If we are serious about promoting the idea of private pension schemes to remove some of the burden from the State, as recommended by the National Pensions Board which this House set up to advise it, why do we allow this anomaly to remain?

Lip service has been paid to the concept of encouraging people to take out pension cover. There has been much loose comment, but one obvious factor has been overlooked, the advent of the so-called flexible economy. The concept of a job for life, the nostalgic notion to which Europeans are holding on, has disappeared in all but name. They have faced reality in the United States where it is openly admitted and acknowledged that the flexible economy is the order of the day.

The reality is that the proportion of people in full-time or permanent salaried jobs continues to fall. If the flexible economy is the norm, the circumstances which gave rise to the growth of private pensions will no longer exist and more and more people will be forced to depend on the State. As the burden on the State increases, the amount in real terms it will be able to provide by way of State pensions will gradually reduce. If, in the first quarter of the next century, the elderly are forced to rely on the State for a pension that amounts to 8 per cent or 9 per cent of the average industrial wage, there will be "grey" riots on the streets. There will not be a sudden apocalypse, it will evolve gradually. Pensions will be reduced by stealth because of the burden on the Exchequer.

Is there advance planning by the Minister to deal with this matter? I am extremely disappointed with the record of the Minister for Social Welfare. How can he call what he is providing for social welfare recipients, the poorest and most disadvantaged in our society, socialism? He made a lifetime career from claiming to be a socialist. He must believe in the Norman Mailer concept of socialism which is that its function is to raise suffering to a higher level.

The Minister is not enamoured of the Deputy.

The Bill is far from revolutionary and will not improve the worsening circumstances of the poor. It does not provide a grand design, vision or plan for the future. It provides meagre, mealy-mouthed and minimalist changes and contains nothing to indicate that a self-proclaimed socialist has at last taken control of the commanding heights of the economy. The Bill is a grave disappointment and demonstrates a gulf between the Minister's rhetoric in Opposition and his performance in Government.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate. The Department of Social Welfare is probably the most difficult Department to administer, it is a minefield. Since being elected to the House 21 years ago I have spent most of my time in public life helping people with social welfare problems. Many people find it difficult to know their entitlements. For that reason, I welcome this first attempt to simplify the social welfare system to enable people to understand their entitlements. Up to now the Department's attitude has been that if people were able to determine their entitlements, they would get something. The multiplications, subtractions, divisions and the various qualification terms are a minefield for people in receipt of social welfare payments as well as for those trying to assist them. I admire the Minister for his excellent work and the constructive role he plays in Government. I also compliment the Minister of State, Deputy Durkan, on the forthright manner in which he is willing to help Members respond to representations.

I agree with some of Deputy O'Dea's comments. The social welfare system has been generous. Households in receipt of full social welfare entitlements do not experience poverty and payments have kept pace with inflation. I am often surprised at the comfort in which people who depend on social welfare live. Their homes are usually kept in good repair and their children are well cared for, an indication they are in receipt of sufficient income. However, in households in which the income is wasted on alcohol, gambling or drug abuse, the neglect of children is usually apparent, but this can also apply to families in receipt of large incomes outside the social welfare system.

However, some people experience great difficulty getting their full entitlements. I agree With Deputy O'Dea about the efforts of social welfare officers — perhaps it is their agenda — to cut back on people's entitlements. Public representatives often have to make numerous representations on their behalf. We are frequently told these matters can be appealed, but eventualy the people concerned get the payments to which they were entitled in the first place. I hope the new regulations eliminate that nonsense which is a waste of time for officials and public representatives.

I agree with the previous speaker's remarks about people who fall short of the number of contributions necessary to qualify for contributory old age pension. The contributions taken from them — they are not voluntary — are not recognised for pension purposes unless the full number is reached. If such people were advised of the matter they could make voluntary contributions to enable them to qualify for pension. This matter is brought to my notice on a regular basis.

Another matter that concerns me is that of hidden wealth. For example, in determining the entitlement of a person with a small business to an old age pension the income derived from the business will be estimated by an officer even though the records may show that the business does not provide such an income. As the Minister of State, Deputy Durkan, comes from a farming background he should address the nonsense of placing a certain value on a 30 or 40 acre farm as part of a person's income. People working those small holdings live in poverty and anxiously await the income of an old age pension. Their pride prevents them from letting their neighbours know the extent of their poverty. This practice should be terminated. Land is only as good as what it produces and owners of such small holdings should not be penalised in this manner. It is nonsensical to place a value on such land and deduct that from their pensions. They are deprived of full pensions through no fault of their own and this matter must be rectified.

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