'Sé seo an chéad ocáid riamh do Rialtas na hÉireann Páipéar Bán forleathan a chur amach a bhaineann le polasaí eachtrach. Ceann de na haidhmeanna atá againn leis an bPáipéar Bán seo ná chun chur in a luí ar muintir na hÉireann gur leo féin a bhaineann polasaí eachtrach na hÉireann. Táim lán-tsásta leis an gcaoi gur cuireach fáilte roimh an bPáipéar Bán ón Mháirt i-leith. Is onóir don Rialtas, do mo Roinnsa agus dom féin an Páipéar Bán a chur ós comhair na Dála inniu.
The publication of Challenges and Opportunities Abroad, the White Paper on Foreign Policy, meets the commitment contained in the policy agreement, A Government of Renewal, which was adopted by the Government when we assumed office in 1994. As provided for in that agreement, the White Paper spells out the principles that underpin Ireland's commitment to peace, security and international co-operation. It is also a central purpose of the White Paper to encourage debate about all aspects of foreign policy, more transparency in the conduct of policy, and the maximum degree of ownership of policy by the people.
In meeting these aims we were concerned to provide for public participation in the preparation of the White Paper. This process involved both the soliciting of written submissions from the public and the holding of a series of public seminars on foreign policy themes.
The White Paper is intended to provide a comprehensive survey of our foreign policy. While it cannot, obviously, concern itself with every issue of foreign policy, an effort has been made to address as many of the issues raised at the foreign policy seminars as possible. The White Paper, however, does not, address the question of Northern Ireland. This is because the situation in Northern Ireland is evolving daily. Also, we felt that the issues associated with Northern Ireland already receives considerable public attention on a regular basis.
Irish foreign policy is about much more than self-interest. The elaboration of our foreign policy is also a matter of self-definition — simply put, it is for many of us a statement of the kind of people we are. Foremost among the values set out in the White Paper are those which are contained in Article 29 of the Constitution. Irish people are committed to those principles — the ideal of peace and friendly co-operation among nations founded on international justice and morality; the principle of the pacific settlement of international disputes by international arbitration or judicial determination; and the principles of international law as our rule of conduct in our relations with other states.
The White Paper recognises that as our country is small and hugely dependent on foreign trade for our well-being, our interests require us to pursue an active policy of external engagement. While holding firmly to the principles which we cherish, that policy — if it is to allow us pursue our interests to best effect — must be sufficiently adaptable to enable us to meet the constantly changing circumstances of the modern world.
The European Union, and Ireland's place in it, is dealt with in considerable detail. The Union's Intergovernmental Conference is due to open in Turin tomorrow and Ireland will shortly be assuming the Presidency of the Union. This is therefore an appropriate moment at which to present the White Paper for discussion in this House.
The White Paper points out that participation in the process of European integration has been crucial to Ireland's development. Through our involvement in this process and, in particular, through our membership of the European Union, Ireland is now in the mainstream of European decision-making.
Ireland has contributed constructively to the Union's development and we have benefited significantly from our membership of the European Union. The White Paper outlines the considerable influence the EU has had on the strengthening of our identity and our international policies as well as the positive impact the European Union has had on developments in Northern Ireland. It also points to the substantial net transfers from the EU that Ireland has received.
From 1 July, Ireland will once again be to the forefront of both European and world developments when we take over the Presidency of the European Union. In the lead-up to the Presidency, as outlined in some detail in the White Paper, the European Union faces five major challenges as it moves towards the 21st century. My colleague, Minister of State, Deputy Gay Mitchell will address the subject of the European Union chapter in more detail, but I will outline briefly the analysis of these issues set out in the White Paper.
These are, first, the need for the Union to ensure its balanced economic development and realise the full potential of the Single Market. Second, the Union must ensure that it functions in an open way and addresses the real concerns of the citizens of the Union, such as unemployment and drugs. Third, the Union must equip itself to play a role commensurate with its responsibilities. The Intergovernmental Conference will play a significant role here. Fourth, it must seize the historic challenge and opportunity of enlargement to include the other democratic European countries that wish to become members. Fifth, the Union must continue the process of ever closer union among the peoples of Europe to ensure that the enormous achievements of the Union in terms of peace and prosperity are consolidated for future generations.
The White Paper states categorically that the central current economic challenge for the European Union and its member states is employment. It is well recognised that, while economic growth is necessary to tackle unemployment, it is not in itself sufficient. Active measures must be taken to increase competitiveness and to create an economic structure more favourable to turning growth into sustainable jobs.
We will work during our Presidency to ensure that the EU's activities on the employment front are enhanced and intensified. The process of maximising the job-creating potential of our economies is not a short-term one. It requires sustained effort, but by working together the member states will reinforce each other's individual efforts.
The future enlargement of the European Union and the many complex issues arising in relation to enlargement are matters of fundamental importance for Ireland, the other existing EU member states, the applicant countries and, for the European continent.
Let us be clear about the context. Millions of our fellow Europeans, having succeeded after decades in ridding themselves of forced material and spiritual deprivation, seek to reclaim and to re-state their European identity and destiny. They wish to see their countries accede to the European Union. They aspire to the economic and political benefits which will flow from this.
The Union, its member states and the applicant countries must prepare for the challenges of enlargement. We must ensure that the essential nature of the Union, characterised by its commitment to solidarity and to economic and social cohesion, remains undiminished by the accession of new member states in central, eastern and southern Europe. This is a matter of essential interest for the Union and its existing member states, including Ireland. Likewise, the interests of new member states will be best served by a deepening of European intergration.
For their part, applicant countries must prepare to be able to assume the obligations of membership by satisfying the demanding economic and political conditions required. We in Ireland must ensure that our essential interests, for example in relation to the CAP and economic and social cohesion, are safeguarded in the context of preparing for enlargement and during accession negotiations.
The White Paper recognises unambiguously the advantages of economic and monetary union for an open economy such as ours. It acknowledges it as an important further step in the process of European integration. The White Paper recognises that the British opt-out is a potential difficulty — it would clearly be preferable from our point of view if Britain were to participate from the beginning. The key priority for the Government is to prepare the economy for participation and to ensure that we meet the criteria for the third stage of European Monetary Union from the beginning.
The Government believes effective co-ordinated action in the area of justice and home affairs is essential, particularly in combating drug trafficking, international organised crime and terrorism.
In addition to the many ongoing priorities of the Union which will dominate our Presidency, the effective management of the Intergovernmental Conference will be a major priority. As the White Paper points out, it is neither possible nor appropriate to set out in detail Ireland's negotiating position on the issues which may arise at the Intergovernmental Conference. Our broad approach to the Intergovernmental Conference will be based on identifying real practical improvements in the functioning of the Union under all three pillars, and enabling the Union to address the challenges posed by further enlargement. We will attach particular importance to equipping the Union to address the most direct concerns of citizens. At the same time, part of our ambition will be to preserve those elements, including the broad balances between the institutions and the member states, which have served the Union well and are essential for its future success.
It is also clear that the outcome of the Intergovernmental Conference must, by definition, be acceptable to the public in all member states. A number of sensitive issues will be considered at the Intergovernmental Conference and will have to be resolved with respect for the concerns of all. The continued right of all member states to nominate a member of the Commission, for example, is a point of key importance for Ireland.
As to the practical issues we might pursue during the Intergovernmental Conference negotiations, I mention for instance the commitment in the White Paper to seeking a Treaty change to reflect in an appropriate way the rights of people with a disability.
In considering Ireland's foreign relations, we cannot forget the extent to which our economic well-being depends on other countries. Some 70 per cent of the goods we produce are exported. Two out of three jobs in manufacturing depend on export trade. Certain service sectors such as professional consultancy increasingly find their customers abroad. Employment in tourism obviously would not be viable without foreign visitors. Moreover, business in Ireland, especially manufacturing industry, has benefited on a very large scale from investment by foreign companies over the years. Such companies now number no fewer than a thousand. Their exports, and the employment they generate, are of enormous value to the economy.
As is stated in the White Paper, it is in Ireland's interest to seek a just and stable international order, in which peaceful trade can flourish. We need to encourage less-developed countries towards sustainable development. We should support international bodies such as the World Trade Organisation which aims to liberalise trade world wide, on the basis of agreed rules and safeguards. This has been an established part of Ireland's policy for many years.
The promotion of trade and investment is a major obligation of all Irish diplomatic missions abroad. My Department works closely with other Government Departments, especially Agriculture, Food and Forestry and Tourism and Trade, and with the State bodies responsible specifically for foreign trade and investment. I mention in this regard the role currently being played by my Department and our missions in seeking to have certain markets for our beef reopened. Irish diplomatic missions also seek the help and support of Irish business people living and working abroad. In the Chapter on the foreign service I outline further proposals to enhance the effectiveness of the service in this regard.
The European Union and the United States together absorb 80 per cent of our exports. However, new markets are now opening up in Asia and in Central Europe. With this in mind, the Government decided to open three new embassies last year, one in Malaysia and two in Central Europe, one to Hungary and one to the Czech Republic. I am happy to refer also to the Government's recent decision to open an embassy in Israel. The new mission will further our capacity to contribute to the Middle East Peace Process. It will also assist in promoting our economic interests.
The new post-Cold War environment presents numerous challenges to the security of Europe and the world. It is an environment characterized by uncertainty and by a proliferation of risks and challenges, many of which have the capacity to affect our interests and the welfare and prosperity of our people. The threat of global nuclear destruction may have receded, but new risks of nuclear proliferation have appeared. We have seen war and ethnic cleansing return to Europe, genocide in Rwanda, and a number of open and bloody conflicts in parts of the former Soviet Union. The risks to the environment, the rise of international crime, the scourge of drugs, these and many other problems are cited by governments throughout the world as issues that cannot be addressed by nations acting individually and can only be addressed in a meaningful way by co-operative action.
We see the issue of security in its broadest sense. The reality that faces all of us, as the OSCE at the highest level has recognised, is that security is indivisible and it must be constructed on more co-operation, not less; on partnerships that have as their aim peace and friendly co-operation and on more and better use of existing institutions such as the UN, the OSCE and the European Union in the search for enhanced peace and security. Individual institutions are less able than before to cope with the new and multifaceted challenges that are arising. Former Yugoslavia is an obvious example: a NATO-led force, IFOR, including Russia and three of our fellow neutral States, Sweden, Austria and Finland, is implementing the military aspects of the Dayton Accords. The UN is also undertaking peacekeeping and police operations in the former Yugoslavia. The Western European Union has been involved at the request of the EU and in co-operation with NATO on sactions, enforcement and police tasks. The European Union has a central role in diplomatic and peace monitoring aspects. The OSCE will have a crucial role in overseeing civilian aspects of the peace process.
The White Paper sets out the new international context in which Ireland must operate. I wish to encourage a rational and confident debate. I want to demonstrate that Ireland has nothing to fear from closer co-operation with other States in the search for a more secure world. None of this poses any threat to our non-participation in military alliances and I trust the White Paper will serve to correct and clarify any misperceptions that may exist on that account.
The UN Charter remains the ultimate source of legitimacy for all efforts to preserve, promote and defend international peace and security. Ireland's commitment to the aims and principles of the United Nations Charter is a cornerstone of our foreign policy. The United Nations system is uniquely placed to promote the collective security, human rights and economic and social development of the world community.
As the UN faces new and different challenges in the future, it is the Government's view that the Organisation will benefit from a process of revitalisation and reform. Reform of the Security Council is overdue. This body should through enlargement, be made more representative of the overall membership of the United Nations. It must become more transparent in decision making and build better consultation channels with the Secretary-General and the General Assembly. The UN's financial crisis must be addressed and arrears by member states settled.
The UN is the primary forum for Ireland's efforts to promote disarmament, including nuclear disarmament, and arms control. The White Paper contains a comprehensive restatement of our disarmament policy and sets out the main objectives for the period ahead. While the post Cold War environment has facilitated progress on nuclear and conventional disarmament excessive accumulation of arms is one of the major contributory causes to international tension and conflict.
At the UN, Ireland is continuing to promote acceptance of principles of responsibility and restraint in arms transfers. We wish to ensure that any development of EU co-operation in armaments policy includes a significant strengthening of existing arms export control policies at EU level.
Ireland will continue to work for a total ban on anti-personnel landmines through focused efforts in the international fora open to us. Ireland neither produces nor exports such weapons. In 1996 the Chemical Weapons Convention should enter into force. The Government intends that Ireland will ratify it as soon as possible.
The promotion and protection of human rights is an essential part of Ireland's approach to foreign policy. I have established a human rights unit in the Department of Foreign Affairs which will co-ordinate human rights issues including, where necessary, with other relevant Government Departments. We will seek to ensure that our concerns in human rights are given full expression in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. We will be intensifying our efforts at the United Nations to achieve agreement on a draft statute for a permanent international criminal court.
During his recent visit here, President Clinton paid eloquent tribute to Ireland's record on peacekeeping. We can be justifiably proud of our tradition of service to the United Nations in this regard.
The current wave of intra-state conflicts poses new challenges for peace-keeping and points to the need for responses which cover all aspects of conflict — problems of underdevelopment, human rights violations, humanitarian assistance, mass movements of refugees, reconciliation and post conflict reconstruction. We need a better understanding of the causes of conflict and a more systematic and speedy reaction to mitigate them before they develop into open conflict. The focus for the future should be on conflict prevention and rapid deployment of adequately resourced and equipped peacekeeping forces with realistic and achievable mandates.
Chapter 4 of the White Paper identifies the central elements of Ireland's security policy over many years, including our policy of military neutrality, embodied by non-participation in military alliances. As the White Paper makes clear, our approach to the formulation and expression of our security policy will continue to be in harmony with our outlook and traditions, and at the same time responsive to the new and still evolving challenges that face us in promoting peace, security and progress at the European and global level. This approach underpins our policies towards the UN, the OSCE, the Partnership for Peace, the Western European Union, and to Intergovernmental Conference security and defence issues.
The White Paper acknowledges that the majority of Irish people have always cherished Ireland's military neutrality and that this policy has served Ireland well. The Government will not propose that Ireland should seek membership of NATO or the Western European Union.
The White Paper surveys the emerging security landscape. I have already mentioned the UN. The OSCE, the only regional organisation to which all the states of Europe and North America adhere, is uniquely placed to develop further its existing role as a focal point for European security co-operation. We will seek to strengthen the OSCE as a permanent organisation for European security co-operation and to further develop its capacity for preventive diplomacy and peacekeeping.
The OSCE has endorsed the pursuit of systematic and practical co-operation between European and other regional and transatlantic organisations that share its values and objectives. Both NATO and the Western European Union have gone beyond their core functions as defence alliances and have announced their willingness to contribute to conflict prevention and crisis management tasks at the request of the UN and the OSCE. This reflects a developing feature of the new security landscape: the concept of mutually reinforcing co-operation between these institutions.
There is an emerging consensus that the EU should be better equipped to make a contribution internationally in such areas as peacekeeping and humanitarian operations — the so called Petersberg Tasks identified by the Western European Union. It is envisaged that the Western European Union involvement in such operations would be at the request of the UN, the OSCE or the EU under its Common Foreign and Security Policy. The White Paper states it is desirable and right that Ireland should be prepared to make a contribution in areas where it has proven capacity and experience. Our other EU partners which have remained outside military alliances — Austria, Finland and Sweden, are like us, observers at the Western European Union. They have also shown interest in Western European Union peacekeeping and humanitarian tasks.
The Government has decided to discuss with the Western European Union the possibility of Ireland taking part, on a case by case basis, in humanitarian and rescue tasks and peacekeeping tasks under the Petersberg declaration and to consider such changes as may be necessary in the Defence and Garda Síochána Acts to enable Ireland's Defence Forces and gardaí to take part in such operations.
The forthcoming Intergovernmental Conference is expected to consider how the Common Foreign and Security Policy provisions, including through the EU-WEU relationship and the handling of the Petersberg Tasks in the framework of the relationship, can best be developed to enhance the EU's contribution to European and global peace and security. This is a challenge that faces all members of the EU, neutral or allied.
The Government's approach to the Intergovernmental Conference negotiations will be on the basis of the principles set out in Chapter 4. The White Paper restates the Government's commitment that the outcome of any future negotiations that would involve Ireland's participation in a common defence policy would be put to the people in a referendum, thus ensuring that Ireland's policy of military neutrality remains unchanged unless the people themselves decide otherwise.
Partnership for Peace has already attracted much attention. I regret that some of it has been misinformed. I invite all Deputies to read the White Paper closely. The White Paper sets out the reasons Ireland should consider participating in this co-operative initiative which the vast majority of OSCE member states have already joined. Partnership for Peace has already assumed an important role in European security co-operation, particularly in such areas as training for peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, environmental protection and drugs interdiction.
Partnership for Peace does not involve membership of NATO, the assumption of any alliance commitments, or any commitment to future membership of NATO. Austria, Finland, Sweden and Malta have all joined on this basis. Participation in Partnership for Peace in no sense impinges on our policy of military neutrality.
Partnership for Peace is a flexible arrangement, which allows each participating state to focus on its own interests in the security area: ours is that of peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, and environmental and drugs issues. It is incorrect and misleading to suggest that Partnership for Peace is somehow a back door for Irish entry to NATO. The Government has decided that a final decision on participation should be taken on the basis of further consultations, including with the relevant Oireachtas committees, and that such a decision should be approved by the Houses of the Oireachtas.
Turning now to development co-operation, Chapter 9 of the White Paper opens with an acknowledgement of the unprecedented increase which has already taken place in Irish aid funding as a result of the commitments made both in the Programme for a Partnership Government and in a Government of Renewal.
What these commitments have meant in practice is that expenditure on development co-operation activities more than doubled between 1992 and 1995. The Irish aid budget this year, amounting to £106 million or 0.3 per cent of GNP, represents the highest ever Irish Government investment in development co-operation, both in cash terms and as a percentage of our GNP.
The availability of funding at this level makes it especially important that the Government has in place a set of policy objectives which govern the way in which our contribution is actually used.
Chapter 9 of the White Paper provides such a policy framework. It builds on principles already highlighted in the Irish Aid: Consolidation and Growth Strategy Plan, which was published in 1993, but it also develops our thinking in certain key areas such as rehabilitation assistance and emergency humanitarian aid.
An important initiative, which I am sure will be widely welcomed, is the establishment of a humanitarian liaison group to co-ordinate at a national level our response to emergency humanitarian crises, with the preparation of a rapid response register of personnel who would be willing to travel to developing countries at short notice in the event of an emergency.
Above all, what we have tried to do in formulating the White Paper is to ensure that there is a coherence at all levels between aid policy and other elements of Irish foreign policy. The White Paper, therefore, places our development effort firmly within the context of our larger foreign policy aspirations.
The level of funding which has been allocated to the bilateral aid programme is an indication of our ongoing commitment to development co-operation as one of the most important instruments of our foreign policy both in the medium and in the longer term. In this context, I am happy to register the fact that the White Paper unambiguously confirms that it is the Government's intention to make further increases in ODA expenditure in the years ahead in order to put Ireland's performance on a par with that of our partners in the European Union. My colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, will be addressing these issues more fully.
The White Paper addresses also important issues such as the environment. We hope that the inclusion of this chapter in a document on foreign policy will be taken as evidence of the seriousness with which the Government intends to address our concerns in this regard.
Turning now to the Irish abroad the White Paper recognises that the tens of millions of people of Irish descent throughout the world are an important asset which should not be under-estimated. They are proud of their Irish connections and have special affection for this country. Many of them directly or indirectly assist us in the pursuit of our national objectives — for example, in the political sphere by supporting and supplementing our efforts to achieve lasting peace and reconciliation in our country and, in the economic field, by helping investment, exports and tourism. We in the Government greatly appreciate that assistance and will continue to express that appreciation at every opportunity. I am sure that others will do likewise.
Looking after the consular interests of the large number of our citizens abroad, both resident in and visiting other countries, is one of the foremost tasks of our network of diplomatic and consular missions. In addition to opening new Embassies where that is justified we are gradually enlarging our network of Honorary Consulates. These also have a role in assisting with the promotion of our economic interests.
Providing adequate consular protection for our citizens abroad entails a wide variety of services such as issuing passports, helping to repatriate the remains of people who die, assisting people in distress and protecting the rights of those arrested or imprisoned.
I am glad to say that queues and delays at the passport offices are now things of the past. There has been a significant increase in staff, the "Passport Express" joint venture with An Post introduced a year ago has proved to be very popular, the Dublin office has been extended and the Cork office upgraded to a full issuing office for people in Munster. We are committed to maintaining and, if possible, improving the service provided by the passport offices.
I regret there is not sufficient time for me to address all of the issues and themes covered in the White Paper. Challenges and Opportunities Abroad is a comprehensive statement of our foreign policy and, as I have noted, this is the first time that an Irish Government has produced such a White Paper.
I am somewhat surprised by some of the comments to the effect that the Government has been unduly tardy in publishing the White Paper. Yes, we would indeed have liked to have brought forward the White Paper at an earlier stage. As I stated on previous occasions, however, we were unwilling to publish until such time as we felt the document was sufficiently comprehensive, balanced and thought through to enable it serve the purpose for which it is intended. I should like to emphasise that, despite what has been implied, no guillotine shall descend on public debate of Ireland's approach to the Intergovernmental Conference negotiations, or on any other aspect of our foreign policy. The White Paper has been formulated by us for the very purpose of encouraging and contributing to such a debate.
I consider that this is an appropriate moment to present the White Paper, given the opening of the Intergovernmental Conference and our forthcoming Presidency of the European Union. The House will be aware that a number of other EU member states have brought forward, or are intending to bring forward, policy statements regarding the European Union. I have no doubt but Challenges and Opportunities Abroad is a most worthwhile contribution by Ireland to the debate.
