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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 31 Oct 1996

Vol. 470 No. 8

Ministerial Task Force on Drugs: Statements (Resumed).

Many organisations and individuals are working at the coalface in combating the drugs problem, so their views are particularly relevant. I take this opportunity to thank them for making submissions and to assure them that their views were taken fully into consideration by the task force in preparing its report. The correlation between addiction and social and economic marginalisation means that economic policy must have a role in defeating the scourge.

We must ensure a fair spread of the present growth dividend, particularly in respect of employment and the spread of economic activity. The drug priority areas are also economic and unemployment priority areas. These three problems — drugs, the lack of jobs and the absence of economic activity — feed off and reinforce each other.

This Government, through initiatives such as the local employment service, the strengthening of the partnerships, budgetary, tax and welfare policies, is concentrating significant resources on the urban economic and unemployment priority areas. To the extent that these policies prove successful they undermine the mutually reinforcing causes of the downward spiral of which drug "blackspots" are another manifestation.

In making a connection between these policies, initiatives and efforts and the war against drugs, community and voluntary groups and the partnerships have a key role to play in conjunction with the State — as is recognised by the ministerial task force in its first report. The focus of the task force is demand reduction policies and measures. However, as I have said, the overall approach must be integrated, comprehensive and multi-dimensional.

As our first report points out, illegal drug production, manufacture, trafficking and distribution is a gigantic global business. The response of governments to this huge, logistically well-organised, financially well-endowed and also well-armed, global criminal conspiracy calls for concentrated co-ordinated international measures and co-operation.

Ireland's position as the gateway to Europe, with a coastline which it is virtually impossible to police fully, is particularly vulnerable and we have an enormous responsibility and critical role in this context. It is for this reason that the Irish Presidency of the European Union has sought to prioritise action at EU and global levels. We have seen some major successes on this front in the past few years and months.

This Government has also accompanied international co-operation with necessary national supply side measures in areas such as money laundering, criminal assets seizure and putting the squeeze on local distribution and pushers. Legislative and administrative measures have been introduced. The newly established Criminal Assets Bureau and the Garda have scored major successes in recent months. Not only have large consignments of drugs been confiscated but we are now able to hit the crime lords where it hurts them most — through the seizure of their ill-gotten wealth.

The Garda Commissioner has responded positively to appeals to redeploy more gardaí into the worst affected areas, to squeeze and pressurise local drug distribution and pushing and to fight drug-related crime. He will similarly address the specific proposal in this report that a comprehensive community policing strategy be developed in the priority areas.

Additional judges have been appointed to ensure that the pushers are brought to justice swiftly, while extra prison places are being made available to ensure that they do not escape their just punishment by default. I am sure Deputies will agree that these measures, which are being co-ordinated by the Minister for Justice, Deputy Owen, are already having a positive effect in reducing the availability of drugs on our streets.

It is argued in some quarters that the prohibitionist approach has not worked and that drugs should be legalised. This, it is suggested, would have the effect of making the illegal manufacture and distribution of these drugs no longer profitable, thus putting the godfathers of crime out of business. The question of liberalising our existing drugs laws was not considered by the task force. This was because we acted within the framework set by the Government decision which, in adopting a range of measures last February to provide a more effective response to the drugs problem, decided that the legalising of even so-called soft drugs, such as cannabis and marijuana, was not an option. This is the predominant approach by governments throughout the world. Liberalising the drugs laws has been tried in some countries, most notably in the Netherlands and Switzerland. The approaches adopted in both countries are different and the jury is still out on whether legalisation and/or decriminalisation has a role to play in achieving an effective solution.

Those who argue in favour of legalisation draw an analogy with prohibition in the United States and its connection with the origins of modern organised crime in that country. While there is no doubt such a connection exists organised crime not only continued but thrived following the end of prohibition. Therefore, while the legalising of drugs would undoubtedly lead to a reduction in much of the petty drug-related crime which takes place in our capital on a daily basis, history suggests that it would not eliminate serious organised crime. The drug barons can be extremely innovative and clever when it comes to creating new ways of making crime pay. They simply turn their attentions elsewhere into some new line of business.

Every concerned citizen, no matter what side of the prohibition or legalisation debate he or she supports, agrees that it is a priority that organised crime is put out of business permanently. Therefore, any solution which merely moves this particular problem sideways will not work. Nor is the case for legalising soft drugs, such as cannabis or marijuana, convincing. In many ways this is just a side issue.

Our main drugs problem is heroin abuse, which is also the cause of most petty drug-related crime and is a major cause in Ireland of the incidence of AIDS and other blood-related diseases. While many young people who experiment in "soft" drugs do not progress to the nightmare which is heroin addiction, there is no evidence to suggest that legalising these soft drugs would make any impact on the heroin problem.

Available evidence also confirms that the majority, though not all, of the people who become addicted to heroin in Ireland and in most other countries come from socially and economically disadvantaged backgrounds. In the final analysis, an effective response to the drugs problem must address the underlying reasons people become addicted to drugs. The Government recognises that the positive action it has taken to put the drug barons out of business must be supported by an equally determined effort to devise strategies which address the reasons people become addicted to drugs.

This is the reason the ministerial task force was established. I am glad to have been afforded the opportunity to chair the task force whose remit was to review existing arrangements to ensure a co-ordinated approach to drugs demand reduction and, in the light of that review, to identify for governmental action any changes or additional measures needed to provide a more effective response.

The task force decided at an early stage there was a need to prepare two separate reports. The first report concentrates on the problem of heroin abuse, the aspect of the drugs crisis requiring the most urgent and immediate response. While heroin abuse is almost exclusively a Dublin problem, abuse of ecstasy and cannabis is occurring on a nationwide basis. This is also a cause for concern. The pattern and extent of drug misuse can alter quickly and there is a real risk that use of these so-called "gateway" drugs can in time lead to a heroin problem in areas where it does not currently exist. In view of this, we will prepare a separate report on this issue. In our second report we will look at the demand for drugs in prisons and the treatment of prisoners who misuse drugs, a vital aspect of the problem which also needs to be considered.

In attempting to analyse the extent not only of the heroin problem but of the misuse of drugs generally, the task force was struck by the lack of concrete data available on the subject. This problem is common to all countries with a drugs problem, reflecting the illegality of the activity. It is absolutely essential that we have valid, definitive information on the scale and prevalence of drug misuse. This data is necessary to accurately quantify the extent of the problem, to assist in targeting the drugs services, thereby ensuring an appropriate mix is provided, to monitor the progress and effectiveness of these services, to undertake epidemiological research and to help determine the appropriate level of Exchequer funding for the drugs services.

We are tackling the data problem and each health board is setting up an information database in its area of operation. In our report we strongly recommend that these databases be put in place as quickly as possible and that they be compatible with each other. An effective exchange of information between health boards is particularly important in the context of establishing early warning systems on new or emerging trends of drugs misuse. The immediate problem is large scale, yet localised and area based, and the immediate response must also be a prioritised area based one.

Based on the data available to us and the information provided by statutory, voluntary and community agencies the task force has identified a number of areas where it considers the heroin problem to be particularly acute. Almost all of these areas are in the greater Dublin region — the exception being north Cork city — where the potential exists for a serious heroin problem to develop. Preventative measures have been recommended. The demand for heroin in these areas, while obviously related to the pattern of supply, is primarily a reflection of the underlying pattern of disadvantage and social exclusion which characterises these areas. Those who are poor, who often have limited educational aspirations and very limited employment prospects and who live in a depressing physical environment are likely to be vulnerable to drugs which, at least initially, may seem to offer escape and excitement. This is particularly the case when family and personal difficulties compound the social problems. Given a ready supply of drugs, such communities are likely to produce a number of heroin abusers who, in turn, are likely to become small time suppliers to finance their habit. A cycle of drug abuse is likely to stem from this, thereby further compounding the employment and environmental difficulties of these communities.

It is important to stress that the majority of families and young people living in even the most seriously drug affected areas are not drug misusers. In the vast majority of cases the people living in these areas are seeking better lives for themselves and their children and take legitimate pride in the strengths of their communities. This is enhanced by the vast range of voluntary and community efforts in these areas. However, it is easy to understand how a community may feel overwhelmed by the scale of the drugs problem and the threat which it poses to its young people.

Many of these communities have felt compelled to take direct action to deal with the drugs problem in their areas. Given what has been perceived as the absence of a clear and convincing response from the public authorities to date, it is understandable that communities may tend to find heart in resorting to such action. However, by leaving the root causes of drug addiction untouched this action is ultimately futile. Given the firm commitment of the Government to tackle the problem, we need the full support and involvement of communities in implementing the findings of this report.

With this in mind, I welcome the recent initiative by the Garda Commissioner in redeploying extra gardaí in the worst drugs affected areas. It is important that local communities and the Garda work in partnership to deal with the problem of pushers in their area, many of whom are the victims of drugs and are only engaging in this activity to feed their habit.

The Government has adopted all of the recommendations made in the first report and has allocated an additional £14 million towards their implementation. A sum of £10 million has been earmarked for service development in the 11 selected areas where the drugs crisis, particularly the problem of heroin abuse, is most acute. A sum of £3 million is being allocated towards local estate improvement measures as set out in the report while a further £1 million is being set aside for specific anti-drug projects in health board regions outside of the priority areas in Dublin and Cork.

In addition, new structures are being developed to ensure that the drugs problem is tackled in a more coherent and integrated manner. A Cabinet drugs committee, chaired by the Taoiseach, will give overall political leadership in the fight against drugs. A new national drugs strategy team will report directly to the Cabinet committee and will be responsible for ensuring that the Government's anti-drugs strategy is implemented effectively. Structures are being put in place in the areas most ravaged by the drugs menace. They are being designed to ensure the relevant statutory agencies work in partnership with voluntary and community groups in delivering the most appropriate mix of services to tackle the drugs problem in priority areas.

It is essential for communities to be positively involved in all aspects of the fight against drug abuse. The task force is particularly anxious that they play a full role in the demand reduction strategies developed in our report. Community involvement was referred to in many of the submissions received by the task force and this is perhaps best reflected in the submission from the Combat Poverty Agency, an extract from which has been reproduced on page 13 of our report. In its submission the Combat Poverty Agency emphasised that local groups and individuals have a very valuable contribution to make to the development of a national drugs policy. Having being involved in tackling the drugs problem in their respective areas for a number of years they have built up considerable and valuable experience which should be tapped as a resource. The task force wholeheartedly endorses this view.

There is unanimous agreement among all those involved in fighting the drugs scourge that programmes to reduce the demand for drugs must consist of a comprehensive and co-ordinated package, comprising treatment, rehabilitation and prevention. The task force has made concrete and practical recommendations in all of these areas. It has set the ambitious target of eliminating the waiting lists for methadone maintenance during 1997. It is estimated there are approximately 2,500 heroin addicts who need and are willing to undergo methadone maintenance. The target of eliminating the waiting list is an ambitious one but, having discussed the matter with a team of key officials from the Eastern Health Board, the task force is confident it is achievable on current estimates of the extent of the problem.

Increased availability of a service can uncover a latent demand for it. The success the Eastern Health Board is achieving in treating those presenting may well lead to an increase in the number of people seeking that service. While this would naturally have implications for the target of eliminating waiting lists by the end of 1997, I would welcome such a development. Any increase in the numbers presenting for and receiving treatment must signify a corresponding decrease in the number of "chaotic" addicts on our streets. The target is the elimination of waiting lists and I am determined that this target will be achieved.

There has been a significant increase in resources — in financial and staffing terms — in the Eastern Health Board's drugs service in recent years. A total of £9 million has been allocated in the current year, compared with £4.5 million last year. In 1992, only £1 million was made available. During the same period the number of staff involved in the drugs service increased from 53 to 230. In the current year alone, the board expects to place in excess of 1,000 drug misusers on methadone maintenance.

Communities can and must play an important role in the treatment of addicts. The task force has concluded that locally based treatment and outreach programmes provide the most effective response to the needs of addicts. There have, of course, been difficulties in establishing such treatment clinics. In many instances, this may have resulted from the understandable, but unfounded, fears of local communities about what is involved.

These communities need to be reassured that locally based clinics will operate to the highest professional standards, that they will form part of a coherent, overall strategy to deal with the drugs problem in the area and that they will be involved in its design and delivery. The task force has been assured by the Eastern Health Board that it will fully consult and involve local communities in planning any proposed treatment facilities in their localities.

As well as bringing the treatment waiting lists under control, we must also assist stabilised misusers in their rehabilitation and reintegration into the community. The success achieved to date in treating drug misusers means that this is an issue which needs to be addressed in the short rather than the long term. The Eastern Health Board has drawn the task force's attention to the success of the Soilse and Saol projects which operate in Dublin's north inner city and which the board believes should be replicated in other areas. The task force fully endorses this view.

I am delighted my Department has taken a specific initiative in assisting in the rehabilitation of stabilised or former misusers back into the community. In future, priority status will be given to community employment applications offering work experience or training for recovering or former addicts and, in this regard, FÁS and the local employment service will work closely with voluntary and community organisations to develop suitable projects. There is no doubt that prevention is an area we must address vigorously if we are to successfully overcome our drugs problem. During this debate, my colleagues on the task force, Ministers of State, Deputies Allen, O'Shea, Currie, Mitchell, McManus and Durkan, will have an opportunity to show how prevention measures in areas such as estate management, local development, youth and sports programmes can contribute to a reduction in the demand for drugs.

I will draw the House's attention to the measures recommended in our report which deal with education. The Government supports these recommendations, which place particular emphasis on early intervention and envisage the education partners — the boards of management, teachers and parents — working together in the design and delivery of fully piloted and properly evaluated anti-drugs programmes in our schools. Our proposals further envisage the appointment of additional home-school liaison officers and teacher counsellors, an expansion of that scheme and the provision of appropriate training for those delivering the anti-drugs programmes. I am particularly hopeful that these measures will make a significant impact on the problem, especially in the areas we have identified for priority action.

The commitment to overcome the drugs problem must extend to the highest political level. For this reason we recommended the establishment of a Cabinet drugs committee, chaired by the Taoiseach, to give overall political leadership in the fight against drugs. This committee has been established and comprises the Ministers for Health, Justice, Education and the Environment, as well as myself. The Cabinet committee will oversee implementation of the proposals in this report, review trends in the drugs problem, assess progress in the strategy to deal with its supply and demand aspects and resolve policy or organisational problems which may inhibit an effective response from the statutory agencies.

The national drugs strategy team, the majority of whose membership was approved by Government yesterday, will report directly to the Cabinet committee. It will be cross-departmental, the type envisaged in the Strategic Management Initiative. It will comprise key personnel from the main Departments involved in drugs reduction strategies, as well as representatives from the relevant statutory agencies. Persons with a suitable background in voluntary and community work in the drugs area are also being invited to participate in the team.

While responsibility for implementing the individual elements of the Government's anti-drugs strategy will remain with the relevant Ministers and their Departments, the team will ensure that the overall strategy is implemented effectively and in line with Government policy. While members of the team will remain officers of their existing Departments, they will be instructed to take an overview of the requirements of the Government's strategy.

Apart from ensuring that the structures at national level are ready to meet the challenges presented by drug misuse, the task force was anxious to ensure that appropriate structures were put in place at regional and local levels. At regional level, the co-ordinating committees which are being established in each health board area are the most appropriate structure to ensure a coherent anti-drugs strategy. At local level, a new approach is needed. Special emphasis must be placed on those areas worst affected by the drugs problem, and in particular the heroin problem. The approach must bring together all relevant local agencies — statutory, voluntary and community — to ensure they work in tandem in fighting the drugs problem in their respective areas. For this reason, we recommended the establishment of local drugs task forces in each of the identified priority areas. These task forces will comprise representatives of relevant agencies, such as the health board, the gardaí, the probation and welfare service and the relevant local authority, with community representatives and a chairperson to be nominated by the local partnership company. The relevant health boards have already been requested to nominate co-ordinators, whose job it will be to convene the first meeting of the task forces and assist them in their work thereafter.

The days of turning a blind eye to a serious national problem are over. We now have a Government and a policy that acknowledges the problem, recognises its seriousness, is committed to fighting it, has put enormous public resources at the disposal of the relevant authorities and has put new structures in place to ensure that we will never again turn a blind eye to marginalised communities, leaving them to fend for themselves. I am firmly convinced that effective State action, in partnership with the local communities affected, can seriously tackle the drugs problem over time, can help rebuild these communities, enhance and improve their physical and social infrastructures and revitalise them economically. We are now in a position to pursue the great purpose of politics, to tackle underprivilege and marginalisation, equalise opportunity and enhance the lives of all our citizens.

In recent months the spotlight has shone on the subculture of organised crime and the drugs trade to which it is inextricably linked. Over decades we have come to believe that horrific deeds are carried out in other jurisdictions and that major tragedies linked to organised crime occur in the big cities of the world. We have become accustomed to expecting such crimes to happen everywhere but at home. Times have changed. We live in a time when drugs are regarded by many as an acceptable form of social evil. Organised gangs, particularly in Dublin, are increasingly well armed. Contract killings have spiralled in Dublin over the past two years. Heroin, ecstasy, LSD, cannabis and cocaine generate big money for drug barons and dealers, are a source of addiction for the users and have become a scourge on society, specifically on victims of crime. It is estimated that there are in excess of 5,000 heroin addicts in Dublin, although the Minister of State puts the figure at around 8,000. It is an incidence of addiction which is higher per person than in the UK.

Drug dealing and drug use is not solely an urban phenomenon. Rural communities have not escaped the tentacles of the drugs problem and its many consequences. The drug scene is a network of needs — peer pressure which creates a code of silence, ruthless exploitation and constant criminal pressure to maintain profitable areas or gain new turf. It is connected to every age group and social class. Courts are compelled daily to release on bail heroin addicts whose addiction costs them upwards of £200 per day. Approximately 80 per cent of serious crime in Dublin city is drug-related. The 1995 Garda Síochána annual report clearly illustrates the scale of the drugs problem. Seizures included 95 kilograms of cannabis in Cork, two tonnes of cannabis resin in Dublin Port, 40,000 ecstasy tablets in Santry and 13 tonnes of cannabis in Urlingford. These are startling statistics, especially when one takes into account that only between 10 and 15 per cent of imported illegal drugs are seized annually. The vast majority of addictions can only be fed through theft, violence and robbery. It is estimated that an addict would have to steal upwards of £500 worth of goods in order to secure £100 for drugs. Crime, the inseparable by-product of addiction, has become endemic. Directly or indirectly everyone has been affected.

This Government dithered on the drugs issue over the past two years.

The Deputy should be honest. This Government in the past two years has done more to address the drugs problem than the previous Fianna Fáil/Labour Government.

The Deputy will have an opportunity to make his point later.

Young people are overdosing in the doorways of every major city and E tablets are available in school playgrounds.

Deputy Byrne can impress the Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte, in the rarefied atmosphere of the DL meeting rooms.

This is not an exaggeration. In a fanfare of publicity in July 1995, the Government announced a so-called comprehensive drugs package. A year later it has produced this document having muddled around behind closed doors for a considerable period. Only the horrific murders of a garda and a journalist galvanised this Government into a semblance of action. When the Minister for Justice finally announced her long awaited intention to introduce legislation to deal with drug traffickers and stepped away from being photographed at various launches and Garda finds, Fianna Fáil indicated its support, long before the Labour Party or Democratic Left gave their reluctant and begrudging assent.

When it comes to fighting drugs the attitude adopted on these benches is governed by the question "Why not?". Why not give the Garda new powers of arrest and detention? Why not have a court system to facilitate the speedy disposal of drugs cases? Why not have an effective system to seize the proceeds of drug trafficking? While the Government failed to show any serious intent in the fight against crime and drugs, Fianna Fáil introduced ten Bills in this House with a view to allaying the genuine fears of people in the face of what is seen as an alarming drugs and crime wave and clear deficiencies in the criminal justice system.

Show us Fianna Fáil's document to reduce the demand for drugs.

When the Government failed to take the lead, Fianna Fáil did so. The following Bills are testimony to a party that leads rather than follows: the Fifteenth Amendment of the Constitution Bill, 1995; Criminal Procedure Bill, 1995; Sexual Offences (Jurisdiction) Bill, 1995; Proceeds of Crime Bill, 1995; Criminal Law (Bail) Bill, 1995; Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) (No. 2) Bill, 1995; Misuse of Drugs Bill, 1996; Criminal Justice (Mental Disorder) Bill, 1996 and the Organised Crime (Restraint and Disposal of Illicit Assets) Bill, 1996.

It is a pity the party did not bring in some of them in 1994.

It is the first time in decades an Opposition Bill has been taken by Government and passed all Stages.

What has the Government done? It has done little. This administration has failed abysmally to take the profit out of drugs distribution, to properly investigate the unexplained wealth of suspected criminals and to introduce a new category of criminal offence — drug trafficking for substantial monetary gain. It voted down such a measure in this House yesterday by 64 votes to 57. The legislation to provide for a minimum sentence of ten years for individuals involved in this type of despicable offence was supported by the Progressive Democrats and by Deputy Gregory, but I did not see Deputy Eric Byrne supporting that legislation.

Mandatory sentencing of ten years is what I am in favour of. If the Deputy is so much in favour——

Acting Chairman

Deputy Byrne must allow Deputy O'Donoghue to proceed uninterrupted.

The Deputy mentioned me by name.

Acting Chairman

There is a procedure for intervention at a later stage if the Deputy wishes to avail of it.

This Government has not facilitated those addicts who wish to pursue a course of voluntary detoxification. It has not provided residential and treatment facilities or attempted to properly educate young people about the danger of drugs. It has singularly failed to provide training and retraining facilities for recovering addicts and has not improved or refined existing laws or instituted new reforming legislation. It has not provided for sufficient prison capacity, reformed the bail laws or provided adequate resources. The list goes on.

An inadequate, poorly funded, ill thought out and managed methadone maintenance treatment centre, for example, is not a sufficient response. The seriousness of the problem is best illustrated by evidence given before the sub-committee on drugs of the Select Committee on Legislation and Security by Dr. John O'Connor of the National Drug Treatment Centre. He appeared before the sub-committee on 15 May 1996 and presented statistics on the operation of the treatment centre since 1995. He said the total number of patients in July 1995 was 494 and the total number of new patients at that date was 96. He advised the committee that the majority of patients treated by the centre were teenagers or in their early twenties. He stated categorically that HIV entered the drug abusing population in the mid-1980s and of the 1,589 who tested HIV positive in September 1995 more than 48 per cent, 773 individuals, were drug misusers. That gives some idea of the scale of the problem with which we are now faced.

The Minister of State was extremely critical of some individual who described this Government as being long on aspirations but short on specifics. There is credence to that argument. Those afflicted with drug addiction cannot hope to escape from the cycle of death unless they are taught and encouraged to assume responsibility for their actions.

In the final analysis methadone maintenance and harm minimisation are secondary and residual approaches. An inter-agency approach to drug abuse must stress to each individual throughout the treatment provided the absolute necessity for them to accept responsibility for their actions and lives. In the search to help addicts escape from their addiction it must be recognised that without acceptance of some personal responsibility for their recovery, the best help is unlikely to succeed.

My party is at a very advanced stage in formulating the mechanics to achieve the objective of making the individual, his self-worth, self-esteem, dignity and responsibility perennial in the fight against addiction. Our approach will involve a radical interlocking approach to drug abuse to provide a continuous and seamless national programme in the fight against drug abuse. The overriding Fianna Fáil approach will put the emphasis on prevention, detoxification, rehabilitation, training and retraining.

The current methadone maintenance treatment programme is voluntary and unreliable. As recommended by many experts in the field, there should be a central compulsory notification system to which every doctor treating an addict must subscribe under law. There is unquestionably a clear need for greater co-operation, co-ordination and an expansion of the rehabilitative services. A replication of the co-operation, which exists, for example, in Dublin's north inner city and throughout the city, would make a major contribution to tackling drug addiction, not only from a health but a social viewpoint.

While genuinely welcoming the first report of the ministerial task force announced by the Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte, and the debate it has generated, the level of funding outlined in the Government report lends credence to the view that the entire exercise is more cosmetic than real. The Government's fire brigade response to a problem which is escalating out of control will come as no surprise to those of us who daily monitor the hop, skip and jump approach of the Minister for Justice.

Why did the Deputy's party allow that problem to develop? We are trying to put out the furnace his party allowed to develop.

Deputy O'Donoghue without interruption.

If there comes a time when the citizens feel obliged to take the law into their own hands, then the State has failed the people. Vigilantism is something every democrat and every person who upholds the rule of law and due process must condemn but, unfortunately, it is becoming a feature of the city of Dublin. That is something to be deplored. It also serves as a very serious warning to all democrats. People believe the Government is failing and because of that they will take the law into their own hands. That is an extremely serious challenge to every democratic institution in this State and it requires a serious response. It should not have come to this, but it has. There must be recognition across the political spectrum at local and national level that we are facing a problem which is beginning to escalate out of control and we require serious and radical measures to combat it.

That is why in July of this year I introduced on behalf of my party one of the most draconian Bills ever to come before the House. It provided that the court could freeze assets, and subsequently dispose of them if, in the opinion of a Revenue Commissioner or a Chief Superintendent of the Garda Síochána, they were the proceeds of crime. That was unquestionably an interference with the right to private property. It was a delimitation of the right to private property in the interests of the common good. There may well be a need for further radical draconian measures which will delimit rights, once regarded as sacrosanct, in the interests of the common good. I take no pleasure in having to say that but recent events here oblige me to say it.

Who, in this Government of so-called openness, transparency and accountability, will accept responsibility for the unhindered open dealing in illicit drugs which appears to take place on every second street corner? Who will accept responsibility for the chronic waiting lists at drug treatment clinics? Who will accept responsibility for the "head in the sand" policy the Government has pursued in our escalating drugs problem during the last two years?

That was Fianna Fáil policy in previous years.

Will somebody raise his head? Not likely. I can give a commitment on behalf of Fianna Fáil today that we will assign the highest priority to providing adequate resources for a truly comprehensive and effective drugs programme.

The Deputy's Justice spokesperson in the Seanad opposes the methadone maintenance treatment programme.

Let us not have these interruptions.

It is important for the record——

It is not important for the record. The Deputy will not disregard the Chair in this manner.

(Interruptions.)

If the Deputy wishes to remain and intervene, there are amendments to our Standing Orders under which he may do so in an orderly fashion. He must not intervene like this.

Deputy Byrne must live up to his name as the timber wolf of the rainbow. It is a matter for Government to prioritise its spending, which in turn should be determined by obvious needs or requirements in society. A Government which has failed to assign a high level of priority to the drugs problem is one which is out of touch.

That is why Fianna Fáil is in Opposition.

Deputy Byrne, please stop, I will not ask again in this fashion.

A Government which is out of touch is the last thing the country needs in this struggle against an appalling problem which threatens to engulf the fabric of our society. In his address to the Dáil the Minister, Deputy Rabbitte, proclaimed that not only had huge consignments of drugs been confiscated but we are now able to hit the crime lords where it hurts them most, through the seizure of their ill-gotten wealth. The Minister must be still dozing behind the darkened windows of his State Mercedes because he is actually boasting about and claiming credit for Fianna Fail legislation. We have become accustomed to the Government's plagiarisation programme but it should at least acknowledge our lead.

We agree with the Minister that there is no case for the legalisation of drugs. Claims that legalisation will reduce crime are false; the Netherlands, which decriminalised penal possession of drugs, now has the highest drug-related rate of criminality in Europe. Drugs are illegal because they are dangerous. They are not dangerous because they are illegal.

It is said that confession is good for the soul and even the most exasperated political connoisseurs and cynics will raise a glass to the Minister's grave pronouncement that "the days of turning a blind eye to a serious national problem are over". He and his rainbow partners have spent two long years looking for the beam in Fianna Fáil's eye when it would have been far more productive to have taken a cursory glance to discover the mote in their own eyes.

Fianna Fáil spent £1 million to no avail.

This Government has to fix the mess Fianna Fáil left behind.

The Minister would do well to remember that all the major legislation to tackle drug trafficking was presented in this House by Fianna Fail. His Government's central plank in the battle against organised crime is a Fianna Fáil Act.

What was Fianna Fáil doing when it was in Government?

If ever anyone takes the trouble to write on the life and times of the Minister, Deputy Rabbitte — I may do so myself — this little gem from today's speech will surely win the Booker prize for fiction:

...it is for this reason that the Irish Presidency of the European Union has sought to prioritise action at EU and local levels. We have seen some major successes on this front in the last few years and months.

Only last week his colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Gay Mitchell, derided the amount of funds being made available for the fight against drugs by the EU. Will someone in this lacklustre Government say which of them is talking gibberish? Not for the first time — nor, I predict, for the last — the evidence points at Deputy Rabbitte — the roulette ball stops at this Minister. No progress has been made in the formation of a European coastguard and the Minister does not list the major successes at EU level. Small wonder that he does not, for there were none.

In short, the Government has failed dismally and abysmally to make drugs a central issue in the course of its Presidency of the European Union. This is another broken promise and another jaded monument to the penury of a Government which is on its last legs.

Debate adjourned.
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