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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 27 Nov 1996

Vol. 472 No. 2

Great Lakes Region of Africa: Statements.

On behalf of the Government, I am pleased to open this debate on the situation in the Great Lakes region. I know that all of us in this House have been following the crisis in Eastern Zaire with the deepest concern. Ireland, by virtue of our Presidency of the European Union, has been actively involved in the international response to the crisis. I welcome the opportunity of this debate to brief the House on those efforts and for an exchange of views as to where we go from here.

When the current crisis broke several weeks ago there appeared to be a real danger that horrendous scenes similar to those witnessed in Rwanda in 1994 were about to be repeated. Thankfully, that has not happened so far. If anything, events in the past two and a half weeks have taken a positive turn with the voluntary repatriation, in relatively good condition, of hundreds of thousands of refugees from Zaire to Rwanda. That is not to understate in any way the enormity of the problems that lie ahead. The challenge for the Rwandan Government of absorbing returnees on the current scale is truly daunting. Moreover, the plight of large numbers of refugees and displaced people in Eastern Zaire remains a major source of concern.

Primary in the response of the international community to the crisis in Eastern Zaire rests with the United Nations. The House will be aware that there have been a number of Security Council Resolutions on the situation. The most recent of these, Resolution 1080 of 15 November, sanctioned the "establishment for humanitarian purposes of a temporary multinational force [the MNF] to facilitate the immediate return of humanitarian organisations and the effective delivery by civilian relief organisations of humanitarian aid to alleviate the immediate suffering of displaced persons, refugees and civilians at risk in Eastern Zaire, and to facilitate the voluntary, orderly repatriation of refugees by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees as well as the voluntary return of displaced persons". Deputies will be aware that Canada has agreed to take the lead in putting together the MNF. I take this opportunity to offer our congratulations to the Canadian Government on this important initiative. I will return to Ireland's intention to participate in this force.

The European Union, under the Irish Presidency, has been playing an active role in the major humanitarian operation under way in the region but we have also recognised that there are fundamental political issues at the core of the problem and that a humanitarian response alone will not be sufficient to bring a lasting solution. These are the twin realities which we have taken forward together in our approach to the problem.

Against this background, the Presidency and our partners in the European Union are continuing their intensive efforts to assist in averting further human tragedy in Eastern Zaire and to avert a potentially catastrophic humanitarian disaster in the Great Lakes region of Africa. In our ongoing efforts we are working in close co-operation with the EU Special Envoy to the Great Lakes region, Mr. Aldo Ajello, the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations, the Organisation of African Unity, regional leaders and other concerned members of the international community.

Foreign Ministers of the European Union discussed the situation in Eastern Zaire at the two most recent General Affairs Council meetings, in Luxembourg on 28-29 October and Brussels on Monday of this week. On Monday we were briefed by Mr. Ajello on his recent contacts. The Special Envoy has played a valuable part in the European Union's contribution to the process in the Great Lakes region. At the Luxembourg General Affairs Council in October we specifically mandated Mr. Ajello to travel on behalf of the Union to the Great Lakes region for a renewed and intensive series of consulations with the Governments of Rwanda and Burundi, the United Nations, the Organisation of African Unity and other concerned parties. Mr. Ajello also attended, on behalf of the European Union, the summit of regional leaders on the crisis in Eastern Zaire held in Nairobi on 5 November.

The European Union welcomed the outcome of that summit which called for a full and immediate ceasefire to facilitate the intensification of diplomatic efforts to achieve lasting peace. The summit also strongly supported, in conjunction with the respective Secretaries General of the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity, the establishment of safe corridors and areas of sanctuary inside Zaire with an appropriate protection force to facilitate humanitarian assistance and the voluntary and safe repatriation of refugees. In the interim Mr. Ajello has continued his discussions with the Rwandan and Zairean Governments with the aim of encouraging a direct dialogue between them, either bilaterally or in the regional framework.

As a further element of the Presidency's response to the crisis, the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Joan Burton, chaired a special meeting of European Union Development and Humanitarian Aid Ministers in Brussels on 7 November. The European Commission was represented by Mrs. Emma Bonino and Professor Pinheiro. Commissioner Pinheiro outlined to Ministers the situation facing the Great Lakes region and Commissioner Bonino briefed Ministers on the humanitarian response of the Commission to the crisis to date and presented a plan of action for humanitarian assistance. Mr. Akashi, UnderSecretary of the United Nations Department of Humanitarian Affairs, DHA, Mrs. Ogata, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and representatives of several other major international agencies also gave briefings on the humanitarian situation in the region.

The meeting agreed to send immediately a special mission of Development Ministers from Ireland, the Netherlands and Italy to make an assessment of the humanitarian situation and to identify ways and means to speed up humanitarian assistance. The Minister of State, Deputy Burton, accompanied by Minister Pronk of the Netherlands and Minister Serri of Italy, visited Zaire and Rwanda between 9-12 November. Commissioner Bonino also participated in the visit.

The Troika delegation visited Kinshasa on 9-10 November and held discussions with Prime Minister Kengo as well as other Zairean Government Ministers, including the Foreign Minister, the Minister for the Interior and the Minister for Development. In Kigali it met with the President and Vice-President. It met in Rwanda with Ambassador Chretien, the Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary General, and with representatives of the international humanitarian agencies and NGOs.

Overall, the assessment of the Troika was that the exercise had been a valuable one. It provided the opportunity to assess directly the immediate humanitarian requirements resulting from the crisis in Eastern Zaire and to hear at first hand the perspectives and concerns of the Governments of Zaire and Rwanda. The Troika also had useful meetings in Rwanda with the UN agencies and NGOs working on the provision of humanitarian aid. The visit demonstrated in a tangible way the commitment of the European Union to make its full contribution both to the immediate life-sustaining humanitarian tasks ahead and to the wider political process needed if a comprehensive, durable solution to the problems of the region is to be found.

A further element of the European Union's response to the crisis was the adoption last Friday of a Joint Action drawing together the contribution which the Union could make to the efforts which the United Nations has undertaken to solve the crisis in the region together with a Council Decision requesting the Western European Union to elaborate and implement aspects of the Joint Action. These are important measures in ensuring a Union approach to the crisis that is as cohesive and effective as possible.

Overall, there are two main challenges which must now be addressed. The first is the immediate humanitarian requirements in the region and the second is the longer term challenge of securing a comprehensive, durable settlement to its problems. The humanitarian situation in the Great Lakes region is in a critical phase and is characterised by a massive and rapid return of Rwandan refugees from Zaire and large-scale population movements in the region.

At a regional level the situation is as follows: since 15 November an estimated 500,000 Rwandans have returned to Rwanda from camps in Eastern Zaire; in the same timeframe significant population movements have occurred from camps further west into Zaire and into Tanzania, Uganda and Burundi; large numbers of Zaireans have been displaced by the fighting in Eastern Zaire and a further 500,000 Rwandan refugees remain in exile in camps in Tanzania.

I would like to summarise the Government's assessment of the situation. First, it is our view, based on contacts with Irish aid agencies and the UNHCR and present information, that the internal and external population movements in the Great Lakes region are not yet over and that we can expect further significant movements throughout the entire Great Lakes region. There is a strong likelihood, for instance, that the Rwandan refugees in Tanzania may shortly begin to repatriate to Rwanda also.

Second, with regard to the massive voluntary influx of refugees to Rwanda, we are satisfied that the reintegration of these refugees is proceeding well. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees reports that almost all of these refugees have now returned to their home communes and that, from a human rights perspective, the safety and dignity of ordinary refugees as they return are being respected by local authorities.

Third, international aid agencies are involved in the distribution of food and non-food essential items. Irish NGOs, including Concern and Trócaire, are to the forefront of the resettlement efforts.

Fourth, the Government remains deeply concerned about the fate and welfare of the estimated 300,000 to 700,000 refugees who remain in eastern Zaire. The voluntary return of these refugees has been aspired to by the international community for many years and our strong desire is that they should be able to do so unhampered by intimidation or duress. Fifth, the Government also remains concerned about the fate of the many tens of thousands of Zairean people who have been displaced by the conflict.

On Friday, 22 November in Brussels, the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, hosted a meeting of the EU Council of Ministers on development. The Council strongly affirmed the commitment of the European Union to support the Government of Rwanda in its work to reintegrate the refugees on a just and equitable basis and to promote reconciliation and dialogue between all parties and the development of civil society.

The Council agreed a series of measures to provide both immediate and long-term humanitarian and development assistance. A package of 170 million ECU for the Great Lakes region was proposed. The immediate priority of this aid will be to provide food and shelter for returning refugees. An ambitious housing programme as well as support for health and education in Rwanda are long-term objectives. The European Commission will propose in early December a strategic and comprehensive plan of action for EU assistance to the Great Lakes region. This plan will support social and economic rehabilitation, the reconstruction of independent and equitable justice systems, rebuilding and reinforcement of administrative systems and constitutional institutions and regional peace building efforts.

On November 23, the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, attended a meeting in Geneva of major donors, multinational organisations and international agencies to discuss critical needs related to the reintegration of refugees in Rwanda. The meeting discussed priorities identified by the ministerial delegation of the Government of Rwanda, which include support for housing, justice, security and capacity building.

The Irish Government has already announced an aid package of £2.25 million in response to the current crisis. This includes a grant of £1 million received from the national lottery. This money is being channelled to the Irish NGOs operational in Rwanda, the International Red Cross and UN agencies for immediate humanitarian relief. The package includes a grant of £250,000 for human rights monitors as well as support for the efforts of the Government of Rwanda to reintegrate returning Rwandan refugees.

I met Mr. Julius Nyerere, the distinguished former President of Tanzania, last evening and when I asked him how he assessed the priorities for the period ahead I was struck by the emphasis he put on helping the Rwandan Government to end impunity. He believes there can be no reconciliation in Rwanda if those principally responsible for the genocide in 1994 are not held accountable for their crimes. Mr. Nyerere feels that Rwanda cannot develop the necessary justice system on its own and the international community can help in this area in an important way. The work of the international tribunal is critical in this regard also. Ireland has contributed substantially already in these areas and I assure the House that we will continue to play our part in assisting to bring about an end to impunity.

Deputies will be aware that, meanwhile, planning for the deployment of the multinational force to assist the humanitarian process in eastern Zaire, sanctioned by UN Resolution 1080, has been continuing. There have been intensive consultations between the troop contributing countries in recent days, including in Stuttgart last weekend and New York yesterday. The Government has decided to agree to a request from the UN to contribute to the humanitarian mission involved and proposes to provide a contingent from the Defence Forces. The necessary resolution will be brought before the House next week for its approval under the terms of the appropriate Defence Acts. It is the Government's view that in light of the long and proud tradition of service by the Defence Forces in peacekeeping missions overseas and the deep concern which the situation in the Great Lakes region has given rise to here, the people would wish very strongly that Ireland play its full part in the proposed humanitarian operation. I believe this view is widely shared in the House.

Ireland, therefore, has attended the planning meetings for the mission and there have been bilateral exchanges between the Defence Forces and Canada about the precise nature of the contribution from Ireland. The proposed mission is complex and its context has been altered considerably by the voluntary return of refugees to Rwanda already on such an unprecedented scale. At the same time, there is a recognition, as I said earlier, that there are still many people in eastern Zaire, both refugees and displaced Zaireans, who need help. It is now a matter of establishing how best that help can be provided to them. I assure the House that Ireland will continue to work closely with our EU and UN partners in ensuring, in the most effective and safest way, that this help reaches those people and that the remaining refugees in eastern Zaire who wish to return to Rwanda can do so.

I stress the fact that the proposed force is designated to be "temporary", deployable until March of next year, together with the fact that its mandate in relation to refugees is specific to the UN High Commissioner. This makes it clear that it is intended to augment and support humanitarian efforts rather than in any way compete with them. The logistical and airlift support proposed under UN Resolution 1080 remains essential to enable the relevant agencies to meet the immediate humanitarian needs of the many refugees and internally displaced persons in eastern Zaire.

Regarding the longer term perspective, I suggested earlier that humanitarian action alone, although important, cannot solve the problems of the Great Lakes region. There is a critical need to develop mechanisms which address the underlying political problems and which do so in a comprehensive and coherent way. That is the only route to a durable, political settlement in the region. I see much hope in this regard in the process which has been developed by the heads of state of the Great Lakes region themselves.

Beginning some months ago with Burundi, and using Mr. Julius Nyerere as a mediator, the heads of state have begun taking a proactive, political approach to the problems of the region. This approach is based on the premise that many of the problems inside separate borders are interrelated and can only be resolved on a collective, comprehensive basis. The regional heads of state, as indicated, have now involved themselves in trying to facilitate the resolution of the conflict in eastern Zaire. The European Union, through, inter alia, Special Envoy Ajello, has been actively supporting the efforts of the regional leaders and Mr. Nyerere and it is a process to which the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, and I have assigned a considerable priority during the Irish Presidency.

In support of this concept, Ireland and the European Union also strongly favour the proposal for an international conference on peace, stability and development in the Great Lakes region under the auspices of the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity. The purpose of this conference would be the achievement of a comprehensive settlement of the problems of the region. In addressing this challenge, it would build on the work to date of the regional leaders themselves. Indeed, the current process under way in the region in regard to Burundi and now eastern Zaire might serve as a bridge into that wider conference. I also raised this issue with Mr. Nyerere last evening and he believes that such a conference has a positive role to play in building a better future in central Africa.

I also discussed with Mr. Nyerere the situation in Burundi. which continues to be a concern to us all. While the process is very difficult, he remains hopeful that his mediation efforts can yet bear fruit. However, he warned that it will be a lengthy process and that the building of trust between the parties to the conflict will not be easily achieved. He asked for the continued support of the international community for his work and I assured him of Ireland's continued support, both during the Presidency and afterwards. The situation in Burundi is a critical part of the overall jigsaw in central Africa and securing progress there will be vital to the overall settlement we seek in the region.

We also discussed the wider political situation in Zaire, which remains a major concern. Zaire is due to hold elections next year which are critical to its democratic transition process. The EU is committed to the future of Zaire and its territorial integrity and considers such a process essential to the well-being of the region as a whole. In tandem with the UN, the Union has undertaken to assist with the holding of the elections. We have stressed to the Zairean Government the importance of ensuring that all Zaireans can participate in those elections. It remains to be seen what impact the current difficulties in the east of the country will have on that process.

Mr. Nyerere's work in the region has been invaluable and it was an honour and a privilege to receive him in Ireland this week. In that regard, I compliment Oxfam and Concern for their choice of Mr. Nyerere as the keynote speaker at the excellent conference they arranged this week on the theme, "Europe's evolving foreign policy: Implications for developing countries".

This debate on the Great Lakes region is most timely. It reflects the continuing priority which all parties attach to the area and the deep concern which we feel about the continuing conflicts there. It is obvious that there are no instant solutions. However, there is a gathering consensus that the solutions to the terrible problems of the region cannot be found in humanitarian action alone and that a comprehensive approach is necessary, involving a partnership between region and international communities, if the harrowing images of the past two years are not to be repeated in short order. Ireland and its partners in the European Union have been playing a significant role in the efforts to achieve progress in the region. I assure the House that we remain committed to continuing that work in the challenging period ahead.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Michael Kitt.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

At the end of 1994 I spoke in the House about the time bomb which was ticking in the Great Lakes region. In October 1995 I spoke about the catastrophe waiting to occur in the region and at the end of that year I raised the dangerous and volatile situation which prevailed there. As 1996 draws to a close, it is with great sadness that I address the House on what has become the Great Lakes disaster. History continues to repeat itself and the international community continues to fail to take action. The first part of the Tánaiste's contribution amounted to a record of activity rather than achievement. Unfortunately, the international community has failed miserably in its discussions and consideration of the issue of Rwanda, Zaire, Burundi and Tanzania.

The current crisis in the Great Lakes region has been brewing since 1994. In the wake of the Rwandan crisis of that year, the Government, the EU, the UN and the international political community failed to formulate a coherent response to the severe threat that the presence of 1.2 million Hutu refugees in Zaire was to pose to the stability of the Great Lakes region. Low level conflict turned to open war in December 1995 when the extremist Hutu militia forced hundreds of thousands of Tutsis and indigenous Zaireans out of North Kivu, but Ireland and the international political community as a whole failed to respond.

In May 1996 the Rwandan Ambassador to the UN called on the Security Council to take immediate action to prevent genocide in eastern Zaire, but again the international political community ignored the request. As a result of the repeated failure of the international community to address the problem in the Great Lakes region, the aid community has been forced to assume responsibility for what is essentially a political problem. Ireland, as a member of the international political community, shares in the collective guilt of inaction. As President of the EU, Ireland has failed to exercise its duty to lead EU member states at this time of crisis by forcing early and concerted action. The action being taken now is too late. The Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, must assume responsibility for Ireland's inaction. As President of the EU, Ireland has expressed concern at what the Tánaiste has described on numerous occasions as the disastrous situation in the Great Lakes region. The EU response to the crisis in Eastern Zaire has amounted to little more than a wait and see policy, focused on crisis management rather than crisis prevention. Ireland, the EU and the UN have dithered and still no action is taken. We are now told that a multinational military force is to go into the area.

The position in the Great Lakes region has become a disgrace purely because the international community, including Ireland and our European partners, have not exercised their collective resources to alleviate the horrors which inflict that part of the world. Two years after the first wave of genocide in Rwanda the horrific conditions which have persisted in that country have spread to Tanzania and Burundi, which are yet again embroiled in the tragedy that bedevils Central Africa.

This morning we were due to debate a motion approving the dispatch of a contingent of the Permanent Defence Force to Eastern Zaire, but instead we are having a debate which will result in the Tánaiste and Minister of State doing little new or of use to the people of the Great Lakes region. While it is important to keep the Great Lakes on the agenda with a debate such as this, it is most disappointing that we are not thrashing out the pros and cons of sending Irish troops to the region. It is shocking that the international community, including Ireland, is still dithering as to the type of force that will be sent into the area. We on this side of the House welcome the idea of the force and warmly support the sending of troops to that region to assist in every way possible. There is an historical precedent for sending Irish troops to that region as the first UN mission carried out by Irish troops in the early 1960s was in the then Congo, now Zaire.

As GOAL, the third world agency, recently concluded, it seems there is little interest in the fate of the Rwandan refugees stranded in Zaire. As a member of the international community and the United Nations and, critically, as President of the EU, Ireland, through the Tánaiste, must renew the call for immediate action in terms of the international peacekeeping force to ensure it is on the ground as early as possible. The presence of such a military force would alleviate the problem in several ways. A military force deployed in the region could act as a conduit towards the ultimate aim of achieving basic human rights for Hutu refugees and the resettled Tutsi population in Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire. The presence of a military force in the region could play a critical part in locating and protecting the 700,000 refugees who failed to return to Rwanda in the past ten days. The presence of a military force would hugely encourage the remaining refugees, who undoubtedly feel threatened and frightened, to return to Zaire by guaranteeing to protect and safeguard their interests. It is shameful that although the World Food Programme has reported that aid agencies active in the Great Lakes region are in possession of adequate food and water to support 2.3 million refugees until January, without the protection afforded by an international peacekeeping force aid agencies in Zaire have as yet been unable to gain access to the 700,000 refugees who have failed to return to Rwanda.

As EU president, Ireland has failed to secure agreement on the crucial questions facing us. It is very well for the Tánaiste to be in the Middle East one week and another part of the globe the next, and while we are not cribbing with this we are appalled at the lack of priority given to the Great Lakes disaster by the Presidency. It is a fundamental obligation of any administration to protect the basic human rights of its citizens and it is the obligation of the Government to protect not only the rights of Irish citizens but also those of the citizens in other regions who, through no fault of their own, find themselves in conditions which we would not tolerate.

In the hierarchy of obligations the protection of human rights is a superior one. The Government, particularly the Tánaiste and the Minister of State, have fundamentally failed in their duties. They have failed to protect and safeguard the human rights of people who are crying out for help and protection. In mid-December when the Tánaiste stands up at the Dublin summit and beats his chest to claim a successful Irish Presidency of the European Union, it will not wash because we all know we will have failed to act in regard to the Great Lakes disaster. We have completely failed to take a lead at national level and have yet to impose effective leadership at EU and UN level.

In the Fianna Fáil document, Our Place in the World, I referred to the Defence Force which has been active in peacekeeping operations under the blue flag of the United Nations. I paid tribute to the Irish non-governmental organisations such as Concern, Trócaire and GOAL for their continued unfailing contribution in terms of humanitarian aid and assistance. It is a pity the Tánaiste and the Minister of State did not take a leaf out of the books of these tireless organisations. Hollow promises and publicity are not for them; action and results are the key words of the NGOs. As has become the norm with the rainbow coalition, proposals, promises and publicity outdo any semblance of substance. Action, achievements, goals and results do not feature in the Government agenda, which is most unfortunate for the desperate people of Central Africa. It is essential that the Tánaiste is under no illusion in terms of the role of a military force in this area, which we fully support.

The Government must show the world that continued suffering cannot and should not be tolerated. The Tánaiste has a duty to act in his capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs and, more importantly, given his present capacity within the European Union, it is incumbent upon him to act. We have had enough bluster and inaction. The people of the Great Lakes region need results now.

I thank Deputy Burke for sharing his time with me. I agree with the Tánaiste that the problems of the Great Lakes region of Africa cannot be resolved by humanitarian action alone, that a comprehensive approach is necessary involving a partnership between the region and the international community. I accept that is very important, but the Tánaiste failed to refer to many issues which I had hoped he would cover, particularly the motion passed by the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. That committee dealt with many of the issues we hoped would be raised by the Government, particularly humanitarian aid, military protection for such an operation and the provision of safe corridors. The committee was anxious that the Heads of State and Foreign Ministers should make this a priority issue, but I am not happy that has been done.

One of the greatest problems is the dithering that has been evident on this issue, particularly at UN level. Until we see powerful television pictures such as those on the humanitarian disaster in Ethiopia, the desired action will not be taken. We discussed this issue in the subcommittee of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. John O'Shea from GOAL informed the committee of the number of warring factions there and that begs the question as to who is supplying arms to the region. We are told, for example, that approximately 12 countries are involved in this trade. That must be condemned and the international community must take action to deal with the supply of arms.

I welcome the Tánaiste's reference this morning to the issue of international monitoring and that funding is to be provided in that respect because the question of impunity, to which Mr. Nyerere referred also, is one of the most important issues in the region. Those of us in the western world find it difficult to understand that perpetrators of violations in Zaire, Burundi and Rwanda, which are at the root of the violence in the region, have not been tackled. Those three countries must produce comprehensive proposals to put in place a justice system which conforms to international standards of fairness and ensures that those who violate human rights are brought to justice.

While this dithering continues we have not had any response — although I hope a response will be forthcoming next week — on the question of Ireland's contribution to the resolution of this problem. I saw a cartoon in The Irish Times two weeks ago which referred to “our” boundaries and “our” arms but “their” problem. That seems to be the way the problem is being dealt with.

The views of the Army officers' association in this regard are not encouraging; it stated the Army would not be in a position to send one battalion to the region. We do not know the type of assistance that will be sent, and I thought the Tánaiste would have given some indication of that in his contribution this morning. Will a medical corps be provided? What numbers are envisaged? Where will this international force be based? Recent reports indicate the force may be based in Uganda and that the figures may be in the region of 1,000 rather than the 10,000 originally mentioned by Canada. These are some of the questions I thought we would discuss this morning.

We must continue to put pressure — and this was requested of the foreign affairs committee — on the President of the United States and the leaders in the region; President Mandela has said he is prepared to give every assistance. That is important because the question of the involvement of an African force must be addressed. While we are talking about the issue people remain lost in Zaire. We do not know the total number of refugees, their location or what is happening to them and it is important that we reach agreement now and action is taken.

The director general of MSF said that the average assessment in a crisis such as this is that ten out of every 10,000 refugees die each day. His estimate is that approximately 13,000 people have died since the crisis began. I hope action will be taken in that regard. The UN Secretary General has thrown his weight behind the multinational force but it is important we come to a definite decision. Perhaps the Minister of State, when replying, will give us some information on that.

The recent reports that refugees are leaving Tanzania are alarming.

On a point of order, it is extremely good news that refugees are going home.

I welcome the fact they are going home but we do not seem to have made any provision for humanitarian action to be taken. That is also the position in the case of Burundi. We must ensure that whatever assistance can be given is given. The EU has pledged £150 million to its programme in the region but, as Commissioner Bonino said, we do not seem to know exactly what is happening there. The Tánaiste said this morning the situation is still fluid with people returning to their homes, but I hope we will get a decision from the Government as soon as possible. We have the EU Presidency and the Government must ensure that the multinational force is made available.

I was taken aback when I discovered last Thursday night that the motion ordered for today by the Government to send troops to Zaire was withdrawn because apparently the Government lost its enthusiasm for sending even the most nominal force there. The reasons given included the fact that the situation in the Great Lakes region is changing from day to day and the multinational humanitarian intervention force may unravel completely over the next few days.

That decision was made the night before the conference began in Stuttgart on the question of sending these troops. Coming from the Presidency of the European Union that seems to have been the worst possible signal to send, that it was the view of the Irish Government that hopefully it, and the European Union generally, would not have to send anybody to the region.

We are now told in the course of the contribution by the Tánaiste this morning, who has left for greater and bigger things than listening to a minor debate in this little House, that a motion will be put down by the Department of Defence next week, not by the Department of Foreign Affairs, to deal with the question of sending troops to the region. The number and nature of the troops, however, is disappointing because we are talking about a figure of not more than 100 and there is mention of lorry drivers and other people providing services of that kind rather than fighting troops.

It is not surprising that the three day meeting in Stuttgart over the weekend concluded the way it did. It is worth reminding the House what Chris McGreal had to say about that meeting and the consequences of it in Monday's The Guardian newspaper. I will quote briefly from his report from Kigali. He stated:

Last week American and United Nations officials studied the same satellite photos of the same tracts of eastern Zaire and came up with entirely contradictory conclusions. The Americans saw almost nothing. The UN spotted 750,000 miserable souls being driven in circles.

As the international debate shifts from what can be done to assist the Rwandan Hutu refugees still in Zaire to whether they even exist, the Rwandan government and its allies appear ever more willing to write them off. The third day of a meeting of Western military chiefs in Germany yesterday was unable to agree whether there was any need for foreign intervention in eastern Zaire.

The anxiety of the United States, the European Union and Ireland, both as an individual country and as the Presidency of the European Union, to placate the Rwandan government and to see it as the solution to this problem is quite disturbing. In his contribution this morning the Tánaiste stated: "The Council of Ministers strongly affirmed the commitment of the European Union to support the Government of Rwanda in its work to reintegrate the refugees on a just and equitable basis and to promote reconciliation and dialogue between all parties and the development of civil society". That, of course, is rubbish. The Rwandan Government has no such intentions. Why does it still retain in its appalling prisons after more than two years 85,000 people who have not been brought to trial or released? Why has no effort been made to provide a judicial system to try these people as the vast majority of them must, by definition, be innocent of any crimes. Why are they held in custody in the most appalling circumstances?

On a point of information, in the genocide in Rwanda it is generally acknowledged by international experts, including the UN, that one million people were killed by their neighbours.

Would the Minister of State control herself and let somebody who has a different point of view speak? She is such an arrogant person that she seems to think anyone who expresses a point of view that does not precisely concur with hers is wrong.

I wish to contrast the completely different view taken by Commissioner Bonino to the attitude taken in the Council of Ministers. Time and again in recent weeks the Commissioner has called for the United Nations and the European Union to send troops into this area to protect the vast number of unprotected refugees who are being killed and dying on a daily basis. We do not know to what extent this is happening because people cannot get in to check it accurately. What she said is in total contrast with what is said regularly by the Council of Ministers of the European Union.

As recently as today Commissioner Bonino is quoted in The Irish Times as follows:

Troops should go to eastern Zaire now and they should use force, if they have to, to get access to refugees and other people stranded there, the European Commissioner for Humanitarian aid said yesterday.

"Access to the area must be gained now, either by peaceful means or `manu militari' ", Ms Emma Bonino said in a statement.

The Commissioner expanded further on that statement. She has made a statement of that nature on almost a daily basis over the past two or three weeks but she has been ignored. She is in a minority within the European Community and it does not bode well that the Council of Ministers is taking the view it is taking.

To listen to the Tánaiste today one would think that all was well in this region. On the same page of The Irish Times is a report by Paul Cullen, development correspondent of that newspaper, on what is happening in the region and it is absolutely appalling. The headlines read: “Aid agencies left to pick up the pieces as the idea of an international force slowly dissipates” and “Eight year olds sent into battle on promise of a square meal.” The article continues:

Reports coming out of eastern Zaire suggest that children as young as eight have been sent into battle with the promise of a square meal and an immunity to bullets. Those not armed with AK-47s have been sent out by the Interahamwe forces to set land mines in early morning puddles on the roads of south-western Rwanda...

A girl of ten is raped repeatedly by rampaging Zairean soldiers, then mutilated; another is defiled in front of her family, who are then shot. Children who survive one set of marauders are killed by the next set of bandits to show up in their area.

These were the crimes which an efficiently deployed force might have averted or minimised. Now that the idea of a force is being slowly buried, it is left to the aid agencies to deal with a new layer of human suffering which has resulted.

That is the reality there, yet Ministers and Ministers of State and all the rest of them are running around having talks, consultations and dialogue and congratulating one another on how successful those talks are.

It is estimated that between 400,000 and 500,000 Hutu refugees in eastern Zaire have returned to Rwanda. It is also estimated, although the Tánaiste has very different figures, that between 750,000 and 800,000 are still there. The Tánaiste said the Government remains deeply concerned about the fate and welfare of the estimated 300,000 to 700,000 refugees who remain in eastern Zaire. I do not know how one can make an estimate of two figures that are so widely different from one another. At least the United Nations estimates that there are 750,000 plus in that area and nobody knows their fate at present. They are wandering around in circles and there is no international force to guarantee their protection. There is a variety of potential aggressors as the article by Mr. Cullen makes clear today. Those aggressors are only too anxious to take advantage of these unfortunate defenceless people, even children as young as eight and ten years of age. That will continue as long as those people have no protection and I protest very strongly at that.

One of the points Commissioner Bonino made forcefully in her numerous statements about this situation is that if this were happening anywhere other than in Africa the international community would respond very rapidly to it. She has accused the international community of, in effect, taking a racist view by allowing to happen in Africa something that they would not allow to happen anywhere else.

What about Bosnia and Afghanistan?

I am not surprised there is such a strong divergence of view between the Government as represented here by the Minister of State, Deputy Burton, and Commissioner Bonino. I have suspected that this was the case.

On a point of information, Commissioner Bonino and I have issued joint statements.

The Minister of State will get her chance. Deputy O'Malley, without interruption, please.

Deputy O'Malley is badly informed.

I am being constantly interrupted by the Minister of State, Sir. I crave your protection. I feel like a helpless Hutu.

If this awful situation was happening in Europe or somewhere else in the world great concern would be shown. Because it is happening in Africa, the international community prefers to ignore the problem and turn its back on a vast number of innocent people who are left there to suffer and die. It is interesting to read international commentary on what is going on and to put it into context.

The French, who might be described as the more active in the European Union in this respect, were quoted in The Economist last week as further complaining that the United States is giving unqualified support to a regime in Rwanda which is dominated by a minority that took power by force and shows no sign of allowing much democracy. I would say it shows no sign of allowing any democracy. It is highly unsatisfactory that a minority rules a majority within a country which was artificially created towards the end of the last century, where there is huge dissension between the two ethnic groupings and incredible bitterness which exhibits itself in constant violence. This, unfortunately, is likely to continue unless the international community is prepared to step in to prevent that happening.

The same issue of The Economist quotes what it describes as a European diplomat in Kigali last week in the following terms: “The Americans are playing a power game. It matters much more to them to keep this Rwandan regime in power than it does to help the refugees”. That is very probably true. When one sees this power game being played and the attitude of various outside states, particularly the stronger ones, it makes one sad to think that the European Union, led by a small country that does not have a colonial background or history, is not prepared to stand up for those who are now suffering as a result of colonial activities in previous times. It is not just colonial activities in previous times that contribute to this suffering. Much of it is caused by the fact that until recently member states of the European Union were supplying arms in this region to all sides and any who would buy them, and we have been powerless to stop them. Until recently the British, among others, were supplying. It came to light in a recent report that the British were not just supplying firearms; they were even supplying machetes to one side in order that they might dispose of their opponents in the most painful and distressing way possible — shooting through the heart or the head was too easy a way to dispose of their enemies.

The contribution of the European powers of the past to the creation of this situation is very great. Their present contribution is, unhappily, still a significant one. The best contribution we can make is to face up to the fact that these artificial countries created by European princes drawing lines on maps in the last century have not worked and will not work, and there will have to be some recognition of the ethnic and tribal differences and, if necessary for their own safety, some redrawing of the map so that people can live behind boundaries of their own choosing in safety from those who are of a different ethnic background. The present lines on the map in the Great Lakes Region, dividing it into countries like Burundi, Rwanda and Zaire, have no real meaning on the ground. They were drawn by European princelings in the last century, and the sooner the better Europe of today undoes some of that damage and contributes in a meaningful way, not in just a purely verbal way, to the establishment of peace.

Let me first comment on Deputy O'Malley's remark about redrawing the map of Africa. It was not well drawn in that it did not take ethnicity into account, but it would be a brave man who would redraw the boundaries. It would also be unwise.

The problem with a country like Zaire is that it has been ruled corruptly for the past 30 or more years, and the great powers in the world, particularly the western powers, supported Mobuto and his regime. Everybody said it was the most corrupt regime in Africa but it got economic assistance from the West, economic assistance that went into its own coffers. It is the most underdeveloped country in Africa, even though it is one of the largest in that part of central Africa, as large almost as Western Europe.

I hate to sound as if I am scoring political points, but when I hear the bleating of Deputies O'Malley and Burke I am reminded that when they were in Government together from 1989 to 1992 that Government, for the first time in several years, cut our overseas development assistance significantly. At that time in Africa there was an appalling civil war in Angola, killing hundreds of thousands of people; there was an appalling ongoing civil war in Mozambique; Mobuto Sésé Séko in Zaire was oppressing his population; there was a famine in sub-Saharan Africa killing perhaps millions of people who can never be counted, and the contribution of this country, despite the moralistic bleating here today, was to cut overseas development assistance. It took the return of the Government in 1992, and the influence of the Labour Party in that Government, for overseas development assistance to be brought back on track with a programme by which we would reach the United Nations target for overseas development assistance.

The Minister of State, Deputy Burton, who has taken the initiative at meetings held at European Council level and during her visit to Africa, has spearheaded the campaign for a multinational force to go to the region and for greater humanitarian assistance. She has stated, and it needs to be stated, that whatever we say about the new regime in Rwanda it is doing its best within the constraints under which it has to operate to repatriate its people. It has set up centres for bringing people back to their communities and returning them to their own land. It is taking the very unpopular measure of evicting people who have taken over homes and lands that belonged to people who became refugees and went to places like Zaire and Tanzania. The international community needs to support the Rwandan Government in a much more meaningful way because it does not have the wherewithal from its own resources. The UNHCR reports state that about 3,500 refugees are returning everyday from the camps in Zaire to their homes in Rwanda. If one multiplies that figure by the number of days over which the exodus has been taking place, one is not going to account for anything like the numbers reported to have been in the camps up to a month or so ago. Nevertheless there is a significant flow of people returning home. The Government of Rwanda needs greater international support.

Debate adjourned.
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