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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 13 Feb 1997

Vol. 474 No. 8

Financial Resolutions, 1997. - Financial Resolution No. 5: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
THAT it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(The Taoiseach).

Deputy Costello referred to the contribution to politics of the former Taoiseach, Mr. Jack Lynch. When other Members are long forgotten, Jack Lynch will be remembered at local level in Cork and at national and international level. He led this country at a crucial time in the history of the State, and we are all proud of him. As his successor in Cork North-Central, I am glad and proud to put the record straight.

The Minister's 1997 budget contains a number of proposals covering a range of areas. I will discuss some of these later in my contribution. Initially, however, I would like to consider the overall background to the budget, and the realistic expectations we had of the Minister as he drafted his proposals for 1997.

It is vital to assess the current economic climate. It is only too easy to forget the overwhelming sense of doom and gloom which developed during the term of office of the disastrous 1983-7 Fine Gael-Labour Coalition when almost everything they touched seemed destined to fail. One has only to think of their performance in key areas such as unemployment, the national debt and Northern Ireland to clearly recall their terrible legacy to the nation.

What about Northern Ireland? Fianna Fáil opposed the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

The Deputy might be interested to know what his constituents have to say about him. Many of them are not very happy with him.

However, a series of excellent and responsible administrations from 1987 to 1994 reversed the slide into economic and social disaster which was provoked by gross government shortcomings during the period 1983-7. From a situation of escalating national debt, public spending and high interest rates, order was restored to the State's finances by a number of sensible, skilfully crafted and courageous budgets and supplementary corrective measures.

The enormous achievements of the 1987-94 period required a major joint effort on the part of the people at central administration. Each and every sector of society played its part in this process of recovery. Perhaps the single most important development during this crucial time was the acceptance of the vital need for social partnership if any substantial improvement was to be achieved in the face of enormous odds. The fact that such a partnership was created and built upon as a vital core of trust developed between the partners is perhaps the single most encouraging example of the potential of our society to overcome appalling problems such as unemployment and social divisions. As a result of the successes of this period, it became clear that Irish industry can and does achieve world class industrial performance given a sympathetic and positive operational environment.

Thus, coming to power over two years ago, the rainbow Coalition was presented with an unprecedented and sustained level of industrial growth, a balance of payments surplus to the State's finances and, of vital importance, extremely low interest rates. There were also, of course, a number of problems to be addressed, in particular an unacceptably high level of unemployment and the persistence of social deprivation and poverty for many Irish families. The needs of the homeless, victims of domestic violence and abuse, and the travelling community, immediately come to mind in this regard.

Having studied the rainbow Coalition's third budget in an excellent economic climate, it is almost impossible to believe that it has made so little use of these unique opportunities to reduce the gap between poor and rich.

What overall impact has the Coalition Government had on society? Has it given quality leadership and provided encouragement to those with the most serious social and economic problems in our community? What specific groups have significantly benefited from its policies?

I make no apology for continuing to stress the need to assess the impact of this Government's policies on those most in need in our society. These include the elderly, the unemployed, lone parents, widows and those suffering from persistent illness and disability. We must never forget that the overall cohesion of society is particularly dependent on the quantity and scope of the social welfare system. The need for a clear indication of support for social welfare recipients has never been as profound, given the climate of growth and expansion in our economy. How has the rainbow Coalition responded to this challenge? In particular how has the Minister for Finance performed in his three budgets?

I accept that the budget includes positive features. While they may be small in real financial terms, the above inflation increases in certain personal welfare payments are welcome. Similarly, relatively small but useful changes have been made in the family income supplement, the carer's allowance, eligibility for the adult dependent allowance, and treatment, maternity and adoptive benefits. Proposed changes in the qualifying conditions for free electricity and the free telephone rental allowance are a move in the right direction. It must be an ongoing priority of all Governments to improve the administration and operation of all schemes in the public sector. This applies not only to the Department of Social Welfare, but to all other Departments and State agencies.

The back-to-work allowance scheme facilitates the transfer of unemployed people into the active labour force. While the Minister has provided for an increase in the number of participants in this scheme and has reserved some of the extra places for those receiving disability allowance, his overall level of commitment to this key scheme is extremely disappointing.

I welcome increases in the level of child benefit payments since it involves an explicit acknowledgement by the State of the individual importance and rights of each person from birth. Furthermore, the direct payment of such allowances to mothers guarantees at least a certain level of income each month irrespective of other financial and social factors affecting individual families.

While it must be acknowledged that the increase in child benefit has been significant over the lifetime of this Government, it is also important to note that the child benefit scheme is one of the few State programmes which is totally neutral in terms of targeting poverty. Its impact is spread across all income levels. While any real improvement in the level of payments represents a welcome gesture of support to mothers and children, its impact on narrowing the gap between the poor and the affluent is minimal.

Indeed, it brings to mind perhaps the most substantial educational policy of this Government, namely the abolition of third level fees. While this is an important and welcome step for middle income families, its ultimate effect is to further shift educational expenditure from families who are most in need and who, unfortunately, have the lowest participation rates in third level education. This problem is highlighted in research findings, which point out the strong association between educational level and the likelihood of obtaining full-time employment.

How are we to fairly judge the performance of the Minister for Finance over the past three years? Any assessment of the Minister and his colleagues since they took up their duties must take on board three crucial factors. By 1994 the State finances had been rescued from the disaster of the early 1980s, 1983 to 1987. Furthermore, the economy had been prudently built up to record growth levels while interest rates had been dramatically reduced.

The remaining major social and economic problems facing the Government were obvious. Principally, it was critical to make significant progress in terms of net job creation with the needs of the long-term unemployed of particular urgency. Equally, a major attack was urgently required on the level of poverty which remained in our society despite substantial overall economic growth. Clearly, the rising tide was not lifting all boats equally.

It cannot be forgotten that two of the three Government parties — Labour and Democratic Left — had a long record of verbal commitment to those most in need. Since these two parties controlled key ministries such as Finance, Social Welfare, Health and Education, the Government had every opportunity to provide clear-cut evidence of its commitment to the poor and socially deprived.

What has happened during the past three years of a Labour and Democratic Left dominated Government? Any fair assessment can only conclude that this Government has recklessly and selfishly wasted the massive potential for improvement in the State's finances. Instead of the rising tide being used to benefit those most in need, the Government has indulged in what is the most profound and prolonged example of widespread mismanagement and self-serving policy-making in the history of the State. As Ministers have been overcome by difficulties of one type or another, the vital business of Government has become almost irrelevant in a frightening atmosphere of self-preservation at all costs. Unfortunately, the unbelievable sequence of self-inflicted disasters which have become the only notable feature of the Rainbow Coalition have been disastrous for the country.

As we try to identify the positive impact, if any, of the three budgets of the Minister for Finance, we see that a tremendous chance to change society in a positive way has been thrown away for short-term, narrow and unworthy political gain. The only coherent strategy behind various Government policies seems to be an ill-fated attempt to regain power at the forthcoming general election at all costs.

For a Minister of Deputy Quinn's ability, it is extremely disappointing to see that the only clear plan in his three budgets has been based on electoral considerations. To maximise the give-away nature of the 1997 election budget, pathetic increases were provided in 1995 and 1996.

The level of manipulation of the State's finances, particularly in the social welfare area, is only now obvious. The most deserving social welfare recipients have been cynically deprived of increases, which the State could afford, for more than two years simply to satisfy the electoral interests of the Rainbow Coalition parties. This can only be termed a gross abuse of the most vulnerable sectors of our society and does not sit easily with the many expressions of social concern and care which up to now have been the public face of the Labour Party and Democratic Left, in particular.

The extent of the inadequacy of Government policy towards social welfare recipients was evident when the Minister boasted that "an elderly person will be £7 a week better off from the increases of almost 10 per cent in the old age contributory pension in my three budgets". If the Minister even matched the approximate £11 per week increase in the child benefit from a much lower base, there might be some shred of credibility to his claim.

One can only bitterly regret the lack of caring and effective policy-making which has become the trademark of this appalling Government. The potential of this country is too great and the needs of the people too important to be left in the hands of such a weak Administration. While it is little consolation to many people who have been let down over the past three years, it is perhaps understandable that a Government made up of parties of the far Left, Centre and far Right cannot be expected to arrive at anything approaching effective and caring policies.

In the current era, it is extremely important that our democratic institutions work effectively, otherwise the sense of public cynicism regarding the professionalism and integrity of our democratic structures will grow. Such a trend is extremely negative and unhelpful for society and must be reversed as a matter of urgency. The only meaningful way in which this can be achieved is through a dynamic and clearly evident process of policy reform and implementation throughout our political system. Obviously, the Government of the day must lead the way in this regard.

The disastrous failure of this Government to use the record level of economic growth to achieve a breakthrough in terms of tackling profound social deprivation must not discourage us from ensuring that profound change takes place in society for the benefit of all. If that message emerges in the aftermath of this budget, some good will have come from what has been an extremely cynical and shallow exercise.

Our future well-being requires a combination of cohesive policy-making and the provision of caring and targeted State supports. We must ensure all State programmes are fully audited with related ongoing feedback. The economy must be managed prudently and all possible steps must be taken to encourage the widespread development of indigenous industry. In Government, Fianna Fáil will ensure that such measures are in place to protect the well-being of the nation's citizens as we approach the 21st century.

(Wexford): When talking about the budget, one must reflect on the hype preceding budget day. For weeks we heard about the goodies which would be given to all sections of society and that everybody would be better off as a result of substantial increases in social welfare and tax cuts. Unfortunately it was only hype. Three weeks on, little is being said about the budget because it did not have much to offer anybody. Most people would be disappointed at the way in which the Minister failed to deliver.

We have a two tier society where the rich are getting richer and the poor are standing still. Surely at a time when the economy is booming this should not be the case. A Government that is awash with money should have taken the opportunity to improve the lot of the less well off. The Minister for Finance and the Government failed in this respect. As it is an election year the Government was more interested in giving a little everywhere and satisfying nobody, instead of targeting specific areas of the economy. It did not do a great job in allocating the funds at its disposal.

There are major problems but unemployment is probably the most serious one. It is a problem not only for the Government but for all of us as elected representatives. We must bring about a solution to the high unemployment which exists particularly in large urban centres and in rural areas. Some 60 per cent to 70 per cent of those living in large housing estates are unemployed. In families where neither the father nor mother go out to work the son or daughter on reaching the age of 18 usually seeks unemployment assistance. In some of those housing estates there are second and third generations who never had the opportunity of going out to work. These are the areas we must target.

Every day we hear about the number of jobs being created and that 1996 was a record year. Some 80 per cent of those are based in Dublin. The IDA and Forbairt say that the majority of computer companies want to base themselves in Dublin. There should be a more even spread of jobs because rural areas are not getting their fair share of the jobs. It is time the Government and State agencies ensured a more equitable and fair spread of the jobs announced on a daily basis by the IDA and Forbairt. It is important that centres of high unemployment are targeted for job creation.

Different Governments, including that of which I was a member, have created various quangos: Leader, county enterprise boards, county development boards, area partnerships, FÁS, CERT and so on. It is time some Minister said enough is enough and those agencies were brought under one umbrella. They are all working in different directions and creating their own empires and at the end of the day there is little, if any, benefit to the man or woman seeking employment.

In Wexford town we have an area partnership office, a county development office, a Leader office, a county enterprise board office; in Enniscorthy an area partnership office, a FÁS office, an extension of the county enterprise office while another agency wishes to open in Gorey. All those offices use up large sums of the allocation each year when there should be one umbrella organisation in each county, preferably under the role of the local authority, where people could go to a one stop shop and get the best advantage for job creation in the county. All the agencies are protecting their own empires and do not want to lose out in any shape or form.

I ask the Minister for Enterprise and Employment, Deputy Bruton, to examine the operation of those agencies to ensure they are meaningful to those seeking employment and that they do not look after their own empire at the expense of others. We all want to see the maximum number of jobs created for the huge number of unemployed, particularly the long-term unemployed. What different Governments had in mind for those agencies when they were set up was that they would specifically target the long-term unemployed. That is not happening. In Enniscorthy we still have high unemployment rates, particularly in the housing estates and this must be specifically targeted.

In his budget speech the Minister talked about improving the take home pay of workers. I am sure it will improve a little in some areas but we are only tinkering with the tax rates and the tax system. We give a little here, take a little there, reduce the 27 per cent rate by 1 per cent, allow the 48 per cent rate stand, widen the tax bands a little and think the people in the workforce will be happy and content for another year. The people who are working are not happy with the tax system and see little incentive to work. It is disgraceful that over the last three years when there was an ideal opportunity to reduce the tax rates we did not do so. When the various levies are added to the high tax rate of 48 per cent, people pay about 51 per cent of their wages in taxation.

A single person with few allowances or claims on a salary of £12,000 can be eligible for this high rate of taxation. One is not talking about well-heeled, high paid salaried people but ordinary people doing a decent day's work who reach the higher rate of tax very quickly. The Minister should look seriously at how the 48 per cent rate can be reduced to a more realistic rate of 40 per cent and the 27 per cent rate reduced further. Take home pay is what will give people an incentive to remain in the workplace. Surely we do not want people leaving the workplace as there are already too many people unemployed.

Since I became a Member 14 years ago social welfare has improved. In the late 1980s and early 1990s when everyone was asked to tighten their belt social welfare increases were in line with inflation. When Fianna Fáil was in office, first with the Progressive Democrats and then with the Labour Party, there was a 9 per cent increase over a three year period. We now find under Labour Party and Democratic Left who say they are the soul of the less well off and the under-privileged, that despite a booming economy, low inflation, low interest rates and all the money accruing from taxation, an increase of only 7.5 per cent was given. That increase is an insult to the old and the sick who depend on social welfare. The Labour Party and Democratic Left side of the Government have let down the ordinary people who are on social welfare. They should be ashamed of themselves that they did not give at least a 3 per cent increase per year, or more when times were good.

I have a direct interest in the position of disabled people as one of my children is disabled. Successive Governments have neglected people with disabilities and given very little priority to their needs. It is important to recognise the role played in society by people with a disability and their entitlement to live an independent life the same as everyone else. Will the Minister for Finance consider allocating funding in the Finance Bill for disabled people who attend centres for independent living? We take our independence for granted but disabled people need help and support. I welcome the opening of the centre for independent living in Wexford town, but the scheme must be put on a proper footing. I am sure that like me, the Minister, Deputy Higgins, and Deputy Creed, have been contacted by disabled people, many of whom have protested outside Leinster House. As they are not large in terms of numbers we tend to forget about them. It is important for politicians from all parties to make a strong case to the Minister for Health to put pressure on the Minister for Finance and the Cabinet to allocate funding to centres for independent living so that they can expand, and, more importantly, survive. If the Government does not allocate sufficient funding to these centres in the near future they will have to close down. These centres have given disabled people an opportunity to do something for themselves and all political parties must adopt a positive attitude towards them.

I have lost faith in the Minister for Education in so far as County Wexford is concerned. This debate gives me an opportunity to highlight the problems being experienced by schools in County Wexford, particularly in the Enniscorthy area. Given her reluctance to give a commitment to refurbish schools in County Wexford, I sometimes think — I hope I am wrong — the Minister for Education is at loggerheads with the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, Deputy Yates, and the Minister for the Environment, Deputy Howlin. For the past two and a half years I have been making a case for St. Joseph's primary school, Kilmuckridge, St. Margaret's national school, Curracloe, and the gaelscoil, The Ballagh national school and St. Aidan's primary school in Enniscorthy. However, I have had very little success. When I table parliamentary questions on these schools all the Minister says is, "I am looking into the matter and the project has been submitted for planning approval". No action has been taken on these schools during the past two and a half years.

The people of County Wexford and, in particular, the Enniscorthy area, which is represented by the Minister, Deputy Yates, are fed up with the Minister's attitude towards the pupils, parents and teachers. As recently as last Monday, 1,000 people marched through Enniscorthy to protest at the lack of action. Some of these people travelled by bus to Dublin today to the Department of Education to hand in a petition signed by more than 5,000 people. This petition calls on the Minister to honour the commitment given to St. Aidan's primary school in 1994 when Enniscorthy CBS and the Presentation Convent School were amalgamated. A commitment was given at that time that the school would be upgraded and refurbished if the amalgamation proved successful. However, this commitment has not been honoured three years later. When I raised the matter on the Adjournment last week all I got from the Minister was gobbledegook. I again ask her to think seriously about the commitments given in 1994 to St. Aidan's primary school and the position of St. Joseph's primary school, Kilmuckridge, St. Margaret's national school, Curracloe and The Ballagh national school and gaelscoil in Enniscorthy. The Minister has abandoned her responsibilities to the parents, teachers and students of schools in the Enniscorthy area. We are not prepared to accept this and I assure the Minister that she will have to face some major battles during the lead-up to the general election. The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, Deputy Yates, and the Minister for the Environment, Deputy Howlin, should also take note of this warning.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate. It is normal during budget debates for Deputies to give their views on the overall performance of the economy and to make some general observations. I will try to weave between both.

The reaction to the budget has been varied. I am not surprised by the varied reactions of the Opposition parties to it. Given the general consensus outside the House about the Government's good management of the economy, it is difficult for the Opposition to put forward an alternative view which makes any sense. I listened to the two previous speakers and the glaring contradictions in their contributions are almost laughable. For example, Deputy Browne referred to missed opportunities and excessive public expenditure and then went on to criticise the Minister for not spending enough money in his constituency. Deputy Wallace also made contradictory statements in his contribution.

I sympathise with Fianna Fáil as we were in a similar predicament not so long ago.

(Wexford): The Deputy should not feel sorry for us.

It will be a long time before we are in that position again.

(Wexford): It will be May or June.

The Government and the social partners have agreed on the terms of Partnership 2000 and I have no doubt we will see that agreement through to its conclusion.

Opposition Deputies have suggested that this is an election budget. If this was the case then the Government would have thrown out money like confetti. The only election budget I can recall is the 1977 one. I did not intend to adopt a revisionist approach until Deputy Wallace referred to the performance of the 1982-7 Government. The slogan used in 1977 was, "There is a better way". However, we spent most of the 1980s trying to rectify the costly mistakes made in 1977.

The social partners, farmers, employers, trade unions and representatives of small business, have more or less given a thumbs up to the budget. Of course they would all like more for their sectors but they have given a general welcome to the improvements, while advocating additional concessions which would further sweeten their members.

The breach of borrowing guidelines was criticised by Deputy McCreevy in particular in his response to the budget. That criticism is inconsistent when one compares it with his appearance on "Questions and Answers" last Monday night during which he seemed to invite pressure groups to submit their shopping lists to Fianna Fáil between now and the general election. If that is his approach the public will rue the day Deputy McCreevy gets control of the Department of Finance.

It is difficult to hold the line when political deadlines are looming but the Government has done well, particularly in terms of adhering to the external restrictions imposed on it by way of economic and monetary union and the Maastricht guidelines. Difficulties arose which required additional expenditure, including the BSE crisis.

The crime package introduced by the Minister for Justice has been successful and I take this opportunity to pay tribute to the Criminal Assets Bureau which I acknowledge was established at a cost. The CAB has been successful in identifying the beneficiaries of crime and seizing their assets. I concur with a statement made by one of my Government colleagues in recent days that proceeds seized by the Criminal Assets Bureau should be used to benefit areas that have suffered as a result of crime and drugs.

Another issue that affected the Government's self-imposed targets was the hepatitis C compensation tribunal, but it must retain its capacity to respond to crises as they develop. Fianna Fáil would have preferred if the Government had failed to respond to the BSE and hepatitis C crises because it could have pointed the finger of Thatcherism at this side of the House. The Government has responded well to day to day issues that have had an effect on public expenditure.

The performance of the economy in recent years has been exceptional. Growth rates are higher than any of our EU counterparts and growth in employment has been extraordinarily high; there are 100,000 more people at work than when this Government first came into office. That is one of the many statistics that can be quoted in defence of the Government's economic record. The other indicators that are important from the point of view of business confidence, such as inflation and interest rates, are moving in the right direction. I accept previous Administrations put in place some of the building blocks for this success but we as public representatives must acknowledge that this success did not happen by accident. Unless we continue along the path of prudence and restraint, we may kill the goose that laid the golden egg.

The hypocrisy of Deputy McCreevy in criticising the budget while inviting pressure groups to submit their shopping lists to Fianna Fáil before the next general election flies in the face of previous experience and has all the shades of 1977 when votes were bought. Thankfully, by its endorsement of the Maastricht Treaty and other referenda, the public has imposed a type of external discipline on us, regardless of what Deputy McCreevy believes will sweeten the voters in the next general election. We should learn the lessons of the past in terms of economic management and refrain from budget electioneering and raising false expectations.

I welcome the provisions in the budget to encourage job creation in the economy. In handing out credits for job creation it is easy to forget companies like Apple, Gateway 2000 or Yamanouchi which have created hundreds of jobs. Of approximately 40,000 new jobs created last year, almost 30,000 were created by small indigenous companies. Regardless of whether those companies are stand alone or linked to the large multinationals now located here in significant numbers, we should not lose the opportunity to acknowledge what is being done by the small business and services sector in terms of job creation and sustaining growth in the economy. These companies are far more committed than many of the major multinationals who often pull out of Ireland when the going gets tough. We have seen the consequences of that on a regular basis.

It is to the credit of the Government and the Minister that they have acknowledged the role of small business and I welcome the further concessions in the budget in relation to the area of corporation profits tax. I welcome also the movement in PRSI although further movement in that area is necessary. It could be said that the Government did not go far enough in that regard but I hope the Minister, in forthcoming budgets, will continue in that direction.

I want to refer to the geographical imbalance that exists in terms of job creation which requires urgent Government attention. I notice the Government Chief Whip, Deputy Higgins, is in the House. A county colleague of his, Mr. Seán Hannick of Killala Precision Components Limited, carried out a detailed study of job creation in 1996. That was an interesting analysis because the findings are stark. Of 17,725 new jobs announced by the IDA, 71 per cent were in the greater Dublin region with 7 per cent in Cork, 6 per cent in Limerick, 3 per cent in Galway, 2 per cent in Waterford and 0.86 per cent in the west.

At a time when the Government is investing enormous amounts of money in infrastructural improvements around the country including roads, regional airports and water and sewerage schemes, it is illogical that we are not prepared to put a regional dimension on job creation policy. Unfortunately, the areas whose infrastructure has been improved are not benefiting from it because the life blood of their communities, the people, are moving to large urban areas, particularly Dublin, which suffers most from this regional imbalance. Even though approximately 46,000 new jobs were created in Dublin between 1992 and 1996, the unemployment figures have decreased by just under 1,000. That encapsulates the problem created by the geographical imbalance. If one adds to that the cost estimated by various commentators of £1 billion per year in lost efficiency because of the increasing gridlock in the Dublin region due to traffic congestion, it points to what is almost a crisis that necessitates a review of this area. I have been in contact with the IDA on this matter in the past few days. I would like the Minister for Enterprise and Employment to seriously consider it.

The companies being attracted to invest here are not the large scale multinationals that invested in the 1960s in the Lemass driven era. We are now attracting high skill, high tech investment that does not have high volume input-out-put in terms of the end product. The product of large scale multinationals dealing with information technology is imported and exported by means of telecommunication. The standard of our telecommunications infrastructure is such that the standard in Achill is similar to that in Dublin, west Cork and Donegal. An argument can be sustained that such large scale multinationals could as easily be attracted to invest in rural locations, where large amounts of money have been invested in building roads, airports, water and sewerage schemes and developing telecommunications, as in Dublin where there is nearly a crisis in terms of social problems associated with overcrowding, environmental problems due to congestion and its consequent cost factor to industry estimated at £1 billion. I appreciate it is not possible for the IDA to dictate where companies will locate, that they largely retain that authority and it is a bonus if they decide to locate here. Nevertheless, a regional incentive structure should be built into IDA incentive and grant packages that would go some way towards tackling this problem.

In the agricultural sector the Government handled the BSE crisis well, particularly in negotiating at EU level and in its financial response by providing additional resources as required.

Granting milk quotas to small producers was a major problem in agriculture in my constituency in the past year. I would like the Minister for Finance to seriously consider submissions from the IFA and Macra na Feirme on making additional milk quotas available to small scale producers. Tax incentives should be given to farmers who lease their milk quota to encourage them to lease it through a temporary leasing scheme with the co-operatives rather than leasing it privately. If such an incentive was given, the margin of advantage would fall in favour of leasing through the co-operatives and they would be obliged to redistribute such milk quotas to small scale producers.

I dealt with the inconsistencies in Deputy Wallace's contribution. He referred to and castigated the track record of the 1982-87 Government, particularly on Northern Ireland. That Government's achievement through the Anglo-Irish Agreement enabled it to get its foot in the door for the first time since the partition of the State in terms of obtaining legitimate and recognised access to the British Government in terms of being able to raise with it matters of interest.

It was also interesting that the Deputy criticised the social welfare increases. One of the new social partners, the INOU, has endorsed what was done in the budget. The report of the commission on social welfare has hung like a millstone around the necks of successive Ministers, but now all payments are approximately 98 per cent of the commission's recommendations.

Debate adjourned.
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