Ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh an Bille seo thar cheann mo pháirtí. Tá an-obair déanta ag an Chomhar-Chreidmheasa ó 1958 nuair a bunaíodh é. Is mó an tairfe atá bainte ag na baill as ó bunaíodh é agus tá siad ag fanacht le fada le Bille mar seo. Ba mhaith liom comhgháirdeas a dhéanamh leis an Aire Stáit as ucht an méid oibre a rinne sé féin ag réiteach an Bhille seo chun é a thabhairt os comhair na Dála.
Tá rudaí áirithe ann áfach nach bhfuilim róshásta leo agus beimid ag déanamh moltaí fúthu sin.
I pay tribute to the Minister of State at the Department of Enterprise and Employment on his work in bringing this Bill before the House. I will put aside the pre-electoral political sniping in which the Minister of State indulged over the weekend. The credit union movement has waited a long time for this legislation. Not everybody will be 100 per cent happy with the Bill as published, but the Minister of State should be congratulated on introducing such comprehensive legislation in a vitally important area.
The credit union movement has been one of the outstanding success stories of the economy over the past 40 years. The movement started in Ireland in 1958 and by the end of the following year there were three credit unions up and running. They had 200 members and total members' savings of £415. The growth since then has been phenomenal. There are now more than 530 credit unions with a total membership of more than 1.8 million. We often think of Irish sporting bodies as large organisations, but the credit union movement puts all of them in the shade. Total savings in credit unions now amount to a staggering £2 billion and they continue to grow at an impressive rate of 20 per cent per year. By any standard this represents a tremendous record of achievement in 40 years.
Equally impressive is the manner in which that success was achieved. We have a tendency to look to the State to do things for us. We set up agencies, committees and working parties. We hand out grants and make tax concessions available. The credit union movement has grown and prospered without any State assistance. There have been no grants and no help from State agencies. The opposite is the case. The credit unions, as the employers of 1,500 people, are big contributors to the Exchequer every year and have invested hugely in Government securities. They have helped the State instead of being helped by the State.
The credit union movement is characterised by a philosophy of self help and community spirit. We could do with more of that philosophy. My party leader was taken to task recently by left wing ideologues for suggesting that we should help people to help themselves, as if this was an heretical statement. Can there be any better example of the way in which people can be helped to help themselves than the success of the credit union movement over the last 40 years? The acceptance of and support for the self help principle in Ireland can be gauged from the fact that in terms of membership as a percentage of total population, Ireland ranks fourth in the world league table of credit unions.
Local communities in villages, towns and cities pool their resources to help each other. The credit unions show what could be achieved if we focused less on bureaucracy and more on releasing the tremendous energy and community spirit that is such a positive feature of our life. The movement is an excellent example of what can be achieved by voluntary effort. It depends on 12,000 voluntary workers throughout the country and, largely because of this voluntary effort, the unions can offer a cost effective service to their members.
It should not be forgotten that the credit unions have also played a valuable role in poorer communities by presenting a real and attractive alternative to illegal moneylenders or even legal operators charging extremely high interest rates. Credit unions have helped to maintain the social fabric of many communities by making available small loans at modest cost to enable people to get over short-term financial problems.
I will deal with some of the problems in the Bill and I will start with the limits it places on loans and deposits. The Bill proposes a maximum limit of £20,000 on shares and a maximum limit of £20,000 on deposits. These figures might appear large at first sight but they must be seen in the context of redundancy as a fact of life in modern Ireland. The Minister of State will be aware we are losing more and more of our traditional labour intensive industries. Packard Electric in the Minister of State's constituency is an example of this phenomenon. Large scale redundancies are also becoming common in the semi-State sector. The ESB, for example, is in the process of shedding thousands of jobs as part of its restructuring and rationalisation programme.
In many cases, the workers being made redundant will have conducted most if not all of their financial business with their local credit unions. However, they will find when lodging their redundancy cheques that they might not be able to deal with the credit union because their investment is too large. This will force people away from credit unions and into the mainstream financial services sector at precisely the time when, it could be argued, it makes most sense for them to stay with the credit union.
There is no limit on deposits under existing legislation governing credit unions. It appears arbitrary in the extreme to impose such limits now. The Minister of State does not need to be reminded that credit unions operate on a one member, one vote system. It makes no difference, therefore, in terms of voting control whether an individual owns £50 or £50,000 worth of shares. The Minister of State should consider deleting the upper limit on deposits or increasing the limit to a more realistic figure than the £20,000 proposed.
A similar situation arises with regard to limits on loan advances. The Bill proposes a cap of £20,000 on the amount that can be advanced to an individual. This cap will impose a severe limitation on the ability of credit unions to satisfy the needs of their members. The credit union movement deals mainly with small borrowings, the average loan amount being about £2,000. Nonetheless, there are many cases in which a sum of £20,000 would be unrealistically small. The credit unions are not keen to take on the banks and building societies in a head to head battle for the home mortgage market. However, that is not to say there are not areas of the housing market in which the credit unions have a role to play. Local authority tenants seeking to buy their homes from the council might be more likely to approach a credit union than a mainstream financial institution. Equally, people seeking to extend their homes would like the option of going to their local credit union. A sum of £20,000 is not great in terms of the cost of home extensions.
I might understand the need for this new limit if the credit unions had been guilty of overlending and if there had been an unacceptable level of loan defaults but that has not been the case. When it comes to prudential management of their loan portfolios, the credit unions have a record of which any bank manager would be proud. In the most recent year for which figures are available the value of loans more than 13 weeks in arrears was just over 3.5 per cent of total loan advances — a low figure by the standards of commercial banking which hardly gives rise to concern. As with the cap which the Bill imposes on deposit amounts, this seems to be an arbitrary measure which gives inadequate discretion to credit union managements. Those managements have shown their ability to use their discretion wisely and we should continue to trust them to do so.
The £20,000 limit on loans will discriminate against casual workers whose only source of loan finance is the credit union movement. Casual workers form one of the largest groups in the labour force. Some have part-time jobs, some are on zero hour contracts and others are on fixed term temporary appointment contracts. These contracts are becoming increasingly common in foreign owned industries in Ireland, many of which employ the bulk of their workforce indirectly through agencies on nine-month temporary contracts. This means the workers do not have the same rights and privileges as permanent staff. Increasing regulation of the labour market has resulted in a dramatic rise in the number of casual workers and there are up to 200,000 people in various forms of casual employment.
The mainstream financial services industry does not cater for these people. If they want to borrow money for a house, a car or a family holiday they would be unlikely to satisfy the lending criteria of the large financial institutions. For people in casual employment the local credit union is their only bank and the credit union fills this role admirably. It is incumbent on the Government to make proper provision for casual workers to avail of financial services. Imposing an arbitrary lending limit of £20,000 on credit unions gravely inhibits their capacity to deal with the needs of casual workers. It prevents them from offering housing loans to such workers. As it is, people in this category are forced to depend on the public housing system at great cost to the taxpayer. Why not allow them to help themselves? Why not give them the opportunity to buy their own homes? Why not lift this arbitrary and unnecessary limit?
The credit union movement operates on an all-Ireland basis but this Bill will drive a considerable wedge between the credit unions in the two parts of Ireland. The Minister of State should examine the legislation on credit unions in the UK. The British legislation recognises there is no sense imposing a single arbitrary limit on all credit unions regardless of their size. It also allows for a greater exercise of discretion by the management of individual credit unions. The UK formula allows for an individual loan to be advanced to the value of 1.5 per cent of total paid up shareholdings or up to 20 per cent of a credit union's general reserve. This is a more realistic arrangement especially when one considers that some credit unions can have total assets of £30 million or more. The UK limit allows for a maximum limit of £10,000 in the case of smaller credit unions at an early stage of development where the percentage referred to would be so small as to be meaningless. The Minister of State should reconsider the caps he wishes to impose on deposits and loans. He should consider following the British legislation in this regard.
There are not many movements which operate on an all-Ireland basis. The credit unions form one such movement and we should try to achieve as much harmonisation as possible. Instead, the Minister of State seems intent on putting in place entirely different regulations to those which obtain north of the Border.
The Minister of State might also consider that the £20,000 limit would place a major constraint on the credit unions' ability to lend to small businesses. The Minister of State's Department is well aware of the difficulties experienced by small firms in securing loan finance from the mainstream financial institutions. Relaxing the £20,000 limit would be of considerable help in this regard.
There is an old maxim which tells us "If it ain't broke, don't fix it" and this applies to the credit union movement. For the past 40 years the credit unions have been self-regulating. During that time no credit union secretary absconded with the life savings of its members, no credit union has collapsed due to mismanagement or fraud and no credit union has been implicated in any kind of financial scandal. Elsewhere in the financial services industry there has been a sad litany of fraud and deception, particularly in relation to financial intermediaries, as far back as the 1970s. However, we have been slow to take the necessary preventative measures to avoid people losing their savings. By contrast, the credit union movement has been a paragon of virtue — self-regulated, it has worked extremely well; depositors have not lost money and credit unions have not collapsed due to bad lending.
The only reason for the closure of any credit union has been the collapse of the common bond. In other words, credit unions based in particular firms have had to close when the firms closed — Semperit in Dublin is an example with which the Minister of State would be familiar. In these cases, an orderly transfer of engagements to neighbouring credit unions has always been accomplished in an effective and efficient manner.
This Bill gives new powers to the Registrar of Friendly Societies with regard to the regulation of credit unions. It is my understanding the credit union movement has no difficulty with the overall prudential requirements laid down in the new legislation. It is important that the registrar and his staff do not become unduly involved in day to day decisions which should remain the preserve of credit union managements.
The Irish League of Credit Unions has played an important part in the development of the credit union movement over the past 40 years. The league has also played a key role in ensuring individual credit unions complied with all prudential requirements and new unions had the appropriate management and control systems in place from the day they began operations. In the past six years total savings in credit unions have trebled. It is a tribute to the work of the league that the explosion in the credit union movement should have occurred without scandals or shocks to the system.
It is strange that the league of credit unions is not mentioned in the Bill. Will the Minister of State explain why? The Bill should provide for a leading role for the league. It would be better and more cost effective to let the league continue the job it has been doing so well for so many years rather than hire more civil servants to work in the office of the Registrar of Friendly Societies.
Several of the more "go-ahead" credit unions have started to offer a variety of new services. Some of them operate ATMs, some offer foreign exchange services and some sell motor insurance. Section 48 requires credit unions to secure approval from the Registrar of Friendly Societies before offering any new service to their customers. This process could prove to be cumbersome, bureaucratic and unnecessary. In many cases, these services, such as foreign exchange transactions, do not involve any risk to depositors or shareholders. Other transactions, such as the sale of motor insurance, are conducted on an agency basis and do not carry any inherent risk. In an era when financial products can be bought in supermarkets, the philosophy upon which section 48 is based seems to be outdated and overcautious.
The Bill does not refer to corporation tax. Until now, credit unions were excluded from the provisions of corporation tax legislation, a reflection in part of the voluntary nature of the movement. This Bill gives rise to uncertainty in that regard. I am sure it is not this Government's policy to impose corporation tax on credit unions because to do so would amount to imposing a tax on voluntary effort and community spirit. Perhaps the Minister might use this opportunity to clarify the position on corporation tax. Will he give an assurance that the credit unions will continue to enjoy the same tax exemptions as before? This is a serious issue for the movement and it is important to dispel any lingering uncertainty about the tax treatment of credit unions.
Credit unions have not so far been required to comply with EU banking directives. I understand Brussels is satisfied that credit unions can be exempted from the directives on the basis that they offer their services to their members only and not to non-members. Nonetheless, it is important to have reassurance in this regard. The credit union movement has thrived without the need for huge and expensive bureaucracy. It would be a pity if the EU imposed a heavy compliance burden on the movement at this stage. Accordingly, I ask the Minister to outline the current position and to state if credit unions will continue to be exempted from the European banking directives.
This country owes a huge debt to the credit union movement. Credit unions ensured that financial services were available to all sections of the community, regardless of social status or income. They have helped the economies of many towns and villages to thrive by pumping local savings into local investment. They have harnessed voluntary effort for the common good and applied community spirit to improve the quality of life for hundreds of thousands of people. Were it not for the credit unions, how many families would not have bought a car, extended their house or sent their children to third level education?
The credit union movement keeps a relatively low public profile. It does not engage in wholesale political lobbying and it does not run aggressive campaigns like some of the more vociferous interest groups. Instead, it is content to go about its business. This debate, however, is important for the future of the credit union movement. It is one of the few occasions when this House has been asked to look at the needs of the movement to see how best they can be met through new legislation. We should all take that task seriously.
I commend the Minister on introducing this long awaited Bill. However, I ask him to consider amending it in the ways I have suggested.