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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 22 Apr 1997

Vol. 478 No. 1

International Agreements: Motions.

I move:

45. That Dáil Éireann approves the terms of the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement establishing an Association between the European Communities and their member states, of the one part, and the State of Israel, of the other part, which has been laid before the Dáil on 31 May 1996."

46. That Dáil Éireann approves the terms of the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement establishing an Association between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and the Kingdom of Morocco, of the other part, which has been laid before the Dáil on 31 May 1996."

47. That Dáil Éireann approves the terms of the Europe Agreement establishing an association between the European Communities and their member states, acting within the framework of the European Union, of the one part, and the Republic of Slovenia, of the other part, which has been laid before the Dáil on 12 February 1997."

48. That Dáil Éireann approves the terms of the Partnership and Co-operation Agreement between the European Communities and their member states, of the one part, and the Republic of Uzbekistan, of the other part, which has been laid before the Dáil on 12 February 1997."

Dáil approval of the terms of these agreements is necessary in accordance with Article 29.5.2 of the Constitution which stipulates that "The State shall not be bound by any international agreement involving a charge upon public funds unless the terms of the agreement shall have been approved by Dáil Éireann."

An explanatory memorandum setting out the terms of the agreements has been provided for the information of Deputies through the Whips' offices. Copies of the agreements have been laid before the Dáil on 31 May 1996 in the case of Israel and Morocco, and on 12 February 1997 in the case of Slovenia and Uzbekistan.

In the White Paper on Foreign Policy which I brought before the Dáil in March last year, the Government identified a number of major challenges facing the European Union as it moves towards the 21st century. Among these is the challenge to the Union of equipping itself to play a role commensurate with its responsibilities on the European continent and in the wider family of nations, in pursuit of its essential interests and in the furtherance of its most fundamental values. Many of the issues associated with equipping the Union to play this role are under discussion among member states at the current Intergovernmental conference; the agreements before the Dáil today are a practical expression of the Union's willingness to assume such a role.

The agreements are of different kinds, reflecting the complexity and variety which now characterise the Union's relations with third countries. The agreements with Israel and Morocco are Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements and arise in the context of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership which was adopted at Barcelona in November 1995. The Euro-Mediterranean process involving the Union and 12 Mediterranean partners is intended to support the Mediterranean countries in their efforts progressively to transform their region into a zone of peace, stability and prosperity. Bilateral agreements between the Union and the individual Mediterranean partners are complementary to the multilateral framework of the Euro-Mediterranean process. In addition to their other provisions, the association agreements are essential to the gradual construction of the EU-Mediterranean free trade area by the target date of 2010 which is a central part of the Euro-Mediterranean process.

The completion of the network of bilateral association agreements between the Union and its Mediterranean partners is now well under way. In addition to the agreement with Tunisia, which was approved by Dáil Éireann in December last year, and the agreements now before the House, an interim Association Agreement has also been concluded with the PLO on behalf of the Palestinian Authority. A draft agreement has been initialled with Jordan and negotiations are at an advanced stage with Egypt and Lebanon. A negotiating mandate has been agreed in the case of Algeria and preliminary talks have taken place with Syria. The importance of concluding at an early stage the network of bilateral agreements was emphasised on all sides at the Euro-Mediterranean follow-up meeting I attended in Malta last week.

The agreement with Slovenia is a Europe Agreement. As such, the agreement acknowledges the European vocation of Slovenia and its wish to play a full part in the process of European integration. Slovenia participates already in the Union's pre-accession strategy for the Associated States of central and eastern Europe and has applied for membership of the Union. As the House will recall, Europe Agreements have already been concluded with nine other central and eastern European countries and these have been approved by Dáil Éireann at various stages between 1992 and 1996, most recently when the Europe Agreements with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were before the House. The Europe Agreements with Poland, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic have already entered into effect.

The Agreement with Uzbekistan is a Partnership and Co-operation Agreement. Agreements of this kind, or PCAs as they are called, were initiated by the Union following the collapse of the Soviet Union. As their name indicates, PCAs are intended to assist the newly independent states, in partnership and co-operation with the European Union, in meeting the challenges of fundamental political and economic reform. Dáil Éireann approved Partnership and Co-operation Agreements with nine newly independent states, including Russia and Ukraine, in May last year. I advised the House at that stage that it was the aim of the Union, circumstances permitting, to conclude PCAs with all of the former Soviet Republics in due course. A further PCA, with Turkmenistan, is under negotiation.

As I mentioned, a note on the agreements for the information of Deputies has already been circulated.I have also indicated that the various types of agreement: Euro-Mediterranean Agreements, Europe Association Agreement and Partnership and Co-operation Agreement, their content and background, will be familiar to Deputies, having been discussed in detail on previous occasions in the House.

In relation to the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements, arising from the decisions of the European Council at Lisbon in 1992, and at Essen in 1994, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, involving the 15 EU and 12 Mediterranean partners — Algeria, Cyprus, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Malta, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey and the Palestinian Authority, was initiated at Barcelona in November 1995. The declaration adopted at the meeting established a comprehensive partnership between the participants through strengthened and regular political dialogue, the development of economic and financial co-operation and greater emphasis on the social, cultural and human dimension. The partnership is based on a common commitment to respect for international law, human rights and democratic principles. In the economic field the Union has expressed its readiness to support the harmonious development of the region.

The Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements with the individual Mediterranean partners are wide-ranging and cover political dialogue, the progressive liberalisation of trade and capital movements and sectoral co-operation. Relations between the parties are to be based on respect for human rights and democratic principles. The trade liberalisation elements of these bilateral agreements will constitute important preparatory steps towards the realisation of the eventual Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area which is envisaged in the Barcelona Declaration. In the case of Israel, free trade in industrial goods with the Union is already in place on the basis of the 1975 EC-Israel Co-operation Agreement.

The objectives of the Agreement with Israel are the provision of an appropriate framework for political dialogue and, in the economic sphere: the reciprocal liberalisation of the right of establishment; further progressive liberalisation of public procurement; free movement of capital; intensification of co-operation in science and technology; encouragement of regional co-operation with a view to the consolidation of peaceful co-existence and economic and social stability; and the promotion of co-operation in other areas of mutual interest.

The agreement provides for the reinforcement of the existing free trade area between the Community and Israel subject to WTO disciplines. Appropriate anti-dumping and safeguard measures are provided for. Although restrictions on sensitive agricultural produce will remain, the Community and Israel shall progressively establish a greater liberalisation of their trade in agricultural products of interest to both parties.

The parties agree to widen the scope of the agreement to cover the right of establishment and the provision of services. The agreement also contains provisions relating to capital movements, payments, public procurement, competition and intellectual property. There are detailed arrangements set out in the agreement for intensifying scientific and technological co-operation. The agreement contains provision for wide-ranging sectoral co-operation, including regional and industrial co-operation and co-operation with regard to agriculture, financial services, standards, customs, environment, energy, information structures and telecommunications, transport, tourism, drugs and money laundering.

The agreement with Morocco has similar objectives. These are: to provide a framework for political dialogue; to lay the foundations for the progressive liberalisation of trade in goods and services as well as capital movements; to ensure the development of balanced economic and social exchange and, in particular, to pursue the goal of Morocco's development; to encourage intra-regional co-operation; and to promote economic, social, cultural and financial co-operation.

Political dialogue between the parties at ministerial and official level is provided for in Article 3 of the agreement. The objectives of such dialogue include the consolidation of security and stability throughout the Mediterranean region and in the Maghreb in particular.

The agreement will establish a free trade zone in industrial products between the EU and Morocco progressively over 12 years. Appropriate anti-dumping and safeguard measures are provided for. There are also provisions for the importation into the Community of selected agricultural and fishery products and the parties aspire to the further liberalisation of trade in agricultural and fishery products.The Agreement contains a commitment to widen its scope to include, at an unspecified date, the right of establishment and the provision of services by firms. Provisions governing payments and competition rules to prevent market distortion are also set out.

Broad ranging economic co-operation is provided for with the aim of supporting sustainable economic and social development in Morocco. It will include regional and industrial co-operation, co-operation with regard to education and training, science and technology, the environment, investment promotion and protection, standardisation and conformity assessment, approximation of legislation, financial services, agriculture and fisheries, transport, telecommunications and information technology, energy, tourism, customs co-operation and statistics. Specific provisions for co-operation against money laundering and in the fight against the production, supply and trafficking of drugs are included.

The Euro-Mediterranean agreements with Israel and Morocco cover, in addition, the conditions attached to the movement of workers from the associated countries within the Union. They provide for non-discrimination for legally employed workers and for the co-ordination of social security systems. This is the case also with regard to the Europe agreement with Slovenia. As a result of this and the provisions of the agreements relating to customs co-operation, which apply also in the case of the PCA with Uzbekistan, extra costs could arise to the Exchequer. It is considered, however, that such costs will be minimal.

The association agreements with Israel and Morocco are part of the bilateral component of the Euro-Mediterranean initiative of the Union. They are intended to consolidate the EU's involvement in the Middle East peace process which last year's Florence European Council declared a fundamental interest of the Union. The association agreements will complement the ongoing political and economic co-operation established at Barcelona. The Barcelona process is an important forum for political, economic and cultural co-operation within the Middle East region and for the region's relations with the European Union. Although not directly related to the Middle East peace process, the enterprise is inculcating the habit of co-operation between the Mediterranean partners which is a precondition for a lasting peace settlement in the Middle East.

This was clearly evident at last week's second Euro-Mediterranean ministerial meeting in Malta, at which I represented Ireland. Although there were long and difficult discussions, which threatened to leave the meeting without an agreement concerning the reference to be made in conclusions to the current situation in the Middle East, the sense of common responsibility that has developed among Arabs and Israelis alike for the future of the Euro-Mediterranean process combined to ensure that the main issue was resolved. I will report to the House what I said on this developing Arab-Israeli co-responsibility in my intervention at the Malta meeting, namely, that the success achieved through the Euro-Mediterranean process in creating structures of co-operation, founded on trust and mutual respect, is an encouragement and an incentive to all concerned with the central conflict in the region.

The Government fully recognises the importance of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership, reflecting as it does the growing interdependence of the two regions. It also recognises the strategic importance of the relationship between the parties for the future well-being, security and development of the EU and its Mediterranean partners. Efforts to advance the partnership were an important priority for our Presidency of the Union. We can recall with some pride our success in securing the adoption of the MEDA regulation under which 3.42 billion ECU is to be expended by the Union in financial co-operation with the Mediterranean partners in the period up to the end of 1999. During our Presidency also there was an intensive schedule of events in the context of the activity programme attaching to the Barcelona Declaration, while considerable progress was made in the negotiations on the various bilateral agreements.

The agreements with Israel and Morocco were signed on 20 November 1995 and 26 February 1996, respectively. The agreements will assist in the further development of Ireland's trade and economic relations with the two countries. In the case of Israel, trade has shown sustained growth in recent years, rising from £40 million in 1988 to £145 million in 1996. Exports to Israel have increased more than threefold since 1992, when they stood at £33 million to £100 million last year. Main exports in 1995 were food preparations, meat and meat preparations and computer parts. Imports from Israel, mostly vegetables and fruit, fertilisers and clothing, were worth £45 million in 1996. Exports of agricultural produce to Israel are of increasing importance, ranging from £30 million in 1994 to £44.5 million in 1995. Exports included 12,000 tonnes of frozen boneless beef in 1995 and an estimated 13,000 tonnes in 1996. There are also a number of significant joint ventures and partnership supplier arrangements between Irish and Israeli firms, particularly in the high technology sector.

In the case of Morocco, trade has also increased from £40 million in 1994 to £59 million in 1995. Exports increased from £11 million to £18 million and imports rose from £29 million to £41 million. The main items exported in 1995 were general industrial machinery, essential oils, perfumes, textile yarn, power generating equipment and computers. Main imports were fertilisers, computers, and fruit and vegetables.

Although the Government is recommending for ratification today agreements with a number of countries, the main focus of my address will concern the association agreement with Israel because of the considerable public interest which this measure has generated, as reflected in the recent comprehensive debate on the agreement which took place at the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs. It may be suggested that given the recent deterioration in the peace process, now is not the time to conclude an association agreement with Israel. I will make a number of points in this respect.

First, the agreement with Israel and the interim association agreement with the PLO, as well as the whole Euro-Mediterranean process, is intended to underwrite the EU's commitment to the Middle East peace process and, as stated in the Barcelona Declaration, contribute to its success, grounded in common support for the realisation of a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region based on the relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions and the principle of land for peace.

Second, the peace process is a long-term exercise which has made great strides since the Madrid conference in October 1991. It requires courage on all sides, including ours, to make commitments and not to be deflected from our course by setbacks. We must undertake measures, in so far as it is open to us, which will help to ensure the success of the Middle East peace process.Third, we believe the Euro-Mediterranean exercise will enable Israel to feel less threatened and more at ease with its neighbours. The Euro-Mediterranean partnership is the only forum outside the UN which links the Union, Israel and a number of Arab states, including Syria and Lebanon which currently are not full participants in the Middle East peace process. The Mediterranean partnership can have an important function in helping Israel develop the confidence in its neighbours which it needs to continue the peace process; boycotts and the exclusion of Israel will not achieve this.

Fourth, the interim trade agreement between the EU and Israel, which gives Israel all the practical commercial benefits of the association agreement, has already been in effect since January 1996. Ratification of the association agreement by the European Union will give it the benefits of a closer political dialogue with Israel and a basis on which to raise human rights and other concerns. The success of the Euro-Mediterranean agreement with Israel will, in the medium to long-term, fundamentally depend on Israel's lasting commitment to the Middle East process, particularly its Palestinian track and on Israel's upholding of acceptable standards in human rights and humanitarian law.

As regards the question of Israel and the peace process, the recent Hebron agreement was a significant step that should have helped to unblock a negotiation that had been stalemated for several months. The EU's historic side letter of assurance to President Arafat was approved by both Israel and the Palestinians. This was the first time Israel had admitted that the EU could have a role in the negotiations between itself and the Palestinians.

The Hebron agreement included a reaffirmation of Israel's commitments to move towards the full implementation of existing agreements between Israel and the PLO, including troop redeployments, free passage between Gaza and the West Bank, the realisation of major infrastructural projects in those areas, such as the Gaza port and airport, an avoidance of measures that would prejudge the permanent status negotiations and an earnest and timely resumption of these negotiations.

The implementation of these commitments remains a priority for the EU special envoy and we hope to see action in this regard at an early date. Unfortunately the limited deployment announced by Israel on 7 March fell well below expectations and the decision by Israel to build a new settlement at Har Homa undermined what remaining confidence the Palestinians had in the peace process and led to an upsurge in street violence.The bombing in Tel Aviv on 21 March, the first such bombing in a year, was also a grave blow to confidence on the Israeli side.

I would not wish anyone to conclude that EU ratification of the association agreement represents a change in the Union's total opposition to Israel's settlements policy. The European Council in Dublin last December stated that settlements are contrary to international law and are a major obstacle to peace. Settlements violate the provisions of the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war, which prohibit the transfer of civilian populations into occupied territory.

Let there be no doubt that Ireland, along with its EU partners, believes that settlement construction and its attendant actions, such as the annexation and expropriation of land and the expulsion of previous inhabitants and destruction of their homes are a serious breach of humanitarian law and Palestinian human rights, and are issues which must be fully addressed in the political dialogue which will be set up with Israel under the terms of the association agreement.

Israel's policy of settlement construction in Jerusalem is a particular concern. It infringes the Fourth Geneva Convention. It alters the demographic balance of the city to isolate and reduce its Palestinian population and to confiscate their property. One third of what was Palestinian territory in East Jerusalem has passed into Israeli hands since this policy began to be systematically practiced after Israel gained control of Jerusalem by force in 1967. Israel's Jerusalem policy is now being applied more intensively in the run-up to the permanent status negotiations where the issues of Jerusalem and settlements are to be dealt with. Israel is withdrawing the Jerusalem residents permits of Palestinians on the slightest of pretexts. As a result of this policy the Palestinian population of East Jerusalem has fallen to 160,000 and Palestinians now constitute a minority in East Jerusalem.

Israeli denial of Palestinian political rights is matched on the economic front by its continuing draconian blockade of Gaza and the West Bank. The GNP of the West Bank and Gaza Strip has plummeted; unemployment and poverty are rampant and are forming a breeding ground for extremism.

The Israeli blockade is undermining the peace process in two important respects. First, many Palestinians, seeing no visible improvement in their social and economic situation, are susceptible to calls for extremist solutions. Thus Israel in seeking, through the blockade, to enhance its security is creating the conditions for attacks on its own citizens by disaffected and impoverished Palestinians. Second the blockade of the territories is counteracting the substantial international donor effort, including that of the EU, and is stifling private investment which is indispensable for the establishment of a viable Palestinian economy.

The Government again urges the Israeli authorities, in the words of the Dublin European Council, to remove all restrictions except where Israel's legitimate security interests are manifestly engaged, as in the case of acts of terrorism. Economic and social development in the Palestinian territories requires first and foremost the total and rapid lifting of the blockade of the West Bank and Gaza, and of all obstacles to the free movement of persons and goods between Israel and these territories; within the West Bank and Gaza, including East Jerusalem; between them and other countries, in particular with Egypt and Jordan, in accordance with the Protocol on economic relations between Israel and the PLO, which is a part of the Declaration of Principles signed between Israel and the Palestinians in September 1993.

The economic blockade is damaging the implementation of the recently adopted EC/PLO interim association agreement. The European Council instructed the EU's special envoy to the peace process to promote concrete and immediate measures to address a number of issues concerning Palestinian social and economic development. That work is ongoing through a joint EU-Israeli mechanism led on the EU side by its special envoy.

In addition to the peace process, the second major area in which the Union's political influence will be strengthened as a result of ratification of the association agreement concerns human rights and humanitarian law. It may be suggested it is unbalanced to concentrate on Israeli practices. There are two reasons for doing so. First, Israel considers itself as belonging to the Western democracies and wishes to be treated on the basis of its professed commitment to the highest ideals of human rights. Israel is a state of law, as exemplified by the current controversy in that country over the appointment of a former Attorney General. Second, Israel has occupied foreign territory and this continues contrary to Security Council resolutions. Israel is indisputably engaged in the violation of human rights and international humanitarian law in that territory. We are concerned at continuing incidents of unlawful imprisonment, torture and ill-treatment of detainees by Israel. This is contrary to the provisions of the UN Convention against torture, to which Israel is a party. The Government has expressed its concern at decisions taken by the Israeli Supreme Court in recent months that Israeli secret service investigators can use enhanced physical pressure in the questioning of Palestinian detainees.

It may be asked how the provisions of the association agreement can bring about changes in Israeli policy given the shortcomings in Israel's human rights performance I have outlined. In answer to this, I would like first to reiterate that for the Union a common adherence to the principles of democracy and respect for human rights is a fundamental prerequisite in the process of deepening relations with our Mediterranean partners.The human rights clause is now a standard provision of all new generation Euro-Mediterranean association agreements. This clause states that relations between the parties, as well as the provisions of the agreement itself, shall be based on respect for human rights and democratic principles, which guide their internal and international policies and constitute an essential element of the agreement. The importance of the human rights clause and extent to which it underlines all subsequent commitments is shown by the fact that it is placed almost at the beginning of the agreement, as Article 2.

I would like at this point to address the scepticism expressed recently in the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs concerning the effectiveness of the human rights provision in this and other agreements. It is important to make the point that these agreements are not human rights instruments, in the sense of setting standards to which acceding states must comply, as in the case of United Nations conventions for instance. However, nothing in the association agreement with Israel, or the comparable clause in other agreements, releases the signatory state from its obligation to comply with fundamental norms of international law. Israel is a party to the International Convenant on Civil and Political Rights, which stipulates parties cannot in any circumstances derogate from a number of rights, such as freedom from torture. Israel is also a signatory to the Geneva Conventions of 1949.

Although not an agreement setting up human rights standards, the association agreement is important for the political leverage in respect of Israeli practices which its political dialogue provision offers the Union. The agreement places both the EU and Israel under a treaty obligation to conduct their relations on the basis of common respect for democracy, human rights and the rule of law. The political dialogue established by the agreement deepens and intensifies our relations. It follows that this binds Israel into a relationship which allows the EU to engage with it on its human rights policies. Israel's ratification of the agreement means it must respond fully to our approaches. I, therefore, see the agreement in a positive way: permitting the Union to bring our interests to bear on Israeli policies.

The Government, like our EU partners, is determined that the human rights provisions of the new association agreements should not be window-dressing. On assuming the EU Presidency, we proposed to our partners we should start work on preparing the Union for the political dialogue which is a central part of the new relationship between the Union and Mediterranean countries. The Union, therefore, commissioned collective reports from the Head of Missions of the EU in the three states which had signed association agreements with the Union: Tunisia, Israel and Morocco. These reports, which remain confidential under the procedures of common foreign and security policy, have provided useful surveys of the human rights situation in the countries concerned. They provide a collective focus for all 15 partners and have already served as a guide for action. Following an Irish Presidency proposal, it was agreed by member states that these reports should be a precursor for a regular, active monitoring of the implementation of the human rights clause once the agreements are ratified.

It will be clear from this that the Council has for some time been gearing itself for the serious responsibilities the Union faces in ensuring the human rights clauses of the association agreements are effective provisions. Debates which have taken place in national parliaments and in the European Parliament have demonstrated that these concerns are shared by the executive and legislative branches of government. I appreciate the deep interest and concern on the part of Members of the Oireachtas in the EU-Israel Agreement, as evidenced at a recent meeting of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, which included a submission from Amnesty International.I hope our exchange today will to some degree meet this concern and underline the importance the Oireachtas attaches to the need for serious and continuing attention to this matter.

Continuing on the theme of how we can ensure an effective political dialogue with Israel in the framework of the association agreement, I would also like to inform the House of another innovation launched by the Union under the Irish Presidency that directly concerns the issue of Israeli human rights practice. We proposed at the outset of our Presidency that a mechanism be established which would provide for EU monitoring of all Israeli settlement activity. This initiative was subsequently expanded to include Jerusalem. More recently, during the Dutch Presidency the EU has agreed to establish a further mechanism to monitor human rights violations in the occupied Palestinian territories by both Israel and the Palestinian authority in the areas under their control.

I also recommend the ratification of the association agreement with Morocco. Ireland favours the constructive role which Morocco, and notably His Majesty King Hassan II, has played in Arab councils, particularly on the question of the status of Jerusalem. This constructive moderation also characterises Morocco's participation within the Euro-Mediterranean process. It mirrors the continuing and careful strategy of political reform under way in Morocco, notably the revision of the constitution, the creation of a second chamber of parliament and the establishment of local and regional councils. Through these reforms, Morocco is responding to the spirit of a political dialogue in the association agreement based on respect for democratic norms. However, we are concerned at well documented claims of illegal detention as well as reports of ill-treatment in Morocco which violate international human rights and humanitarian law.

The Government remains concerned about the situation in the western Sahara, where unresolved differences between Morocco and the Polisario Front regarding voter eligibility have delayed the convening of the referendum in the region, which was a central element in bringing about the ceasefire between Morocco and the Polisario in 1991. The initiation of the bilateral negotiations between Morocco and the Polisario is an encouraging development and we are also pleased by the Secretary General's appointment of former US Secretary of State, James Baker, as his special representative for the western Sahara. Both parties have demonstrated good will in their approach to the situation, notably through a joint release of prisoners, and we urge them strongly to move forward towards the resolution of outstanding questions.

We should ratify these agreements with Israel and Morocco because they are a step into the common future which the EU and the Mediterranean countries are building together. It is the Union's aim to create trust and confidence among the countries of the region, so that the Mediterranean can be made a zone of peace and prosperity, which will contribute to peace in the Middle East and the region as a whole. It is the Government's intention that the agreement's human rights provisions shall not remain merely an aspiration but shall be given practical expression. We should not, however, in respect of agreements between states, assume that we can construct watertight monitoring and compliance mechanisms which will automatically enable us to sanction each and every breach. What we can and will do is to keep Israel constantly aware of the force of our concerns, monitor its human rights behaviour closely, and exert as a Union a collective pressure on our Euro-Mediterranean partners to comply with their undertakings and accept that they must account for their human rights behaviour.

The European Union was built upon the belief that trade, co-operation and increased prosperity make war less likely. These agreements represent a historic attempt to extend that philosophy to the whole Mediterranean region. We now have the opportunity to contribute to making the Middle East peace process irreversible. As part of our contribution we should help Israel to expand its economy and consolidate its democratic institutions. Our relations under this agreement assume a commitment to the peace process and support for human rights and the rule of law. A peace process driven by democratic principles and institutions is, in my view, the only guarantee of a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East.

I now turn to the agreements with Slovenia and Uzbekistan. The Europe Agreement with Slovenia, signed on 10 June 1996, provides a broad and comprehensive framework for relations with the EU. It provides for structured, high level political dialogue, phased movement on an asymmetrical basis towards free trade and an intensification of economic co-operation. The agreement recognises Slovenia's wish to participate in the process of European integration and to accede to the European Union. Slovenia applied for EU membership on 10 June 1996 and now participates in the Union's pre-accession strategy for countries of central and eastern Europe, including in the structured dialogue. The Europe Agreement with Slovenia, like those with other countries of central and eastern Europe, is based on the principles of respect for human rights, democracy and the market economy, which form the basis of the association. It provides for the establishment of a free trade area over a transitional period of at most six years. There are also provisions relating to movement of workers, right of establishment, provision of services, payments and movement of capital, competition rules and public undertakings, protection of intellectual, industrial and commercial property, access to public contracts, and the approximation of Slovenia's legislation to that of the Union. Economic, financial and cultural co-operation are provided for, as well as co-operation in the prevention of illegal activities, such as illegal immigration, drug trafficking and organised crime. Pending ratification of the agreement, its trade and economic co-operation provisions are being implemented by means of an interim agreement.

We are now on the threshold of enlargement of the Union to include countries of central and eastern Europe. Accession negotiations are to commence six months after the end of the Intergovernmental Conference, taking its results into account. In the interval between the end of the Intergovernmental Conference, which is due to take place at the Amsterdam meeting of the European Council in June, the European Commission will make available its opinions on the various applications for membership. The Commission will also issue a number of important reports which were called for by the European Council at Madrid in December 1995. These will include a study of the impact of enlargement on the Union's common policies and a paper on the future financing of the Union in the perspective of enlargement. Ireland welcomes the prospect of enlargement as both a political necessity and an historic opportunity which will enhance stability and confidence throughout Europe.

Since its emergence into independence in 1991, upon the break-up of the former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, Slovenia has, by any standard, been highly successful in reorienting its political and economic systems on the basis of democratic and market economy principles.Its per capita GDP, which is estimated at over $9,000, is the highest in the region. Our trade relations, while small in scale, have been growing steadily in recent years. In 1995 our exports were worth £10.5 million against imports valued at £5 million.

The Partnership and Co-operation Agreement with Uzbekistan was signed on the occasion of the European Council at Florence on 21 June last. The PCA with Uzbekistan, like those with the other countries of the former Soviet Union, is founded on respect for human rights and democratic principles as essential elements in its relations with the European Union. The agreement will govern political dialogue between the Union and Uzbekistan, as well as economic and trade relations. It contains provisions relating to trade in goods, labour conditions, conditions affecting the establishment and operation of companies, trade in services, payments and capital, and intellectual property.

The agreement also provides for economic, financial and cultural co-operation, co-operation on matters relating to democracy and human rights and co-operation in preventing illegal activities, including money laundering, the fight against drugs and illegal immigration. Pending ratification of the PCA, its trade and economic aspects will be implemented by means of an interim agreement, similar to those already signed with other former Soviet republics.

The European Union is in the process of evolution.Momentous steps will soon have to be taken with regard to economic and monetary union and enlargement, in addition to the complex issues under discussion at the Intergovernmental Conference. We are, I believe, on the threshold of significant developments which will determine the shape of Europe for some considerable time to come. To many people outside, the European Union is a beacon of hope. Whether they be citizens of countries which await anxiously the opportunity to join the Union, whether they be living in what to us may be a distant part of the former Soviet Union or whether they be citizens of the Mediterranean countries which seek a new relationship with us and with each other, the Union today exercises a strong attraction on countries and regions far beyond our shores.

From the destruction wrought on our continent 50 years ago, the European Community has established peace and prosperity among its member states. The values which we stand for, which include democracy and respect for the rule of law and for human rights, protection for minorities and market economy principles in accordance with the prerequisites of social justice, may not yet be shared fully by all of our third country partners. However, those values, which are central to the European Union, are being communicated through the role now being played by the Union on the wider international stage. The varied agreements before the House today confirm the strength and influence of the European Union for countries of different political, economic, social and religious backgrounds. I commend the agreements with the four countries concerned to the House for its approval.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Kitt. I thank the Tánaiste for his detailed statement. We are particularly concerned about the agreement between the EU and Israel. Eighteen months ago I attended the election in East Jerusalem. This was a great experience for the Palestinian people who, for the first time, were receiving recognition in international agreements. However, the experience creates a serious doubt in my mind about how effective our agreements with Israel can be and how much emphasis we can place on human rights in Israel.

I was accompanied at the polling stations by Lord Allenby, after whose great grand uncle the famous bridge over Jordan was called, and Senator Cotter. The Israeli police and military showed a diabolical lack of respect for us as EU representatives. There was a strong attempt to stop Palestinians voting in East Jerusalem. The Israelis used the technical excuse that Palestinians could only vote in a post office. This was because their votes would constitute a postal vote to the Palestinian lands. This was a disaster. Most Palestinians were not registered. In some instances people were turned away because they did not have complete identification. They were intimidated by the police not to vote.

At a post office near the Damascus Gate I saw a young Palestinian pass a comment to some Israeli soldiers. Fourteen soldiers savagely beat this man with rifle butts and batons in front of us. His face was turned to pulp within five minutes. Congressman Gallagher from the US also witnessed this incident. He was so irate he tried to intervene. We had to restrain him as he would have been the next victim of those rifle butts and batons.

I spoke to the Israeli officer in charge of the area about this incident. I asked him what the young man had done and was told that he had a knife in his possession. We could all see that he had no knife in his hand, nor did he attempt to pull a knife from his pocket. He simply passed a remark which was sufficient reason to beat his face to pulp. I understand that he was later charged with carrying a concealed weapon. I have never seen such viciousness.

One of our duties as observers was to escort the postal votes to the Palestinian side of the border.We were to follow directly behind the van carrying those votes. On two occasions we were rammed off the road by an Israeli police jeep. There was no concern shown for damage to ourselves or the car. That frightened me as we were international observers. No respect was shown for us in that capacity. If there is no respect for international observers then what respect will be shown for those the Israelis do not want in their country?

I am worried about how effective our agreement will be with Israel. I condemn all Palestinian violence. However, as the Tánaiste rightly said, the treatment of the Palestinians is a breeding ground for more vicious terrorism.

I wish to mention two cases currently being investigated by Amnesty International. First is the case of a man called Hamdieh who was arrested on 3 April 1997 on suspicion of connection with a Hamas cell. He is being interrogated at the prison formerly known as Ashkelon Prison. His lawyer was unable to see him until 16 April due to a security order. Since then he has obtained details of alleged torture and ill treatment.Part of this torture involves the continual shaking of a suspect. This is being used more widely, as was proven in a 1995 case. We have seen similar behaviour in this country where babies are shaken by brutal fathers because they will not stop crying. This results in brain damage. This man was made to squat for long periods even though he suffers from rheumatism. His interrogators pushed him into a squatting position when he could not get into it himself.

He said his wrists and ankles were swollen from having been handcuffed and that, at night, he was held next to an extremely cold air conditioner.

I note the Israeli courts allowed a differentiation to be drawn between what they termed "torture" and "pressure" to be exerted on a suspect.It would be sad if we were to begin to allow such little slippages within our interrogation sustem or Garda practices. No doubt we would be castigated by the rest of the world.

There was also the case of another man, Ayman Mahmud Hassan Kafisha, arrested on 5 April last on suspicion of involvement in a Hamas bombing in Tel-Aviv in March last. He was held at Shikma Prison, formerly Ashkelon Prison. His lawyer, Mr. André Rosenthal, working with the Israeli human rights organisation, was denied access to him by the same general security service order until 19 April. He appealed for access to his client to the Israeli Supreme Court, sitting as the High Court, on 8 April. The appeal was heard on 9 April but denied on security grounds.

If Israel wants to be considered as a western democracy, it must act like one. The Barcelona declaration states specifically that those rights must be afforded citizens of its signatory countries.What I fail to understand is that a people, so badly treated themselves in the course of the Second World War, and beforehand, can suddenly begin to treat others in almost similar fashion. I should have thought that they, above all people, would have learned that cruel, inhuman treatment of others is not tolerated worldwide and certainly does not advance one's case.

On 10 April last Mr. Kafisha's lawyer lodged a petition to the Israeli High Court requesting that the general security service — GSS — be obliged to explain why it was not applying Article 277 of the penal code of 1977 which prohibits the use of physical force during interrogation, requesting an interim injunction against its use. The High Court heard the case on 16 April but denied the petition.The response of the general security service only heightened Mr. Rosenthal's concerns that his client was being tortured under interrogation. This led to his lodging another petition requesting the High Court to oblige the general security service to explain its actions. He also requested an interim injunction preventing the use of physical force during interrogation, which petition was submitted on 17 April but has not yet been heard.

Surely these represent urgent actions which should be taken forthwith. The lawyer also requested the Appeal Court for a reduction in a 30-day detention order on his client. These are practices perpetrated by a people so badly treated themselves who, in turn, now take to treating others extremely badly.

I feel sorry for the Palestinian people who held so rigidly to the terms of the Peace Accord, who had such high hopes of it. Equally, I say to Europe and to our Government that we are being hypocritical in this respect. We have signed an agreement with them, including Article 2 which specifies that human rights must be respected. It appears we have no intention of implementing its provisions or taking any action thereunder but, unless we do, we shall be unable to perform a proper role within the Mediterranean area. The European Union must protect the rights of those less well off, in the case of the Palestinians, a people struggling for a homeland of their own, for a place in which to govern and the right to do so. Surely we Irish should understand that right, that they are entitled to govern themselves and not be treated as they have been by a military regime.

I thank Deputy Davern for sharing his time with me and welcome the opportunity to debate this motion. Our spokesperson on Foreign Affairs, Deputy Raphael Burke, is unavoidably absent. He has raised many of the important issues contained in the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements on several occasions here, most recently on 19 March, when he tabled a parliamentary question to the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, requesting him to confirm as a matter of urgency there would be no derogation from the upholding of human rights in any circumstances, but specifically in relation to the EU-Morocco Association Agreement and, more generally, in relation to all EU-Mediterranean association agreements.

On the same day Deputy Raphael Burke asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs to take the advice of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs which, on 26 February last, urged him to clarify the supremacy of Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement relating to human rights over Article 76 in relation to security in order to avoid interpretation of that agreement in any manner which could undermine the upholding of human rights or derogation therefrom.

I urge the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs again to confirm that there will be no such derogation in any circumstances from those articles on human rights contained in these agreements before ratification. Let there be no confusion: the EU-Israel and Morocco Association Agreements must not be ratified until their far-reaching human rights have been satisfactorily clarified.

Twenty-seven Foreign Ministers attended the Barcelona Conference on 28 November 1995 which officially launched the Euro-Mediterranean partnership. The declaration adopted at that conference covered three major topics aimed at political and security partnership with the objective of creating a common area of peace and stability, an economic and financial partnership designed to establish a common zone of prosperity, notably by the gradual introduction of free trade and a social, cultural and human partnership designed to increase exchanges between the civil societies of the countries signatories to the partnership.

The Barcelona declaration established a multilateral framework for the development of relations between the EU and 12 Mediterranean countries, the intention from the outset being that that framework should be complemented by a network of bilateral agreements between the EU and those Mediterranean countries involved.

The first Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreement with Tunisia was ratified by the Dáil on 17 November 1996, those in respect of Israel and Morocco being debated today. The EU-Israel Association Agreement contains certain key articles which have become routine in all these association agreements. Since the EU-Israel Association Agreement also contains ambiguities and presents interpretative problems common to all such association agreements it is essential that the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs obtains clarification of its following key articles in order to underpin the strength and integrity of international human rights and humanitarian law as envisaged by EU policy declarations since 1991.

It must be established beyond all doubt that the term "respect for human rights", referred to in Article 2 of the EU-Israel Agreement incorporates the duties and standards of international human rights and humanitarian law ratified by the parties thereto and applies to the full scope of domestic and international practices of the parties; second, the persistent violation of Article 2 by either party to the agreement constitutes a material breach of the agreement, giving rise to the need for corrective action, as specified by the European Commission; third, that the ratification of this and all other association agreements, containing a human rights clause, does not imply that current practices satisfy the requirements of Article 2; fourth, that Article 2 governs all other provisions of the agreement, including in particular Article 76 and, fifth, that these standards of human rights apply uniformly to all existing and future Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements.

On 6 February last Deputy Raphael Burke questioned the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs on the ambiguous human rights content of the EU-Israel Association Agreement and the consequent need for clarification, particularly in the light of Israel's human rights record and the legalisation of torture, in certain circumstances, in that country. Amnesty International has referred to the human reality of legalised torture operating in Israel. The Minister in a reply said: "It is clear that Israel enshrines respect of human rights in its legislation. It has ratified a number of relevant UN instruments, including the international covenant on civil and political rights and the convention against torture and other cruel inhuman or degrading treatment".

Fianna Fáil believes it is not sufficient to simply ratify such conventions but it is vital to actively and practically vindicate their content through their implementation. Israel and Morocco have failed in this respect.

Before the agreement is ratified the Government and the EU must seek assurances from the Governments of Israel and Morocco that they intend to correct their human rights policies which continue to perpetrate breaches of international law and human rights agreements. Furthermore, the Israel and Morocco association agreements must include a joint declaration, stipulating that the term "cases of special emergency" referred to in Article 76 means a case of material breach of the agreement by one of the parties. On the same date, 6 February 1997, the Minister stated the intention of the Irish Government and the EU as a whole that the human rights clauses contained in the EU Mediterranean association agreements should be regularly monitored and strictly enforced.

I call on the Government and the EU to ensure a public and transparent human rights monitoring and reporting mechanism is established at EU level without further delay to give effect to the stated objective of such agreements, namely, that they should improve compliance by the parties with international human rights and humanitarian law.

Israel has reimposed total closure of the occupied territories. Israel's closure of the West Bank and Gaza Strip and its frequent obstruction of the passage of Palestinian exports through Israeli controlled ports denies the right of the Palestinian people to full and equal participation in the Euro Mediterranean process via the interim association agreement with the PLO. Morocco has occupied Western Sahara since 1975. The UN has been calling for a referendum to determine the political future of Western Sahara since 1966. No such referendum has been called and the Moroccan Government continues to perpetrate serious breaches of human rights and international law in the territory. Should this House ratify the EU Israel association agreement while the Israeli Government continues to obstruct the conduct of Palestinian external trade, making a nonsense of the EU PLO interim agreement? Should the House ratify the EU Morocco association agreement despite its failure to distinguish between the kingdom of Morocco and the occupied Western Sahara? Each of these issues whether relating to human rights, trade or self-determination must be considered carefully. The EU Israel and EU Morocco agreements must not be ratified until the serious implications of both agreements have been satisfactorily addressed and, where necessary, clarified.

I wish to comment on the Europe agreement with the Republic of Slovenia. Fianna Fáil is committed to the process of phased enlargement of the European Union to enhance the stability and prosperity of Europe. As a vital element of that process, to date nine east European countries — Poland, Hungary, the Checz Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Romania, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania — have signed Europe agreements with the Union. These agreements recognise the aspirations of certain east European countries to join the European Union. Europe agreements are formed on the understanding that the signatories fulfil basic conditions with regard to democratic principles and transition towards a market economy.Slovenia has fulfilled these conditions. Slovenia declared its independence in 1991 and was recognised as an independent state by the European Union in 1992. Since then the Slovenian economy has made a remarkable recovery as the country peacefully underwent its transition to a democracy. The growth rate of the Slovenian economy soared from minus 0.7 per cent in 1991 to just below 5 per cent in 1996.

I call on this House to ratify the Europe agreement between the EU and the Republic of Slovenia.As regards the partnership and co-operation agreement with Uzbekistan, the initiation of this agreement represents a vital element of EU policy with regard to the countries of the former Soviet Union. The objective of partnership and co-operation agreements is to assist the process of political dialogue and economic reform in newly independent states, also to enhance peace and stability on the continent of Europe and to open new channels for dialogue and the development of closer relations with such countries.

Some nine partnership and co-operation agreements were ratified by this House last year. I call on the House to likewise ratify the latest such agreement, the EC Uzbekistan partnership and co-operation agreement.

I understand that earlier, on the Order of Business — while I was not present — the Government indicated it would not agree to the four motions we are discussing, being voted on separately. That is monstrous. It was made clear by the Progressive Democrats' Whip, and I understand also by the Democratic Left Whip, at the Whips' meeting last week, that they wanted to speak with their respective parties and spokesmen about the voting procedure and nothing was agreed. It is noteworthy that the proposal on the Order of Business is that these motions would be moved and debated together, there is nothing about their being voted on together. I ask the Chair to put the vote on each motion separately. They are four separate countries, four separate agreements and are entirely different. The reason I say this is that my party proposes to vote against the Israeli agreement and we want the opportunity to do that.

I do not want to vote against the Europe agreement with Slovenia which I support. I have no objection whatever to the partnership agreement with Uzbekistan and while I have some misgivings about the agreement with Morocco, because of human rights issues there and in particular its relationship with the people in Western Sahara and the long delay in the holding of a referendum among the people of Western Sahara, I do not propose to vote against it because Morocco is at least moving in the right direction and is paying attention to what the United Nations has to say.

However I want to vote against the most important of these agreements — the Israeli agreement. I claim the right to be allowed vote against it alone and not to have it lumped together — in a way that was never intended and does not appear from the Order Paper — with three other entirely separate agreements. I presume we will be allowed that opportunity.

Of these four agreements, by far the most important is the agreement with Israel. The agreement is of great benefit to Israel and gives substantial duty free access to the European Union market for a wide variety of goods and commodities and allows access for investment, free movement and various other things which are substantially to Israel's advantage.

It is essential that the European Union would take a critically objective view of Israeli conduct towards the Palestinian people. This is essential when it is remembered that the United States is frequently prepared to turn a blind eye to the unhelpful attitude of Israel towards the peace process. The peace process which began at Oslo, and for which there were high hopes, now lies in shreds and a substantial proportion of the blame for that must be laid at the door of the policies of the Netanyahu Government in Israel. Particularly regrettable is its provocative decision to build an Israeli settlement in Har Homa in the greater Jerusalem area for the purpose of encircling Jerusalem with Israeli settlements and seeking to cut it off from the remainder of the West Bank. This settlement is within the alleged boundaries of Jerusalem only because the Israelis redrew the boundaries after they occupied east Jerusalem by force in 1967.

What is particularly reprehensible is the failure of Israel to honour its obligations under the Oslo accord by imposing and maintaining a complete economic blockade on the area now under the control of the Palestinian authority. It is not widely realised in Europe that it is impossible for the Palestinians in either Gaza or the West Bank to export or import goods. Palestine has no exports and the only imports allowed are those from Israel. This policy is designed to subvert the Palestinian administration. It is impossible for the Palestinians to develop their economy when they are not allowed to trade with the outside world and when the West Bank is effectively cut off from Gaza by a virtually total blockade. This is not just a blockade on goods but a blockade on people. There is no free movement of people between Gaza and the West Bank although Israel agreed to allow such freedom under its agreements.

I saw the impact of that blockade when I was in Gaza last December. I had the honour and pleasure of meeting President Arafat on that occasion and, when I asked him about a port in Gaza for the import and export of goods, he walked to the window behind where I sat. He pulled back the curtain and invited me to look out the window. On the beach behind his headquarters there was a line of small boats. They reminded me of what one might see in the west of Ireland because they were little bigger than currachs. That was Palestine's fishing fleet.

He also showed me a pile of rocks dumped on the beach. He explained that the Palestinians had started to build a pier but, as there is no rock in Gaza, they had to bring it from Hebron on the West Bank. The Israelis would not allow them to import the rock from the other part of Palestine. As a result, the Palestinians do not even have a small pier for fishing boats, let alone a pier for the import or export of goods. That is deplorable. When President Arafat returned to his seat, he pointed to a lovely arrangement of flowers on the table and said: "we could sell those flowers in Europe; we grow many of them. However, we cannot sell them because we cannot send them out". "What do you do with them?" I asked. "We feed them to the goats", he replied.

That is the result of Israeli policy and its breach of its obligations under agreements and under international law. What are we supposed to do today? We are supposed to condone that policy. I agree with nearly everything in the Tánaiste's speech but its logical conclusion is that we should tell Israel to wait and put its house in order vis-à-vis the Palestinian people. Until then we cannot give it a sign of approval, which is how Israel will interpret the ratification of this agreement. Deputy Davern made a strong speech on this subject, but will his party vote against ratification of this agreement? I hope so. I hope the Government will withdraw the agreement until the time is more opportune. However, we should ratify the other three agreements.

While Israel is a genuine democracy, and is to be much commended for that fact, it likes to say it accepts and adopts western standards. Unfortunately, it fails to live up to its own rhetoric. Its legislation of torture and the judicial approval of torture by its highest court is unacceptable in a country with a developed democracy. The ratification of this agreement with Israel by each member state of the European Union will be construed in the Middle East as a mark of approval for Israel and its present policies vis-à-vis the Palestinian people. That mark of approval should not be given. Dáil Éireann should decline to ratify this agreement until such time as Israel acts in a more reasonable way towards the Palestinian people and honours its obligations under the Oslo accord and under international law.

Ratification of this agreement will be construed as indifference on the part of this country to fundamental human rights. Israel has infinitely more to gain from the agreement than the European Union and, from its position of strength, Europe should insist on the vindication of the rights of the Palestinian people who are now so grossly downtrodden by their oppressors. The European Union is the only hope of the Palestinian people because the United States will not intervene in an effective way against Israel, whom it appears to regard as a major ally in the region and whom it supports in almost all circumstances, no matter how blatantly Israel breaches its obligations. Apart from the Oslo accord, the principles set out at Barcelona and in the Dublin declaration have been ignored by Israel.

I ask the Dáil to join my party in voting against this agreement. The agreement itself is unsatisfactory because of the obvious conflict between the provisions of Article 2 and Article 76. While Article 2 purports to guarantee protection for human rights. Article 76 allows virtually any measure to be taken if it is claimed to be done in the interests of state security. We are aware of the barbarous acts the Israelis frequently justify in the so called interests of state security. If the agreement is ratified, Article 2 will be ignored by Israel on the grounds that it is operating within the parameters of Article 76. In the case of a country such as Israel, which espouses democratic respect for fundamental human rights, Article 76 should be removed from the agreement to prevent it being used in this way.

It is inopportune to ratify an agreement containing that article when we know, courtesy of Amnesty International, that two Palestinians, lyad Abu Hamdieh and Ayman Mahmud Hassan Kafisha, are being held in Israeli custody in Shikma prison, are being denied access to their lawyers and are apparently being tortured. The Israeli High Court has refused to intervene on their behalf even though the court has been told that the men are believed to be subject to torture and that the assertion does not appear to be disputed.This is in addition to many other such cases in Israel in the past few years.

This agreement, therefore, should be voted on separately and the Dáil should ask itself what it is doing before it decides to ratify it and to give a pat of approval to Israel notwithstanding its conduct and the fact that what we are talking about are not historical events that happened, say, one, two, three, five or ten years ago, they are happening now. The two men about whom I have spoken are in prison, have been denied access to lawyers and are subject to torture. A man died in the prison in recent months as a result of torture. When his lawyers, on behalf of his family, made an application to the Israeli Supreme Court, it approved of the treatment by the Israeli security authorities which led to his death.

On the other agreements we are being asked to ratify, the agreement with Uzbekistan is similar to other partnership and co-operation agreements signed with other countries of the former Soviet Union. It is not of great significance and I see no objection to it. Uzbekistan is no better or no worse than many of its neighbours with whom similar agreements have been signed. I hope that in that part of the world things will settle down, that it will become more democratic and that a normal market economy will be allowed to develop.

The Euro-Mediterranean agreement with Slovenia is greatly to be welcomed and I hope we will see the day in the not too distant future when Slovenia becomes a full member state of the European Union. It is a country that is entitled to great credit for the economic and political progress it has made since its independence in 1991. It is a small country but one which is now firmly rooted in the democratic tradition and which has become economically successful in a short period. I wish it well and look forward to its eventual accession to full membership of the European Union for which it will be eminently suitable shortly.

The Euro-Mediterranean agreement with Morocco is somewhat more problematic, particularly because of the Moroccan attitude to the people of the Western Sahara. I hope the United Nations and the Baker mission can overcome these difficulties and a referendum can be held shortly in the Western Sahara so that the people there will have the opportunity to express their views on the question of self-determination. The matter is somewhat complex but, at least, genuine efforts are being made to move in the right direction and the violence which was a feature of that dispute in earlier years is, happily, at an end. I hope it will be possible to resolve it.

I have no objection to these three agreements but I reiterate my objection to the ratification at this time of the Euro-Mediterranean agreement with Israel for the reasons I gave. I listened to the speeches by the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Deputy Davern with which I agree. They should follow the logic of what they said and vote not to ratify that agreement. We cannot have it both ways. We cannot deplore and condemn what is happening in Israel vis-à-vis the Palestinians and, at the same time, give the Israelis a pat on the head, tell them they are bold boys and that we do not like what they are doing but we will give them official approval and draw them closer to us.

Since that agreement with Israel was signed, a similar agreement has been signed with the PLO, on behalf of the Palestinian authorities, but it is not worth the paper it is written on because there can be no trade with Palestine, no freedom of movement of people and goods and no exchange of information. The money being given to Palestine by the European Union, the United States, the United Nations and various other donors is being wasted to a great extent through no fault of the Palestinian people because it is impossible for them to utilise that assistance in the ways that should be open to them.

Visiting the Gaza Strip is a sobering episode in anyone's life. I hope to go back and when I do I hope things will be better. It is a small, narrow strip of land along the Mediterranean coast. It is so small that one would wonder how more than one million Palestinian people can live there. Approximately 40 per cent of the land within it is still occupied by Israel, either by military encampments or settlements. The remaining 60 per cent is occupied by over one million Palestinian people, many of whom are living in very bad conditions through no fault of their own. They are poor people and they are getting poorer every day because of the economic blocade imposed illegally by Israel. Do we want a country that does that to those people to be our favoured trading partner? If we vote yes, we are saying we do. There should be a rethink about this.

I welcome the fact that these agreements, following direct representations to the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and the passing of a resolution at the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, are being debated in the House. In other parliaments throughout the European Union they went through on the nod. Members of Parliament were not permitted to express the gravest of reservations about the infringement of human rights in Palestine, the occupied territories and the Gaza Strip to which other speakers have referred.

When I visited those territories to ascertain how Irish taxpayers' money was being spent by the United Nations Relief Agency, in the distribution of food to hungry Palestinians and the provision of medicare to the sick and those in need I was accosted by the Israeli authorities almost as if I was interfering in the internal affairs of another state. It was a humiliating experience. Other Members have had similar experiences, including Deputy Byrne. It is almost impossible to represent one's own parliament, the Euro-Arab parliamentary group or the United Nations, either as an observer or as part of a humanitarian mission, because of the attitude adopted by the Israeli authorities.

Due to their actions up to and including yesterday, many Members have grave reservations about the need for the Euro-Mediterranean agreement with Israel. This State, as past President of the European Union and member of the Troika, has an international obligation, arising out of the meeting in Barcelona, to endorse it and the other agreements. This debate gives us an opportunity to send the strongest possible message to President Netanyahu and the Israeli authorities that there is cross-party support for the Palestinians and their right to self-determination and that their present actions and attitude to the Palestinians are unacceptable. We were involved for many years in moving the peace process forward and were euphoric when agreement was reached between the two sides. I am sorry that Israel is moving back from that position.

The continued building of settlements by the Israeli authorities in occupied territories which have been designated by the UN as legitimately belonging to the Palestinians has one motive, to make these areas untenable, unsustainable and uneconomic. This is warfare by another name. As the previous speaker said, it is almost an attempt to strangle the Palestinians. We had the honour to meet President Arafat and if we are to help him in delivering something to his people after all these years then we have an obligation to avail of every opportunity to express our concerns about the actions of the Israeli authorities.

The Israelis badly want this agreement. However, we want the agreement the Israelis made with the Palestinians, which started with the Oslo Accord, to be honoured to the letter. This agreement, which is recognised internationally, was supervised by the American authorities and aspired to by the European Union. However, by ignoring it and international and European opinion, the Israeli authorities risk bringing instability to an area which all of us hoped was beginning to emerge from its dark history of intimidation, assassinations and unwelcome violence on all sides.

The EU agreement with the Palestinians is not worth the paper it is written on as that country has no ports or airports and cannot export its fruit products. The checkpoints and ports are manned by the Israelis and Palestinian producers have to unload their produce which can be left to rot in the sun for days. Following its agreement with the EU, Israel's trading position improved. However, if Israel continues to build these settlements and does not stop its present atrocities then it will be treading on very dangerous ground.

I am glad the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs outlined his concerns about the encroachment on human rights. Regardless of whether they are defined under the Geneva Convention or UN resolutions, human rights must be maintained.If we do not alert the Israeli authorities to our concerns about their abuse of human rights then they will believe they have support for their actions which they regard as necessary from the point of view of security. However, the security of a state cannot justify some of the actions which have been taken. Arab ambassadors recently confirmed that the Lebanese authorities had given a commitment to secure the borders for Israel if it moved out of southern Lebanon. There is an inbuilt dread about the security of the state and we can assure the Israeli authorities that we are also concerned about this matter. However, it is important to be conscious of just how neglected the other side in this equation is. We need to be assured that this agreement will give us the additional power to influence the Israeli authorities — with whom we have honoured our agreement — to move back from the precipice into which they are pushing us. This is not overstating the case; it is a fair interpretation of the present position.

There has been a reference to Morocco. As the ambassadors to that country, including Ambassador Tad Laoui, have said, the agreement to the appointment of James Baker and to holding a proper referendum in western Sahara have allayed to some extent the concerns about possible infringements of human rights in that country.However, what movement has there been in the state of Israel vis-à-vis its attitude to the Palestinians and recognition of their right to self-determination and right, under EU agreements, to survive as an economic unit? Does anyone seriously believe that this is not a problem for all of us? I hope the ratification of this agreement will give us an extra lever to use in our dealings with these people who need to be pushed forward on all fronts if human rights are not to be contravened in the future. If they want to be a party to agreements with Ireland and the EU then they must abide by the rules and regulations, international and otherwise. I have grave reservations about this agreement and hope the Government takes these on board.

I too have grave reservations about the ratification of this agreement as it might send out the wrong signal to Israel at what must be recognised as a delicate point in the Middle Eastern peace process. I am afraid that the agreement may be viewed in the Middle East as effectively rewarding Israel for the numerous human rights abuses which have occurred in recent months. The agreement has one saving grace in that Article 2 bases the agreement as a whole on the party's, that is Israel, "respect for human rights and democratic principles". As we know from experience, such clauses are all too often included in agreements and then forgotten. This clause should be used by the EU as a positive instrument in pressuring Israel into complying with international human rights norms and delivering on the various issues which have been negotiated in the peace process.

The Israeli commitment to that peace process must be in some doubt. In recent months, Israel has stepped up land confiscations and the construction of settlements and has resumed closures in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Under pressure from his own right wing party, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been playing ducks and drakes with the already fragile peace process. The victims of that are ordinary Palestinians whose human rights are violated on a daily basis and whose economic prospects are being undermined by the continuing programme of land confiscations, and all that entails, including the construction of settler bypass superhighways.

Economic rights and human rights cannot be separated because economic rights are human rights. The development of civil society in Palestine depends on a sound economic infrastructure in the region. Unfortunately, we are all too aware that that development is being systematically thwarted by the Israeli activities and by the international community's tacit acceptance of those activities.

In 1986, the European Community undertook to allow Palestinian exports preferential access to EC markets comparable to that enjoyed by the Israelis. The reality, however, is completely different. Israel's closures of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the regular obstruction of Palestinian exports passing through Israeli controlled ports, and Israel's routine practise of certifying goods produced in illegal Israeli settlements and by subcontractors in the occupied territories, which are labelled as originating in Israel, combine to militate against Palestinian exporters. The playing field is anything but level.

Palestinians are not the only victims of Israel's behaviour. The economic obstacles placed in the way of Palestinians have wider implications for the whole region. The culture of repression adopted by Israel also militates against the security of Israeli citizens, who are being forced to exist in a permanent state of civil war. It is an obscenity to see 15 year old Israeli girls carrying weapons around their necks as they walk the streets or go to dances.

Two questions need to be answered when considering ratification of the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements. First, what will be its impact on the peace process as a whole and, second, will the Palestinians be able to participate in the European-Mediterranean process as equal partners? Ratification of the agreement must be contingent on Israel agreeing to abide by the human rights clause. It must also be made very clear that there will be a price to pay for Israel's repeated infringements of the peace process ground rules.

I urge the Tánaiste to press for the European Commission to establish a politically independent and transparent monitoring and reporting mechanism charged with periodically reviewing Israel's compliance with Article 2 of the agreement. Such a mechanism should be established on the explicit understanding that any breach by Israel of Article 2 will result in a suspension of the agreement. With regard to Palestinian participation, it is clear they will be unable to participate on an equal footing until Israel removes the economic road blocks that have been placed in their path. Pressure must be brought on Israel to level this economic playing field.

There is another broader question that must be considered, namely, to what extent should all association agreements, concluded between the European Union and other party countries, be human rights audited? Israeli human rights infringements regularly make headlines, but what about the numerous human rights abuses by the Moroccan regime, for example, which is also party to one of the agreements we are debating today? What about all the other countries, many with appalling human rights records, which concluded association agreements with the European Union?

Association agreements are generally billed as mere trade and co-operation agreements but they are far more than that. They put a gloss of respectability on dubious regimes, and that should be borne in mind when negotiating and ratifying such agreements. I am aware such agreements provide the international community with a carrot in its efforts to persuade countries to abide by international human rights norms but, unfortunately, the stick is often missing.

European Union foreign policy is often dictated by trade rather than human rights considerations.The Irish Government, and in particular the Tánaiste, has an enviable track record of commitment to human rights. I urge the Tánaiste to do everything in his power to ensure continuous human rights monitoring of agreements concluded between the EU and other states.

Like previous speakers, I have had occasion to visit Palestine and the occupied territories. I respect the state of Israel and applaud its major achievements, including its democratic structure which allows political forces to compete. I congratulate a small political party similar to my own, the Meretz Party, which is struggling against the tide of sectarian tensions within the region, and the endeavours of the progressive forces in the state of Israel which are also struggling against that tide.

I condemn the political culture in Israel which allows the harassment of ordinary Palestinians. I am aware of an incident in the east Jerusalem region when the former American President, Jimmy Carter, who was monitoring the Palestinian elections, was blatantly intimidated by the Israelis. The Palestinians and European Union monitors were also intimidated and harassed by the Israeli forces. I was in the Janin region when three Palestinians were shot dead at a road block. The Israelis tried to gloss over that shooting; reports indicated that AK47 rifles had been seized and that three Palestinians had been killed as a result. An Irish monitor in the area witnessed that incident and no such weapons were used.

We all remember the treatment of Jacques Chirac when he visited the region. The harassment of such a statesman was deplorable. I want to send a message to Israelis who might be listening to this debate — I am sure they are monitoring it — that their diplomats are the worst I have ever encountered and their treatment of visiting parliamentarians is a disgrace. If Israel claims to be a mainstream democratic state, it must learn to abide by the courtesies normally bestowed upon visiting parliamentarians. It is in their own best interest that they should learn that the arrogance which they display does nothing for their case.

I welcome that these very important agreements, covering four different countries, have come before the House for approval. I listened to the debate not just with astonishment but with sadness. Most of the contributions from Members, other than the Minister for Foreign Affairs, have dealt in emotive and unbalanced language with the problems of the Middle East and, in particular, with the problems as they affect the Israelis and the Palestinians. The debate has shown an extraordinary lack of balance and understanding of and insight to the complexity of the problems that need to be addressed. I would have expected more from Members and I would say to them to be cautious in accepting particular lines from one side or the other in the context of the different protagonists in the Middle East and, parrot-like, repeating them in this House. It ill behoves a member of any European Parliament to simply condemn, in a straightforward and simplistic way, the Israelis or the state of Israel as if they are the only state or group in the Middle East who are creating difficulties, and act on the assumption that if only the Israeli Government changed its policies the problems in the Middle East would be resolved.

If nothing else we should have learned from our own peace process in this State the difficulties of moving a peace process forward, the need to put building blocks in place and to build trust between people as they move from a position of antagonism into a position of co-operation and, in the long-term, friendship. We on this island have discovered that peace processes are extremely complex. The peace process in the Middle East has complexities undreamed of even on this island. Also, we should be careful about lecturing others about their peace process when we cannot get our own in order. We should also be cautious and careful in how we treat the Middle East peace process to ensure that this State has a moral authority that will be taken seriously in contributing to resolving the problems of the Middle East. We should act in a constructive way, have the confidence of both sides and not merely be seen to be beating a partisan drum on one side of the debate.

It was not originally my intention to devote much of what I wanted to say purely to the association agreement between the European Union and Israel. It is an important agreement as it affects Morocco, Slovenia and Uzbekistan. However, in the light of the nature of the debate, I will confine my remarks to dealing with the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreement with the state of Israel. That agreement, like the other agreements, is part of the European Union's commitment to the Mediterranean area to encourage a zone of peace and prosperity there. This area is strategically important to Europe, and it would be self-defeating if the European Union did not go ahead with programmes which it planned and has been developing over the past few years. The Mediterranean agreement provides a unique forum in which political dialogue can take place between European union member states and states that, for many years, were enemies within the Middle East, and provides a basic framework for economic co-operation between Europe and the Mediterranean states and between the Mediterranean states themselves within the Mediterranean region.

It is also of importance in the context of the development of the peace process. It provides a basic forum within which, at times of difficulty, states in the Middle East may find an opportunity to talk to each other where they are unable to engage in dialogue in other venues.

In the context of Israel, the agreements are not unique. We now have — and I very much support it — an agreement between the European Union and the Palestinian authority and an association agreement between Israel and the European Union. It is regrettable that the agreement as it affects the Palestinian Authority is not before the House for approval as well. It may be that for technical reasons this is not necessary, because the Palestinian authority does not at this moment represent a state. However, if the two agreements were debated together, they would have provided an opportunity for a more balanced and understanding debate in the context of the difficulties of this region.

Let us not paint simplistic pictures of the difficulties.In the context of the Palestinian Authority and the state of Israel there are politicians and individuals who have previously been at war with each other, and populations who are mutually suspicious of each other trying to find a way forward. Listening to the debate in this House one would think that nothing had happened in the past eight or nine years. Who, eight or nine years ago, would have expected a peace treaty in place between Jordan and Israel? Who, eight or nine years ago, would have expected that the agreement between the Israelis and the Egyptians would have worked as well as it has. Of course there have been blips along the road, but both agreements are working. Who would have expected even five years ago to have seen Yasser Arafat as President of the Palestinian Authority in Gaza and the Palestinian people moving, I believe inevitably, towards a Palestinian state? Who would have anticipated that any of that was possible without even greater bloodshed than we have seen in the region? It is possible, and there is a danger in looking at events through a very short telescope and not standing back and seeing the progress that has been made.

I listened to colleagues who have visited Israel. From my perspective either as chairman of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs or as a Member of this House, I would not pretend that I am happy with the policies of the present Government in Israel. However, if we seriously want to contribute to the peace process, let us not have the type of unbalanced debate we had here this evening. The Oslo Accord first ran into major difficulties when bombs went off in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv in February and March 1996 blowing apart men, women and children, bombs inspired by the Hamas movement, sponsored and paid for by the Iranians whose sole objective was to destroy the Middle East peace process. The population of Israel saw the Oslo Accord as providing not just the possibility of peace but the possibility of an end to murder and mayhem within the state of Israel itself. Those bombs produced a political reaction which resulted in the current Government being put in place. I wonder whether, if Loyalists from Northern Ireland were coming down to Dublin or to Cork to blow people apart, there would be criticism of the Garda Síochána or the Army for putting in place stringent security measures to prevent further bombs, or if there would be criticism if they failed to do that. Only within the last two and a half weeks there was another bomb in Tel Aviv which blew apart a pregnant woman and children. There was no mention of any of that here this evening.

There are people within the Middle East who have a vested interest in destroying the peace protest. They are sponsored by Iran, funded and encouraged by Iran. If we want to get on our moral high horse in this parliament we should bear in mind that for a long time this State turned a blind eye to the meddling of Iran in the Middle East peace process; it suited us to do so because we wished to sell beef to the Iranians. It is only now that, as a result of a decision of the German courts, and because the Iranians have ceased buying our beef, that we are suddenly becoming a bit more critical of the repression in Iran.

What we were doing until some weeks ago — and I did not hear any of the Members in this parliament who spoke so bitterly about the state of Israel this evening mention it — was engaging in what is euphemistically called critical dialogue with the Iranians. What that meant was that we chatted pleasantly to them about human rights issues and then went on to ignore them and hoped they would buy our beef. There are Members of this House who went on a delegation to Iran two years ago shortly after the Iranians held a rejectionist conference opposing the steps towards peace being taken by the Prime Minister of Israel at the time, Mr. Ytshak Rabin and President Arafat.

Let us have a balanced debate. The problems of the Israelis and Palestinians need to be resolved in a number of ways. There must be a restoration of trust and dialogue. The spirit of Oslo must be applied by both sides in implementing the terms of the Oslo agreement — that applies to the Palestinian and the Israeli sides. The violence and terrorism which results in people being blown apart in the state of Israel must be brought to an end. I do not regard as acceptable some of the methods used by the Israeli security forces or the Palestinian Authority police when holding people in detention. As Deputy O'Malley may recall, that matter was raised when he and I and other members of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs visited Gaza.

Let us not pretend all the fault and difficulties are on one side, with none on the other. At European Union level we must move the peace process forward by making a constructive contribution to improving the economies of the countries in the region and encouraging the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli Government into constructive dialogue to ensure what was agreed at Oslo comes to fruition and that further discussions of a constructive nature take place to bring permanent peace and security to that region, both within the Palestinian Authority administrative area and the state of Israel. The speeches by most Deputies this evening, with the exception of that of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, will not make a whit of a contribution towards achieving that.

(Laoighis-Offaly): I wish to refer to the proposed Euro-Mediterranean agreement with Morocco. Those of us who sought, as individual Members and as members of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, to have these matters debated are heartened by the fact that we have an opportunity to do so today. Too often agreements such as these go through on the nod or are put down as motions to be agreed without debate. I thank the Government Chief Whip for meeting the many views expressed in support of allocating sufficient time to debate the motions.

I wish to speak on the proposed agreement with Morocco on the basis of evidence given last year to the Sub-Committee on Development Co-operation by representatives of the Saharawi people and people both here and abroad who have been concerned for many years about the treatment of the people of the former Western Sahara. That country was reneged on by the Spanish, while the Mauritanians and Moroccans tried to divide it and the Moroccans tried to take total control of it. There has been much frustration at the lack of progress in reaching a solution through the auspices of the United Nations and the international community.

I understand why the European Union is trying to reach agreement with our nearest neighbours in the Mediterranean region, the type of agreement reached with our prospective partners in Eastern Europe. In respect of Morocco, I am concerned that clarification should be given that the agreement applies to the state of Morocco as it is recognised internationally. The territory of Western Sahara is disputed and I would not like to think that the agreement recognises the claim Morocco makes over this territory. It is important that a distinction be made between the kingdom of Morocco and the occupied Western Sahara. Moroccan sovereignty over this territory has never been recognised. The Western Saharan question is a decolonisation issue, as has been recognised by the United Nations which put in place a peace plan, on which very slow progress has been made. Much dissatisfaction was expressed internationally at the lack of progress by the former Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Gali, in implementing that peace plan. I am somewhat heartened by the efforts of Mr. Annan, the new Secretary General, in this regard and particularly by the appointment of a special representative, Mr. Baker who, I hope, will help to make progress on this issue.

In 1975 the International Court of Justice expressed the view that there was no evidence of territorial sovereignty over Western Sahara by neighbouring countries, including Morocco and Mauritania. They gave full support to the principle of self-determination. I would like clarification that this agreement applies only to the state of Morocco as recognised internationally and that the political dialogue clauses in the agreement will be used in the strongest possible way to force Morocco to co-operate with the international community in its renewed efforts to achieve self-determination for the people of Western Sahara. Much of the difficulty is focused on allegations that Morocco has tried, by subterfuge, to register ineligible people to vote in Western Sahara and has tried, through human rights abuses, to prevent eligible people from registering. Irish military personnel are engaged in observing the ceasefire there. A number of Irish people, including gardaí, have served with the United Nations force in the area, which gives us a leading role in trying to achieve a solution to this long-running problem.

Under the EU-Morocco agreement what mechanisms will be put in place to ensure human rights abuses, of which we have heard evidence, perpetrated by Morocco in Western Sahara are recognised by the European Union? What channels will be used to persuade Morocco to bring them to an end? The evidence we heard from people living in camps in Algeria of the treatment meted out to them within their own territory in Western Sahara and of lack of support from the international community for their plight was shocking. I ask the Minister, in providing for future aid allocations, to ensure that the plight of these people, particularly the need for education and health facilities and the development of women's rights, is recognised.

It has been put to me that the best way to get action from Morocco in this instance is to delay ratification of the agreement. I have considered the agreement carefully and it contains provisions which, if used properly, monitored correctly and reported to the European Union common foreign and security policy mechanism and individual states, will allow us to push Morocco in the direction we wish it to go. I do not accept the agreement should not be ratified. We should, however, give the necessary assurances to the people of the Western Sahara that the agreement covers only the state of Morocco as recognised internationally and that the opportunities for human rights monitoring, observation and reporting will be used to the fullest in the case of the Morocco agreement to ensure their right to self-determination is upheld by the European Union and that we will use our voice at the United Nations to do so.

In the context of the EU entering political dialogue with Morocco, we should use our voice as an independent state to push Morocco in the desired direction. We should use our aid budget to ensure the natives of the western Sahara, who are in refugee camps mainly in Algeria, are assisted in maintaining the best possible standards of education and social welfare for their people. We should assist them in their efforts to be recognised as a people and a state and, in particular, we should work with the UN Secretary General, Mr. Annan and his representative, Mr. Baker, to put pressure on the Moroccans to abide by what the international community has expressed in words, but not followed up in deeds.

The Minister of State, Deputy Burton, and I have noted the comments made, particularly those on the question of human rights, and we will bring them to the attention of the Tánaiste and the Department.

The European Union's commitment to become more actively involved in the socio-economic development of the countries of the Mediterranean region is at the heart of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership launched in Barcelona in November 1995. Ireland supports the initiative as an essential recognition of the interdependence of the two regions. Links already forged by geography and history are now continued by links in such areas as environment, energy and migration.

The basic Iong-term objectives being pursued by the European Union and its 12 southern partners is to transform the Mediterranean region into a zone of peace, stability and prosperity. The success of this will be measured by the willingness and capacity of the EU to encourage the necessary economic and social reforms and by the determination of its partners to implement the required changes.

The agreements are wide-ranging and cover political dialogue, liberalisation of trade and capital movements and sectoral co-operation. They also stipulate that relations between the parties are to be based on respect for human rights and democratic principles. The importance of these and other similar agreements in terms of the overall effort of the EU to support the political and economic development of its southern neighbours has been set out.

Despite the differing views on the EU-Israel Association Agreement, Deputies were united in their concern about the future of the Middle East peace process and Israel's human rights behaviour.The gravity of the current position and the need to get the peace process back on track was a theme common to all interventions. A number of Members underlined forcefully their concern that Israel may evade its obligations under the political dialogue provision of the agreement, and that the EU, under the terms of the agreement, may be unable to compel Israel to comply with its human rights obligations.

Obviously, a major concern of Members is the economic plight of the Palestinians and the negative consequences of this for the future of the Palestinian track. The Government shares all those concerns. As Deputy Shatter requested, we will also ensure that a fair and balanced approach is adopted when dealing with the problems in the Middle East and the Government and the European Union will pursue any flagrant human rights infringements without fear or favour.

Our priority is to do what we can during the current downturn in the peace process to restore the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations on the basis of the principles agreed at the Madrid Conference in 1991 and the agreements reached between the two sides so far. We believe the association agreements with Israel and the PLO can complement these negotiations. By assisting the economic development of the region they can underpin a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East.

In the past, the role of the EU in the Middle East peace process consisted mainly of setting out the broad principles in declarations on which a solution could be reached, giving support to the parties and to the US in its quest for a solution and financially underwriting Palestinian development efforts to help with the emergence of a new Palestinian identity. The EU became the largest donor, but did not have a direct political influence on the parties commensurate with its economic input. This produced considerable frustration, especially when the peace process lurched to a crisis which began with the suicide bombings in Israel in February and March last year. The EU was unable to lend the direct political assistance to the peace process it would have liked.

During the Irish Presidency of the EU we set out to rectify the imbalance between the EU's economic and political roles by creating the mechanism of Special Envoy. With the establishment of the Special Envoy, the EU has begun to achieve its ambition of having a more active role in the peace process, complementary to that of the US. At the time of the Hebron Agreement in January, it was agreed for the first time that the EU had a direct role in overseeing the implementation of an agreement between Israel and the Palestinians.

In a letter from the Netherlands Foreign Minister, Mr. Hans Van Mierlo, President of the Council of Ministers, to the US Secretary of State, Mrs. Madeleine Albright, the EU recently proposed a basis for the resumption of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations and the relaunching of the peace process. This would involve both parties reaffirming their adherence to the principles of Madrid and committing themselves to implementing agreements already signed. To strengthen Israeli-Palestinian co-operation, a permanent committee on security would be created which should not break down under any circumstances.Both parties would commit themselves not to take actions that could prejudge permanent status issues. This would imply Israel suspending construction activities in Har Homa-Jebel Abu Ghneim. The parties would also resume their negotiations on the final status of the Palestinian territories and the closure of the territories would be eased without delay.

As regards implementation of agreements already signed between Israel and the Palestinians, Ireland, with our EU partners, wants Israel to take positive steps to alleviate the economic plight of the Palestinians, including the early lifting of the closures, to give a guarantee of safe passage between Gaza and the West Bank, to lift obstacles to international aid efforts and to complete infrastructural projects, such as Gaza Airport and Gaza Harbour.

The recent debates within the bodies of the Council and this House, as well as in other EU parliaments, will underline to our Mediterranean partners the seriousness with which the EU approaches the political dialogue provisions and the human rights clause in the association agreements.For Ireland's part, I hope Members will accept that the activism we showed, during our period in the Presidency, regarding the need for the EU to prepare for the political dialogue established by the association agreements underlines our commitment to the maintenance of democratic standards. We enter this new stage of our Mediterranean partnership with a positive intention to contribute to the stability and prosperity of the region and in a spirit of optimism for its future, but determined that this can be achieved only on the basis of a common respect for democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Approval by Dáil Éireann of the terms of the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements with Israel and Morocco will constitute an important and necessary step in the overall process of transformation of the Mediterranean region.

In regard to the European agreement with Slovenia, assuming the successful conclusion of the Intergovernmental Conference in Amsterdam in June, the commencement of negotiations leading to a further enlargement of the European Union is now in sight. We are on the threshold of developments which are of historic and fundamental importance to Europe, the European Union and its member states, including Ireland. The necessary preparatory work including the preparation of Commission opinions on the applicant countries, the assessment of the impact of future enlargement on the Union's common policies and the study on its future financing post-1999 in the perspective of enlargement, is under way.

Approval by Dáil Éireann today of the European Agreement with Slovenia will give an important and timely signal to that country, which is one of the most economically advanced countries of central and eastern Europe, of Ireland's positive approach to future enlargement and of our support for its efforts aimed at the consolidation of democracy and economic reform.

There are 150 million people waiting to join European Union. The GNP of the 11 countries in which those people live would probably add up to the GNP of the Netherlands. We face an enormous challenge, but we also face a great opportunity. In the first half of this century 60 million people lost their lives in Europe in two World Wars. The European Union has ensured peace and stability in western Europe and unprecedented prosperity. If we can extend that peace and stability across Europe, the prosperity we have come to take for granted in western Europe will continue and it will be extended to our neighbours in central and eastern Europe. That is good news for our children and grandchildren as we approach the next millennium. We welcome this great challenge. We will turn it into a great opportunity — no greater one have we faced this century. It should not be seen simply in terms of what it will cost us or what we will have to share. There is a huge market waiting for developed economies like ours to reap the benefits of these additional markets, but there is also a great opportunity for us to share peace, stability and prosperity with our neighbours in Europe.

I commend the agreements with the four countries concerned to the House for its approval.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I am required to put the following question in accordance with an order of the Dáil of this day: "That motions Nos. 45 to 48, inclusive, on today's Order Paper in relation to EC agreements with the state of Israel, the Kingdom of Morocco and the Republics of Slovenia and Uzbekistan are hereby agreed to."

On a point of order, these are four separate agreements.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Deputy may not intervene to make a point of order at this stage.

The motions are listed separately on the Order Paper and they should be put, and the Chair is bound to put them, separately.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I will reply to the Deputy's point as I want to be of assistance to the him. I am following precisely the order of House of this day and I have no option but to do that.

I will be voting against motion No. 45, but I support the other three motions.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 65; Níl, 10.

  • Ahearn, Theresa.
  • Allen, Bernard.
  • Barrett, Seán.
  • Boylan, Andrew.
  • Bradford, Paul.
  • Bree, Declan.
  • Broughan, Thomas.
  • Browne, John (Carlow-Kilkenny).
  • Bruton, John.
  • Bruton, Richard.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Burton, Joan.
  • Byrne, Eric.
  • Carey, Donal.
  • Connor, John.
  • Coveney, Hugh.
  • Crawford, Seymour.
  • Creed, Michael.
  • Crowley, Frank.
  • Currie, Austin.
  • Deasy, Austin.
  • Deenihan, Jimmy.
  • Doyle, Avril.
  • Dukes, Alan.
  • Durkan, Bernard.
  • Ferris, Michael.
  • Finucane, Michael.
  • Fitzgerald, Brian.
  • Fitzgerald, Frances.
  • Flanagan, Charles.
  • Gallagher, Pat
  • (Laoighis-Offaly).
  • Gilmore, Eamon.
  • Higgins, Jim.
  • Hogan, Philip.
  • Howlin, Brendan.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Kemmy, Jim.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • McCormack, Pádraic.
  • McGahon, Brendan.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McGrath, Paul.
  • Mitchell, Gay.
  • Mitchell, Jim.
  • Moynihan-Cronin, Breeda.
  • Mulvihill, John.
  • Nealon, Ted.
  • Noonan, Michael (Limerick East).
  • O'Keeffe, Jim.
  • O'Shea, Brian.
  • O'Sullivan, Toddy.
  • Owen, Nora.
  • Penrose, William.
  • Quinn, Ruairí.
  • Rabbitte, Pat.
  • Ring, Michael.
  • Ryan, John.
  • Ryan, Seán.
  • Shatter, Alan.
  • Sheehan, P.J.
  • Shortall, Róisín.
  • Spring, Dick.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Upton, Pat.
  • Walsh, Éamon.

Níl

  • Clohessy, Peadar.
  • Foxe, Tom.
  • Harney, Mary.
  • Keogh, Helen.
  • McDowell, Michael.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • O'Donnell, Liz.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Quill, Máirín.
  • Sargent, Trevor.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies J. Higgins and B. Fitzgerald; Níl, Deputies Clohessy and M. McDowell.
Question declared carried.
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