Bertie Ahern
Question:3 Mr. B. Ahern asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the British Prime Minister. [12670/97]
Ceisteanna—Questions. - British Visit.
Bertie Ahern
Question:4 Mr. B. Ahern asked the Taoiseach if he will summarise the principal points which he sought to convey in his address to the Oxford Union. [12760/97]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 3 and 4 together. I had a very constructive meeting with the British Prime Minister last Thursday. We had useful discussions on a comprehensive range of issues, including those relating to Northern Ireland and the European Union. As regards Northern Ireland, he shares my view on the need to inject energy and momentum into the political process and to build confidence in the two communities.
I addressed the Oxford Union on Wednesday, 7 May. The main topics I covered were Northern Ireland and issues within the broad British-Irish relationship. Rather than summarising all the points I made in a broad ranging address, I have instead had copies placed in the Oireachtas Library.
I wish to express my deep sympathy to the family of Mr. Seán Browne who was found murdered in Randalstown, County Antrim. Mr. Browne, the chairman of Bellaghy GAA club, was abducted outside the grounds and was found murdered in what is apparently a callous sectarian attack. I express my deep sympathy, that of the Government and, I believe, of all the people of this State to the family of Seán Browne, to the people of Bellaghy and Derry and to the Gaelic Athletic Association against which this must also be seen as an attack, as well as against the individual who died in such terrible circumstances. It is extremely important that this spiral of sectarian killing be brought to an end. We must recognise that this is a blot on the good name of all people who live in the affected areas. Everyone must co-operate with the relevant law authorities in combating this by giving the necessary information to ensure those who are responsible for this and other sectarian attacks are brought to justice.
On behalf of this side of the House, I join with the Taoiseach in strongly condemning the murder of a senior GAA official in Bellaghy and in sending our sympathies to his family and the community. Is the Taoiseach concerned at the recent rapid growth in sectarian attacks in all communities, attacks, assaults, attempted murder and murder in some cases? I warmly welcome the strong and pointed remarks of the Church of Ireland primate, Archbishop Eames, which I heard at lunchtime. He spoke of issues which would concern me.
Last week when the Taoiseach rightly asked for a flawless ceasefire from the IRA, I raised the question about eyes being turned away from what seemed to be increasing loyalist attacks and assaults by whatever source within the loyalist communities. Can anything further be done on this issue in conjunction with the British authorities? In arguing for a ceasefire it is important that it be held by everybody in all cases. It is of no benefit if any one movement says there is a ceasefire if there are regular attacks from that community. I would like to hear the Government's view on this matter.
Sectarian attacks are not just awful injustices to the families and the individuals targeted but they also are a shame on the community from which the perpetrators come. We need to restore some sense of shame about what is happening. There is a tendency to speak about attacks like this in a formulistic way and to become almost numbed by the repetitive copycat character of some of these attacks. There must be a serious sense of shame among the communities from which these killers come. However, the continuing attacks from the loyalist community is obviously a matter of grave concern.
The participation of political parties in the talks should be as comprehensive as possible. My objective in obtaining the establishment of the inclusive all-party talks, to which the British Prime Minister agreed and which opened on 10 June 1996, was to have all parties at the table. The talks were specifically designed to have all parties at the table but clearly the parties must be there to represent non-violent politics and not something else. The Mitchell principles set out the requirements in very clear terms. Parties must adhere to the Mitchell principles in every sense, not just on paper but in the behaviour of their adherents and in the way in which they exercise control over the behaviour of their adherents. The Mitchell principles are not simply a formula, they represent a commitment which must be made by all of the parties.
As the Deputy and the House knows, the procedures for raising a question about the compliance by any organisation with the Mitchell principles are set out. It is open to anyone who wishes to make a complaint to lodge a complaint and there is a procedure for hearing complaints. No one should attempt to prejudge a matter in the absence of a complaint being lodged and investigated.
I join the Taoiseach and the leader of Fianna Fáil in expressing my sympathy to the Browne family on the brutal murder of Seán Browne. As the Taoiseach said, it is not just the murder of Seán Browne but an attack on the Gaelic Athletic Association and all it stands for. Coming as it does in the wake of the murder of Constable Bradshaw and the brutality meted out to Robert Hamill which led to his death last week, one can only wonder what kind of people can carry out these dreadful brutal sectarian attacks. The Taoiseach said he and the British Prime Minister agreed they need to inject energy and momentum into the process. Will he agree the most effective short-term injection of energy and momentum into that process would be a reinstatement of the IRA ceasefire? Will he join me in asking the two new MPs to use their considerable influence to bring that about sooner rather than later?
I agree a reinstatement of the IRA ceasefire and a total cessation of violence, would be of enormous positive benefit. I urge all those with influence in the republican movement, elected or otherwise, to use it to achieve a total cessation of armed action by the IRA so that Sinn Féin can exercise its mandate as a normal political party without threat of, or recourse to, violence by the republican movement ever again.
Has the Taoiseach received any response from the British Government regarding the case of Róisín McAliskey. This case reverts to the days of Michael Howard. Is there any progress in this case? Is there a meeting planned between the Taoiseach and Mr. Trimble? Will that meeting be solely between the Taoiseach and Mr. Trimble as it appears that he has some difficulty meeting the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste? Will the Taoiseach clarify if the Government is prepared to reopen contact with Sinn Féin at official level?
I raised the case of Róisín McAliskey with the British Prime Minister and pointed out the need to intensify efforts to find a humanitarian approach through the ongoing official contacts between the two Governments.
There was a suggestion from Mr. Trimble that it might be possible to meet while I was in London. However, my diary could not facilitate any meetings other than those already scheduled. I have suggested to Mr. Trimble that we meet in the near future. The normal process by which I meet political parties is that the Tánaiste, the Minister for Social Welfare and, perhaps, other Ministers are also present. The Government approaches this matter on a collective basis and it would be to the benefit of all our interlocutors that they have access to all the relevant decision makers.
I have outlined the position on contacts with Sinn Féin on a number of occasions. I am willing to authorise official level contact where there is clear evidence of a specific matter to be discussed which, if satisfactorily dealt with, is liable to lead to an imminent ceasefire. That has been and remains the position. To the extent there is any increase in optimism with regard to an imminent ceasefire if certain matters were dealt with, the relevance and possibility of such meetings is enhanced. The position remains as it has been since the last meeting and since I made this statement of policy.
Regarding the Róisín McAliskey case, is the position that the British Government is to shortly inform the Government of what it intends to do? I am sure the Taoiseach has seen the reports that her state of health has deteriorated and she is in need of further attention. Even though the circumstances have been set out to improve her position, this issue cannot be delayed much further.
This matter is being monitored on a daily basis by the Irish Embassy in London. The Embassy is in very frequent contact with the relevant authorities in Britain. I cannot give the Deputy the up to date position as of today but I will make inquiries and inform him.
Given that the Taoiseach said on Sunday there will be an early June election, is it still the Government's position that the talks should proceed on 3 June and, if so, will it be represented at those talks at ministerial level?
The answer to both questions is in the affirmative.
I am saddened and horrified at acts of sectarian violence and join others in expressing sympathy to the family of the late Mr. Browne and others affected by such brutal acts. What additional support can be provided for initiatives to promote cross-Border and inter-community understanding in which organisations such as Co-operation North are involved? Low key events such as inter-school activities and sporting events do not get the headlines and are not big news but are of critical importance in overcoming what we are talking about here. Will the Government keep the doors open so that Nationalists and loyalists or British nationalists do not feel isolated? This is of critical importance in bringing about a ceasefire which is urgently needed if further progress is to be made.
On what can be done to promote North-South co-operation, it is extremely important to promote co-operation between the United Kingdom and this State on an east-west basis to create a context in which it will be easier for those of a Unionist disposition to agree to co-operation on a North-South basis. The proposals I put to the British Prime Minister to promote co-operation on the environment, the use of technology in learning, homelessness and food safety should be of help. It is hoped the two national food safety authorities we are establishing will co-operate with each other. It will be much easier, from a political point of view, for Northern Unionists to agree to co-operation on a North-South basis on a more intensive basis under a rubric which includes east-west, United Kingdom-Ireland co-operation. That is the reason I have stressed the need to develop Strand III of the discussions to make it easier to develop Strand II and to create a supportive context in which a network of contacts necessary to reduce tensions can be created.
On what can be done to reduce the sense of isolation felt by both communities, the purpose of the Anglo-Irish Agreement is to reduce the sense of isolation felt by the Nationalist community by ensuring the Irish Government is consulted and has an input to policy on Northern Ireland. There is also an important need to ensure the Unionist community or, as the Deputy described it, the British nationalist community in Northern Ireland does not feel isolated either. That is one of the reasons I have attempted in various symbolic ways to recognise the importance of the British tradition in Ireland. My attendance, for example, at Islandbridge was designed to emphasise this on an all-island basis. My attendance recently at the launch of a book commemorating the people of Bandon, County Cork who fought and died in the Great War was also designed to emphasise that we recognise there are a variety of heritages on this island, all of which have a validity which needs to be celebrated and affirmed. It is important that symbolic recognition should continue. It is through gestures of this nature that one frequently makes more progress than in the passage of reams of legislation or in making speeches.
In April 1992 Dr. Godfrey Browne and Dr. Jack Weir of the Presbyterian Church opened up discussions with the para-militaries on both sides. In view of what has been happening recently, will the Taoiseach agree that now is another opportune time for the Leaders of the Catholic and Protestant Churches to intervene in the issue while we await the talks process in June?
I agree this is an appropriate time for such an intervention, particularly when we see sectarian attacks of the kind which are occurring and which seem to have something of the nature of spontaneous mob hatred about them. Such attacks are not necessarily organised in the deliberate way terrorist attacks are organised. Terrorist attacks are possibly not as capable of being influenced as to their execution by what church people might say, whereas the spontaneous expressions of anger and hatred which have been seen in recent times are more likely to be influenced quickly and positively by interventions of the kind suggested by the Deputy. I strongly agree with him there should be strong intervention not only at the level of the leading figures of the churches but at local level by the churches in seeking to deal with this issue.
I also agree with the Deputy that in terms of intervening at a higher level with those who control organisations which support or use terrorist methods, the churches can play a particularly useful role at this time as they have done in the past. It is fair to say that the Catholic and Protestant churches have played a significant role in the past, and I urge them to do so with increased intensity at the present tragic time.