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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 4 Nov 1997

Vol. 482 No. 3

Interpretation (Amendment) Bill, 1997: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The need for this Bill arises from a provision in the Non-Fatal Offences Against the Person Act, 1997 which was passed by the Oireachtas on 19 May 1997 and became law as regards the provision in question three months later.

Section 28 of that Act abolished the common law offences of assault, assault occasioning actual bodily harm, false imprisonment and kidnapping. In place of these common law offences the Act created new statutory offences which were largely identical with the offences repealed. Section 2 created an offence of assault in place of the common law offence of common assault, section 3 created an offence of causing harm to another to replace the old offence of assault occasioning actual bodily harm and section 15 created an offence of false imprisonment to replace the old offences of false imprisonment and kidnapping. For some years past, the practice has been to charge kidnapping as false imprisonment so that kidnapping as a separate offence had more or less become redundant.

The problem that has arisen is that claims have been made in a number of cases that the abolition of the common law offences by section 28 of the 1997 Act means that prosecutions cannot now be instituted in relation to these offences where they were committed prior to the enactment of the 1997 Act.

On 2 September 1997 a submission was made by a defence lawyer in an assault case in Kilkenny to the effect that the court had no power to hear the case as the alleged offence took place on 24 May 1997 — prior to the coming into effect of the 1997 Act — but the hearing was to take place after the "abolition" of the offence.

That case was adjourned to enable the Director of Public Prosecutions to make submissions. During that adjournment period the defendant, on 30 September, sought and obtained an injunction from Mr. Justice Moriarity in the High Court restraining the judge from hearing the case until the point had been decided by the High Court. That application is now before the High Court awaiting a hearing date.

On Wednesday last, 29 October, the Special Criminal Court decided that, as a result of the provisions of the Non-Fatal Offences Against the Person Act, 1997, it did not have jurisdiction to decide whether the accused in question was guilty or not guilty of the offence of false imprisonment. The accused was convicted of other offences for which he received a substantial prison term. The following day, Thursday, 30 October, Mr. Justice Morris, sitting in the High Court as a judge of the Central Criminal Court hearing a case of murder and false imprisonment, decided that the jury could consider the offence of false imprisonment. The accused was convicted. Mr. Justice Morris made it clear that he was not making a definitive judgment on the issue. That afternoon, Thursday, 30 October, Mr. Justice Carney in the High Court gave leave to an accused remanded in custody awaiting trial before the Special Criminal Court on a charge of false imprisonment to apply for a habeas corpus order. That application was returnable for last Friday, 31 October, when it was adjourned on consent to enable the Attorney General and the Director of Public Prosecutions to be made parties. On Friday, 31 October, Mrs. Justice Catherine McGuinness sitting as a judge of the Central Criminal Court hearing a case of attempted rape and false imprisonment, ruled that a charge of false imprisonment could not be considered by a jury. Like Mr. Justice Morris she made it clear that she was not giving a definitive judgment on the issue. Those decisions have introduced uncertainty into an important area of the law.

I do not believe that section 28 of the 1997 Act has the effect claimed in those cases. If the Legislature had intended that acts which were clearly criminal under the law as it then applied should not now be prosecuted if they were committed before section 28 came into effect, I suggest that the Legislature would have said so plainly. It seems the clear intention was that criminal behaviour occurring before the 1997 Act would continue to be prosecuted under the old law and that similar behaviour occurring after the 1997 Act would be prosecuted under the replacement offences provided by the Act, which offences, as I indicated, are largely identical to the offences abolished. I should mention that for some years past it has been the practice to abolish common law offences in the terms of section 28 and no questions were asked.

One way of dealing with the problem would have been to await the resolution of the matter by the superior courts and bring forward legislation only if that became necessary as a result of the judgment of the court. However, in view of the challenges that have been and continue to be mounted to section 28, there is an urgent need to bring certainty into the matter. Also, the large number of common assault cases standing adjourned in the District Court and the likelihood of more cases seeking adjournments and judicial review are threatening severe administrative problems. In all the circumstances, the Government has decided to bring forward this Bill urgently to rectify the matter.

The Bill takes the form of an amendment to the Interpretation Act, 1937. It is closely modelled on section 21 of that Act. It provides simply in section 1(2) that where a common law offence is abolished, abrogated or repealed by a statute, proceedings for the offence may be instituted, continued or maintained in respect of the offence as if the offence had not been abolished or repealed. The provision applies, that is subsection (3), whether the common law offence is abolished before or after the enactment of the Bill. The effect is that where these offences have been committed before the abolition of the common law offence proceedings can be instituted under the law as it applied at the relevant time and, where similar offences are committed after the abolition of the common law offence, proceedings will be taken under the new law now applying, in this case the provisions of the 1997 Act which I mentioned.

Subsection (1) of section 1 provides, in effect, that abolition of a common law offence will not affect anything done under the previous law and shall not affect pending proceedings. To avoid any implication that the legislation might be an unconstitutional interference in ongoing proceedings, subsection (4) provides that if the section would, but for subsection (4), conflict with the constitutional rights of any person, the section will be subject to such limitations as are necessary to secure that it does not so conflict but shall otherwise be of full force or effect.

Deputies will no doubt notice that section 1, in paragraphs (a) (b) and (c) of subsection (1) and in subsection (2), refers not alone to proceedings in respect of the abolished offences but to proceedings for any other offences as well. The reason for this is simple. It has been suggested there are other offences in which an abolished common law offence is an ingredient and the abolition of the common law offence might make difficulties for the prosecution of the other offence on the ground that one of the ingredients of that offence has been done away with. While I do not agree with that argument I thought it better to put the matter beyond doubt by ensuring the abolition of the common law offences will have no effect on any other offences.

As I mentioned, subsection (3) applies the section to common law offences abolished before the enactment of the Bill. Thus, it applies to the common law offences abolished by section 28 of the Non-Fatal Offences Against the Person Act, 1997. Deputies may wonder whether this makes the Bill objectionable on the grounds of retrospectivity. The important point here is that the Bill does not make acts criminal which were not criminal at the time they were committed — that would clearly be forbidden as retrospective legislation by Article 15.5 of the Constitution. The actions to which the Bill refers were all clearly criminal under the law at the time they were committed. What the Bill does is to enable prosecutions to be mounted in relation to clearly criminal actions, actions that if committed now are still criminal, having regard to the provisions of the 1997 Act. I am advised and agree that this is quite acceptable.

The Bill is a necessary measure to bring certainty into an important area of the criminal law and to avoid severe administrative problems developing in our courts. I hope that Deputies will agree that in the circumstances in which we find ourselves it is right and proper to proceed with expedition as the Government proposes. I commend the Bill to the House.

(Mayo): There is a certain amount of substance in the point made by Deputy Joe Higgins on the Order of Business about the short timespan between the publication of the Bill and the taking thereof. I appreciate there are exigencies in this case. Although we knew of the intent of the amending legislation, we did not get the Bill until late this afternoon.

I am surprised on a number of counts that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform has chosen the course of action of introducing emergency amending legislation. I raised this matter on the Adjournment during the first week in October. I pointed out that on Tuesday, 30 September, Mr. Justice Moriarty in the High Court ordered the Director of Public Prosecutions not to go ahead with an assault case against a Kilkenny man pending a judicial review. The defendant's solicitor argued in his submission to the court that the charge of unlawful assault was "no longer known to law" because he contended that the common law offence of assault and battery had been abolished by section 28(1) of the Non-Fatal Offences Against the Person Act. This section came into effect on 19 August 1997, since the Minister was appointed to office. It is worth making the point that the proposal in question was also acting on the recommendation of a 1994 Law Reform Commission report which suggested the need for recodification of the law on assault.

I raised the matter on the Adjournment because of a concern that hundreds and perhaps thousands of serious assaults on innocent victims could not now proceed because of the legal and legislative vacuum thus created. I argued that effectively an amnesty seemed to have been given to the perpetrators of serious assault charges.

I raised the matter some days earlier on the Order of Business and was told by the Taoiseach that the matter was before the courts. In his reply to the Adjournment debate the Minister adopted the same approach when he said:

The case is awaiting a full hearing in the High Court. The Attorney General and the Director of Public Prosecutions have consulted counsel in the context of considering the issues arising. The charges against the accused relating to breaches of sections 4 and 6 of the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Act, 1994 have been adjourned indefinitely by the District Court. I am sure Deputy Higgins and other Deputies will appreciate that, as the matter of the assault charge is now awaiting judicial review in the High Court to determine the issues involved, it would not be proper for me to make any further comment for the moment on the case or the issues.

Now there is a U-turn and the House is being asked to plug the loopholes and escape hatches allegedly created by bringing forward this measure. The Minister has more or less acknowledged that last week's judgment by Mr. Justice Barr in the Lacey kidnapping case is the instrument which brought about the change of heart. There is no doubt that it was extremely fortunate that the convicted person had been charged with a firearms offence as well as kidnapping otherwise he would have walked free because of section 28(1) of the Non-Fatal Offences Against the Person Act, 1997.

The wording of the Act and particularly section 28 is quite clear. Section 28 states:

(1) The following common law offences are hereby abolished

(a) assault and battery

(b) assault occasioning actual bodily harm

(c) kidnapping, and

(d) false imprisonment.

The two issues involved are the wording and the intention of the Oireachtas. The crucial word is "hereby". It was clearly intended by the Legislature that the offences in question were to be abolished as and from the date of the coming into force of the Bill, 19 August 1997. It would have been better to have had the matter further and conclusively tested by the courts.

It could be validly and cogently argued that just as any new law cannot take effect retrospectively, the corollary that the old law remains in effect up to the date of the new law is equally valid. For example, when new drink driving legislation is introduced people who commit offences under the old Act are dealt with under that Act for some time later even though it has been abolished.

The Minister has been wrongly advised. When I raised the matter on the Adjournment it was my intention not that the matter would be amended in the House but that it could be expedited and further tested and determined by the courts. Effectively, it represents another U-turn. There have already been two or three U-turns on zero tolerance with the result that we are not sure where it now stands. The spate of murders, stabbings and assaults continues unabated.

There was another U-turn on the Courts Service Bill. When it was announced by the former Minister for Justice, Deputy Owen, on 29 April last, the Minister savaged it as being unnecessary and a "stripping" of the powers and functions of the Minister and the Department of Justice, yet the Minister published the same Bill this week.

I do not want to be too critical — all I am asking for is a consistency of approach. This is not the first time amending legislation has had to be introduced on foot of court decisions. The first legislation introduced by the former Minister, Deputy Owen, was an amendment to the Incest Act, 1908. In 1995, Judge Carney ruled that incest cases had to be held fully in camera. I am sure there will be other such cases.

It may have been better to have the matter further tested in court. I accept what the Minister said about the need to obtain certainty at the earliest possible stage. He is probably also anxious about other imminent cases which will be the subject of judicial decisions and criticism by the bench. On behalf of my party, I support this legislation.

My contribution will be brief as I have already indicated I do not intend to oppose this Bill. It is important that when difficulties arise in the courts, as on this occasion, the Oireachtas clear up the matter as soon as is feasible. While I appreciate the Minister's belief that the matter could still be resolved in the courts, it is important not to take that chance, particularly in view of the pending legal action in the High Court. I have tabled an amendment to the Bill for discussion on Committee Stage.

Section 1 (2), as currently worded, seems to require proof of the offence having been committed prior to the date of the abolition of the common law offences. This proof would be required before proceedings could be instituted. Obviously, this is not what is intended by the Minister and I would welcome his comments.

Clearly, this legislation is a fire brigade response to a situation which has arisen in the courts. There is chaos in the District Court on foot of the High Court finding that District Court clerks responsible for issuing summonses in District Court cases were not validly appointed by the Minister. Consequently, the summonses are invalid. Given that the Minister has declared his confidence of winning the case before the High Court tomorrow, I am surprised he has not introduced similar emergency legislation to deal with the serious problem in the District Court, rather than appealing to the Supreme Court, which is the only option open to the State.

This issue dates back to similar emergency legislation which had to be introduced in the mid-1980s under a previous Fine Gael-Labour Government, dealing with procedures for issuing District Court summonses. The time has come for a long and thorough review of criminal procedures, rather than relying on the finger in the dyke approach which we have all adopted up to now. It is time we dispensed with amending amendments of the Petty Sessions (Ireland) Act, 1851. Other countries have dedicated criminal law reform commissions. Given the fact that our Law Reform Commission concentrates almost exclusively on civil law, I ask the Minister to consider the need for a similar institution in this country.

I thank those who have contributed to this debate and Deputy Higgins and Deputy Shorthall for indicating their parties will not oppose this legislation. The Bill became necessary as a result of a wrong interpretation given to section 28 of the Non-Fatal Offences against the Person Act, 1997. However, the issue involved is awaiting determination in a number of cases in the High Court and this has lead to the adjournment of a large number of assault cases in the District Court. We could have waited until the issue had been settled definitively by the courts, but if the issue came before the Supreme Court it could take some time.

Meanwhile, more cases could be adjourned and more applications for judicial review made. Having considered the matter fully, the Government felt that, on balance, it could not afford to wait and this legislation should be introduced and processed quickly. This short Bill has been carefully modelled on the provisions of the Interpretation Act, 1937. It will bring certainty to this area of the law in which recent problems have arisen.

When the Kilkenny case arose it was necessary to consider carefully the issues involved and to establish if legislation was the appropriate response. There was a belief that it might come up for resolution as a matter of priority. After the matter was fully considered, in consultation with the Attorney General, I decided that the proper way to proceed was to introduce amending legislation. It is nonsensical, therefore, to allege this is a U-turn. The Government and I have acted responsibly in seeking to close off a serious loophole which may exist in criminal law. It was the Government of which Deputy Jim Higgins was a member which introduced this legislation and rushed it through the Houses of the Oireachtas.

(Mayo): The Minister did not vote against it.

My interpretation, which is also that of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, is the correct one. As a responsible person, I could not take the risk of that interpretation being wrong. It is my duty to ensure certainty in this area of the law and to ensure there is no room for people to escape justice.

I reject allegations that I am doing a U-turn on zero tolerance and the Court Services Bill. I have repeated my position on these matters ad nauseam and I have no intention of delaying the House by discussing them again tonight. The establishment of a court service was a commitment given by my party in its election manifesto and subsequently confirmed in the programme for Government. I have defined and redefined the concept of zero tolerance. The only issue with which people are concerned is whether the streets and homes of this country will be safer following this Government's term of office. Through the implementation of policies I have propagated, I believe they will be.

This legislation is indicative and reflective of a Government which is not prepared to take chances with criminal law. It is proof that we take the implementation of criminal law and the closing off of loopholes where they arise extremely seriously. Unfortunately, judging by the mistakes which were, perhaps, unwittingly made, the previous Government did not take the situation as seriously as we are.

Question put and agreed to.
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