Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 13 Nov 1997

Vol. 482 No. 7

Private Members' Business. - Report of European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction: Statements (Resumed).

Mr. Shatter

With the agreement of the House, I would like to allocate my remaining time to Deputy Richard Bruton.

The report from the European Union Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction is an extremely interesting and invaluable one. The Minister has acknowledged that. It is very important that we get an overview of the strategies being implemented in other European countries to tackle the drug issue in order that we can compare what we are doing with what they are doing. In doing so we could harmonise the best possible approaches to dealing with demand reduction for drugs in the same manner as we are harmonising international and criminal law provisions to tackle the criminal justice system.

The Minister should ensure that all Members of the House receive this annual survey in future. There will presumably be another survey next year. The leader of the Opposition requested this debate last week but Members did not receive the report. The Library has been put to great difficulty in having to photocopy copies of an extremely large report for Members who wish to contribute to this debate.

As we were involved directly in contributing information to the survey, it should be possible for the Department to ensure that future reports of this nature, which are much more important than some of the bumph we receive in our post on a regular basis, are made available to all Members.

Mr. R. Bruton

I am pleased to have the opportunity to debate this report which deals with some of the most serious issues facing this city. Given the German and Dutch figures in this report relating to the social cost of drugs at about £35,000 and £40,000 per addict, the social cost of the drug problem in the greater Dublin area would be £300 million, of which about £50 million would represent losses of victims of crime and another £50 million the cost of prisons and policing. It is estimated that there are approximately 8,000 hard drug users in the city. These figures put us ahead of much larger cities like Berlin, and also ahead of Vienna, Amsterdam and Rotterdam, cities that many people would regard as much more vulnerable to the problem of drugs than our own city. However, the reverse is the case. We have a really serious drug problem in our city and it has a very high cost.

It is very important also to reflect on the recently published report on the attitudes of 15 and 16 year old young people. That survey is a dire warning that our drug problem may get far worse. It shows that 42 per cent of Irish 16 year olds have used drugs, more than three times the average instance in the countries surveyed. We are second only to the UK. It also shows that Ireland is the country with the easiest availability of drugs. Availability was seen as fairly easy or easy — for cannabis by 65 per cent, for ecstasy by 51 per cent, for heroin by 20 per cent and for inhalants by 80 per cent. Of the 24 countries surveyed, Ireland was regarded as the country where all of those drugs were most easily available. The third finding, which is very significant, is that Irish young people have the lowest perception among the countries surveyed of the risks of drug use. A staggering 63 per cent fewer saw heavy drinking as a great risk; 32 per cent fewer saw cannabis use as a great risk; and 5 per cent fewer saw cocaine, crack or ecstasy use as a great risk. The message is very clear from these figures. Irish young people find it easy to get drugs, are more willing to experiment with drugs than young people in any of the other countries, and have a poorer appreciation of the risks involved. That is a dire warning. The same picture is borne out in the attitude of young people to drinking. Ireland ranks fourth in the proportion of young people who have been drunk in the past year, 66 per cent reporting bouts of drunkenness, which is a 30 per cent higher incidence than the average.

Although this survey did not include most western European countries, the report we are debating today shows the picture in those countries. The only heartening thing we can see in the report is that most young people, in the context of drugs, are in the "trying out" phase. Here, 75 per cent have used drugs only once. In the UK, which shows similar findings, the vast bulk of the people had used drugs many times. Therefore, we have an opportunity to cut this problem off at the pass. To do that we need to have a much more effective preventive programme, in our schools first of all. We also need to insist that the focus on the disadvantaged areas continues. There is still a doubt in the community that the £20 million set aside for youth services development will go into the 11 communities in Dublin identified as priority ones. We want to see that done. We also want to see the establishment of an independent drugs commission because we have very scrappy information about the extent of the problem, and no systematic research into how effective programmes like the preventive programme in schools are. We need that sort of research capacity. At times it will be uncomfortable for Government because it will come up against criticism, but it is very important that we go ahead with that if we are to have a long-term impact.

The commitment made by the Minister's party to establish area education co-ordinators is crucial because, as people come out of treatment and are no longer the responsibility of the Minister's Department, they must be provided with a means to progress. That is where our system falls down at the moment. There is no availability of progressive steps back into education, training and work, or at least back into useful channels for their energies. Co-ordinators are necessary to act as mentors to people trying to shake the drug habit and bring them back into mainstream activities. Those are the key challenges we face.

Ms Shortall

I propose to share my time with Deputy Tony Gregory.

I am glad to have the opportunity to participate in this debate on this very important report. The report confirms what many of us have believed for a long time, that is, that we are facing an extremely serious drugs crisis. It goes further than that. If we look at other information relating to young people, their use and abuse of alcohol, the high incidence of smoking, suicide and teenage pregnancy, we can only come to the conclusion that we are facing a major crisis in relation to our young people, and that bodes badly for the future.

I was somewhat disappointed by the Minister's comments on this report last night, the general tenor of which was quite defensive. Purely from a health perspective, and with occasional references to law enforcement, he trotted out once again what the Eastern Health board and other agencies are attempting to do about the drugs problem. Let me give credit where credit is due — much progress has been made over the past year or so in the context of the health response, and some progress has been made in the context of the justice response also. It is unfortunate, however, that the Minister did not seek to place this report and this issue in some kind of social context. The information contained in it signals yet another symptom in terms of the direction young people are taking. It is important to look at this in a much wider context, in terms of where we are going as a society and where our young people fit into today's society. We have to address the reasons so many of our young people seem to have no purpose in life and why there is so much experimentation with harmful substances, whether drugs of one kind or another, alcohol or cigarettes.

There are very big issues facing us as a society. We have to bear in mind the very rapid rate of change over the past ten years on both the economic and social fronts.

Another factor is the declining influence of the Catholic Church and the fact that that influence has not been replaced by anything else so that once people stop practising their religion they are left with little in terms of points of reference for themselves regarding standards of behaviour. This is quite a significant problem. I am aware that there would be huge reluctance on the part of the Government to become involved in this area, but we have no choice other than to address the moral agenda. For many years we depended on the Catholic Church to provide moral education. Clearly that is no longer happening in the case of vast numbers of people. There is an onus on the State to step in and examine the general ethos and mores in society and how they can be shaped. Too many people are left without a point of reference in their lives and that needs to be addressed. Growing materialism has turned off many of our young people so that they are no longer clear about their place in society and purpose in life.

The decline in a sense of community is a huge problem and that affects young people in particular. Most of our generation grew up in very straightforward, simple times where we knew where we stood in regard to the rest of society. Many young people do not have that comfort any longer. A period of rapid change and great social turmoil is especially disconcerting for young people trying to come to terms with life. The unfortunate increase in family breakdown in recent years, the changing shape of families and of relationships between men and women and those between parents and children are factors. As legislators we need to turn our attention to them. It is unfortunate the Minister did not seek to formulate the report in a social context.

It is critical that various relationships within society are examined and the absence of parenting for many young people is recognised. Role models should be created to provide the support which many unattached people desperately need, particularly young parents. A great deal could be done by health boards and various State agencies in terms of strengthening family relationships and unless such basic social problems are addressed other symptoms, such as the increasing drug problem and incidence of alcohol abuse and teenage suicide, will not be tackled.

One of the most disturbing aspects of the report is the profile of drug users as it does not fit the accepted stereotype. Drugs traverse all class boundaries. A growing body believe in the decriminalisation of certain drugs. However, I reject that line completely. People who talk in those terms are thinking of university students who dabble in cannabis, see nothing wrong with it and then get on with their careers with the terrific opportunities open to them. They will move past this stage to lead a fulfilling life.

It is also important to look at recent reports, particularly one by the Garda Síochána on the incidence of drug use which shows that over 50 per cent of drug addicts started meddling with cannabis, alcohol and tranquillisers and then rapidly progressed to harder drugs. There is no doubt a strong link exists between the use of so-called softer drugs and the quick progression to the harder drugs culture.

This issue was not given the attention it deserved in recent years partly because it was confined to the Dublin area. I have been frustrated in the House during that time as I attempted to ensure urban issues received the attention they required. I was staggered when I first entered the House by the very strong rural bias that exists throughout all parties. That works against problems being experienced in the Dublin area, particularly heroin abuse. The majority of Members could afford to totally ignore that issue and in most cases choose to do so. Many Dublin Deputies could choose to ignore the growing drugs problem and survive by concentrating their attention on middle class areas. The price is being paid for such negligence.

Tackling the drugs issue effectively needs to be approached on three different fronts — supply, demand and treatment. The establishment of the Criminal Assets Bureau last year was the single greatest achievement in making progress in terms of supply. It brought all relevant agencies together to work in a co-ordinated fashion, which people had sought for a number of years. It is now enshrined in legislation and the benefits are there to be seen. There is potential for widely extending the work of the CAB because it does not just have a role in tackling the major drug barons. Flats or houses are raided by the drugs squad on a regular basis in the Dublin area. They may not find drugs but could discover £20,000 or £30,000 hidden under a floorboard. It should be possible in such cases for the drugs squad to call in the CAB to investigate the matter further. There is scope for using the bureau for the less prominent players in the trade.

More gardaí and dedicated drugs squads are needed in urban areas. For too long a small fraction of gardaí worked in this specialised area and it needs to be greatly beefed up. Some improvement has taken place over the past few months but more specialised people working in dedicated units are required. There is room for much more progress in terms of estate management in all local authority and other housing estates where supply is concerned. I carry out a great deal of work with people on drug watches in my constituency, particularly in the Ballymun area. We meet on a regular basis to review the situation and time and time again the same complaint is made. People operate in partnership with Dublin Corporation and the Garda providing local intelligence and information which is so important to them. The corporation then seeks eviction orders in the courts which is where the problem arises. The person waits six to nine months for a hearing, comes before the court without legal representation or with some other excuse and the case is further delayed. The corporation probably secures an eviction order 12 months later which is then appealed and the case is put back for another six months. This has a devastating effect on morale in local authority estates where people have worked closely with the authorities. It takes a huge battering when there is such a delay in the legal system. It is a major problem and undermines the progress made over recent months at community level. A special court is needed to deal with drug related housing cases to restore confidence in our communities and to fast track the system so that such communities can deal speedily and effectively with the people destroying them.

Education has a role in the demand reduction aspect of the problem but it should not be over-emphasised. It is important for all young people to be made aware of the huge dangers involved in taking drugs. It is also important to provide a proper life skills programme which will give young people other options and the courage to withstand the peer pressure which is so pervasive in the drugs culture.

One cannot over-emphasise the capacity of education to tackle this problem effectively. Too many young people lack a purpose in life. For many of them it is the risk involved in taking drugs that is attractive. Unless we tackle the root causes of the problem, for example, social issues and the problems relating to poverty and family breakdown, we will not make significant inroads in dealing with it. Education can play an important role in changing young people's perception of many drugs. Too many young people are not aware of the dangers of drugs and compare many of the so-called softer drugs with alcohol. The perception of both these substances needs to be changed.

The Minister said the Eastern Health Board is making progress in this area but there is still a problem with community attitudes. There is an onus on all public representatives to have the courage to support the provision of treatment centres and make the case for them to their constituents. If we are to get to grips with the problem we need a significant number of major treatment centres and a large number of smaller satellite clinics in almost every community. We must also ensure we do not concentrate solely on the use of methadone. The main argument centres around the use of methadone and selling the benefits of it to communities, but we must think in terms of a range of treatments which can be made available in all treatment centres depending on the needs of the addict.

Obviously treatment must be locally based and there must be a greater concentration on rehabilitation. The health board is beginning to make progress in this area but there must be a widespread rehabilitation programme for the 7,000-8,000 heroin addicts in the Dublin area. This problem poses huge challenges not only for health boards but for all State agencies. FÁS and the Department of Education must also become involved in this issue. I am extremely disappointed at their poor response to the drugs problem in recent years. All agencies must play a part in helping young people to return to a life of normality and to avail of the education and training facilities to which their counterparts in other areas have access.

I urge the Minister to progress implementation of the protocol governing the prescription and dispensation of methadone. Some progress has been made in this respect and an implementation group is considering the matter. The use of methadone is a major issue in the Dublin area but there are no regulations governing it. For example, GPs can take on as many clients as they wish and pharmacies can dispense methadone to as many clients as they wish. This is unacceptable.

It gives methadone a bad name and makes it very difficult for the health board to gain public support for its services. I ask the Minister to ensure that the protocol is put in place as quickly as possible so that chemists and GPs can sign up to it.

The situation in prisons is absolutely disgraceful. Given the position in Mountjoy Prison, I am ashamed to say I am a public representative. Will the Minister urge his colleague, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, to take charge of the matter and sort out the chaotic conditions in Mountjoy Prison. A very large number of the inmates in Mountjoy Prison are drug addicts and we must provide treatment for them. This means tackling the problem of the supply of heroin within the prison and bringing in the Eastern Health Board on an agency basis to provide treatment services similar to those available in communities.

Some of the people availing of treatment in the community end up serving sentences in prison where they go back on heroin. The lack of a decent treatment programme in Mountjoy Prison means some of these people may contract the HIV virus or develop AIDS. The State will have a serious case to answer in such circumstances. The situation in the prison is an utter disgrace and I urge the Minister to work with the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform in sorting out the problem and providing a full range of treatment services.

We spend much time trying to sell the benefits of treatment centres to communities, yet there is a captive audience in Mountjoy Prison crying out for such treatment. If this service is not provided we will be flying in the face of the provision of rehabilitation and basically telling these prisoners we are not prepared to help them and that after they serve their sentence they can go back out into the community and continue their life of crime to feed their habit.

Mr. Gregory

I thank Deputy Shortall for sharing her time with me. When I ask questions about the extent of the drug problem I am usually told that the level of seizures by the Garda reflects the extent of the problem. If one applies that criterion to the seizure of £8 million worth of amphetamines and huge quantities of cocaine and heroin in the past few weeks then the problem is much worse and more extensive than it was at any time in the past. Unnamed gardaí have stated in reports in the newspapers that this is their belief. I share that belief. Despite the major setback they suffered following the murder of Veronica Guerin, the criminal gangs which control drug distribution are regrouping and are now more dangerous than they ever were.

I listened intently to the Minister's speech and while I generally accept the overall direction and analysis outlined by him I am not convinced that the Government is fully committed to taking the necessary action to deal with the heroin problem, particularly in Dublin. Due to time constraints I will confine my remarks to the heroin problem. The Minister rightly said we do not know the extent of the problem. We know the number of people attending treatment centres, some of whom have a long history of involvement with heroin, but we do not know the number of young people in disadvantaged areas who are smoking heroin and who are well on the way to addiction. The problem is much more extensive than the figure we are given — it increases by 1,000 every few years.

The only way to establish the correct figure is to act on the promise given by the previous Government — this Government gave a similar promise during the election campaign — to set up a specific research body with the sole responsibility ascertaining the facts and figures on the drug problem. Every other European country with a major drug problem has a specific research body dealing with it. The research measures referred to by the Minister are ad hoc and piecemeal. They do not provide for the resources, staff, secretariat or access to experts with time to provide an analysis based on accurate information. If that is not done, we will drift on without the information we need to build the correct strategies, fill the gaps and work on the successful models of intervention in other countries which may be brought into play here. That is absolutely critical, but there is no indication there is an immediate attempt or commitment to set up such a research body.

I wish to refer to the £20 million provided for the youth services development fund, a point referred to by Deputy Bruton. I do not have time to refer to the Minister's comments on this matter but, reading between the lines, it appears that money will be spread nationally. If that is the case, it will be wasteful and will have no impact. The money must be concentrated on areas of deprivation, particularly the ten areas in Dublin and the area in Cork. That is only a minor measure in dealing with social exclusion and social inequality. The Minister said the overall policy is correct and that drugs are a manifestation of social exclusion and social disadvantage, but heroin is the real problem. It is critical the £20 million is concentrated in areas that need it most, which have been identified.

A sum of £10 million has been allocated to implement the task force proposals, but more than £10 million will be required to implement all the proposals cleared by the national committee, and there is no commitment the money will be available. That may be an oversight, but such commitments would be welcome. Definite action should be taken based on the work being done.

I welcome the Minister's comments about treatment centres. There is need for solidarity among public representatives. They should not use this as a political issue and should not overburden any particular area. Each area needs to look after its own people who are addicted to drugs. Mistakes have been made in the past — I will not mention some of the treatment centres that are a scandal and have turned people and communities throughout the city against such centres, regardless of how small or localised they are. Those mistakes must be rectified. Public representatives should give leadership at local level to ensure the proposals for local centres are supported.

The work carried out in some centres outside Dublin, for example, by Sr. Concilio in Athenry and Bruree in Limerick and Dr. ffrench-O'Carroll in Cuan Mhuire in Athy, is first class. Those centres provide detoxification treatment and long-term rehabilitation. More of that work is needed. Based on my experience and from talking to people who deal with this issue, centres such as those have a very high success rate. Since long-term rehabilitation produces success, the Minister should ask his advisers to see what can be done to give further assistance to those centres outside Dublin and work with people to establish other centres.

I will not become involved in the methadone controversy because I am not qualified to deal with it, but I have grave doubts about some aspects of it. Some chemists who provided a service in the early days when no one wanted to deal with addicts have built up a huge clientele. One such chemist in Inchicore in my constituency, who has received a great deal of publicity, played a part in ghettoising that area and bringing down what was a fine urban village. The Minister said that 50 or 60 chemists take part in the scheme. There must be a limit on the number of people who attend those chemists. I accept efforts are being made in that direction. If the Minister wants communities and residents to accept the necessity of treatment, urgent action must be taken. As long as abuses continue, the public perception will be that, regardless of the type of service provided, the position will be similar to that in Inchicore and Pearse Street.

I am concerned the resources available to the Criminal Assets Bureau restrict it to high profile cases — I am aware that is the primary responsibility of the Minister for Justice and Law Reform, but the Minister referred to it. I witnessed cases — Deputy Shortall referred to others — where mid-range drug dealers sold houses which they had been flaunting up to now, and nothing was done about it. The work of the CAB does not extend to communities. It does not follow up the middle men who make fortunes. That matter must be dealt with. An inter-agency project in which I am involved in the north inner city is drawing up proposals in that regard. I regret I do not have further time to deal with this issue in greater detail, but I will avail of another opportunity to do so.

Mr. Dennehy

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the annual report of the European Monitoring Centre for drugs and drug addiction. Like Deputy Gregory, I have worked in this area since the early 1980s. I admire the work he has done over the years and his efforts to achieve recognition for this problem. I welcome the Minister's speech and the indications that he is willing to pursue the drugs problem. This debate concerns one of the most serious and complex issues facing the country. Too often people come up with simplistic answers to the problem. There are no simple solutions to it. Parents often ask why young people get involved in drugs. There are at least 60 different reasons. I am concerned about the simplistic approach that states deprivation is the main cause of the drugs problem. Evidence shows it is merely a contributory factor. Those who indulge in wild parties after receiving examination results seldom come from deprived backgrounds.

While I welcome the debate, it is many years too late. There has been a long delay in accepting the seriousness and extent of the drugs problem. Some sections of society have failed to accept responsibility in this area. To put it mildly, there has been a muddled approach to the fight against drugs and alcohol. The medical profession could not agree on whether the matter should be dealt with by psychiatrists, psychologists or general practitioners. Its main concern was about where responsibility should lie and consequently little action was taken. In 1983, when I accused general practitioners of creating 80 per cent of the drugs problem in Cork, a headline in the local paper stated "Lord Mayor unfair to doctors". I did not pull that statistic from the air. Gardaí, pharmacists and others involved in compiling the 1983 report of the committee on drug and alcohol abuse specifically identified that the problem in Cork related to prescribed drugs. I was merely bringing this message to the people and trying to resolve the problem. Since then the Irish Medical Organisation has learned a great deal and has disciplined people who were out of line, but much damage has already been done. Some medical personnel discounted the extent of the problem. I recall a banner headline relating to the Dublin scene stating the problem was a figment of some politicians' imagination. We now know who was correct.

The general public also had a muddled approach to the problem. Some parents smugly claimed their children would not get involved in drugs and pitied the parents of those children who did. I constantly pointed out to such people that, but for the grace of God, their children could be on the wrong street corner or at the wrong party and experiment with drugs or alcohol. I also pointed out to them that if they did not get involved as concerned members of society their homes could be robbed by those involved in drugs. I encouraged them to get involved even on those selfish grounds. It took a long time to get people committed to resolving the problem. We need the general support of the public to this community-wide problem. We all have a role to play. I have been involved in the drugs problem since 1982, but I do not have a medical background. I have talked to people with such a background and used their experience and knowledge to deal with the problem. The approach of politicians was also a case of "the curate's egg". Some people, such as Deputy Gregory and others, raised their concerns here and elsewhere, but many others hoped that by not talking about the problem, it would go away. We now know that will not happen.

Those facts are of historical significance only. Unfortunately, we have failed to come to grips with some aspects of the problem. From time to time there is reluctance to make difficult decisions. People have argued against certain solutions, such as installing scanner and security cameras because of a breach of civil liberties and so on.

Young people take drugs for the same reasons the majority of us started taking alcohol but there appears to be reluctance to link drugs and alcohol. Because so many of us drink alcohol, we are reluctant to talk about drugs under the same heading. The Southern Health Board was the only health board to make a policy decision linking the two. In 1983 the committee on drugs and alcohol abuse recommended that health education officers should be employed to deal with the drugs problem and the first such person was appointed in 1996. However, the Department informed us it could pay him only for the time he spent working in the drugs field. We were told a different section would have to pay him if he spoke about the evils of alcohol. I made a formal protest about the matter and I hope the position has changed since then. That type of approach has prevented us from dealing with the problem.

Deputy Gregory claimed the £11 million EU funding should be targeted specifically at areas threatened with a heroin problem. While I understand the logic of his argument, in the past three or four years some excellent programmes on the prevention and treatment of alcohol abuse have been implemented in the Southern Health Board area at a cost of approximately £1.25 million. Last year we needed approximately £400,000 to implement these programmes. We received £125,000 to cater for Cork and Kerry and to implement an excellent programme which included health promotion, provision of social support, research monitoring and evaluation and treatment intervention. We were told £125,000 would have to do for our programme but three months later there was another announcement. Somebody had decided that Cork North-Central, a constituency within the Southern Health Board area, had a heroin problem and that £1 million was to be allocated to a new group to be set up there. This group did not have expertise in drug and alcohol treatment or in dealing with or devising programmes for it. It was a community group.

That approach was contrary to what I had been trying to have implemented for the previous 15 years. I was shocked £1 million could be found so easily and handed over for a certain area. Cork is a tidy city in size. It is beautiful and a river runs through its centre. However, somebody in their wisdom decided there was a heroin problem on one side of the river and used that premise to allocate £1 million. It was decided there was no such problem on the other side of the river so that area did not receive any money.

There could be only two sources of information on the background to the drug problem in Cork. One is the Southern Health Board and the committee of which I am chairman and the other is the Garda Síochána. I spoke to the Garda Sergeant involved in that area and neither of us had made a submission on the matter. However, somebody in the Department or the Government was able to allocate funding to the area. I felt strongly about the matter because the committee had put forward an excellent programme. It was agreed at national level that our programme was the most forward looking, practical and comprehensive of the programmes put forward by the eight health boards, yet we could not get funding for it. That was not due to a lack of funds but because a group of people decided to allocate the funding elsewhere. This is indicative of the muddled thinking I mentioned earlier.

We must focus on the drug problem. I agree with Deputies who spoke about the need for full information about the extent of the problem, the reasons for and background of it and the issues involved. We received £50,000 to carry out a study of the health board area but we would have used more money to get further information. I appeal to the Minister to ensure that available funding is targeted at the areas which can best use it and which have a proven track record, whether that means funding a community group in Dublin or a branch of the Southern Health Board in Cork and Kerry. At least there should be consultation with local people involved with the problem.

There is wide acceptance of the extent of the drug problem. Unfortunately many years were lost before such acceptance was achieved. A previous speaker said we should look at the experience of other countries. However, this is Ireland's problem and we must get our act together, although we can learn from and join others in tackling it. In that context, Cork is involved with ECAD, European Cities Against Drugs. There is a conflict in Cork's approach with that taken in Dublin because ECAD policy is based on drug free treatment of alcoholics and drug addicts. If an area uses methadone as part of its policy it is in conflict with the approach in Cork. Many cities throughout the world have adopted the ECAD programme and are seeking to implement it.

Deputy Gregory referred to Dr. ffrench-O'Carroll. He was one of the employees of the Southern Health Board who set up the first unit, Arbour House, in 1984. He carried out an excellent study of teenage-adolescent alcohol and drug abuse based on the people who went through that centre. The information in his report should be widely distributed and used where it can be useful in other areas rather than re-inventing the wheel, as it were. If we want to gather information we should approach the people who are already involved in that area, even if there might be disagreement on how to deal with the problem. The Hazelden Centre in New York, for example, promotes a drug free approach. Centres such as Tarbor Lodge and Talbot Grove in Cork and Kerry, the centre in Bruree and the centre in Athy, where Dr. ffrench-O'Carroll is based, insist on a drug free programme.

Dublin is in a unique position in that its drug problem is largely based on heroin abuse. It is not my place to say how the problem there should be handled and what programmes or treatment should be used. By the same token, however, there is no sense in the Dublin administration, whether it be the health board or other groups, telling the rest of the country to set up methadone clinics in every town. There is a need in Dublin and it must be tackled and, as I am not the gardener in that patch, I will not say it should be done. However, a number of people need alternative treatment which does not involve methadone. A motion regarding methadone treatment was put before the health boards about three years ago and defeated. That type of loose thinking does most of the damage.

One reason the public is reluctant to get involved in this issue is that it does not understand the problem. People think there is a huge difference between drugs and alcohol when there is not. We are lucky to have organisations, concerned parents and others to run programmes aimed at preventing people taking drugs or to treat or rehabilitate drug addicts. We are also lucky to have an organisation such as the Pioneer Total Abstinence Association, which is seldom mentioned when credit is being given to the AA and other organisations. Preventative groups such as the PTAA are often seen as holy Joes but they should be appreciated, lauded and helped. We should try to establish groups within the public which will encourage people to take the early step of saying they will not get involved in drug abuse. The question "why do people abuse drugs?" is often asked and there are at least 50 responses.

Denial of the problem handicapped our efforts for a long time, particularly with regard to alcohol. The head in the sand approach has caused huge damage. A minimum of £5.5 million is spent each day on the abuse of alcohol yet we claim we do not have an alcohol abuse problem. If we make the same claim about drugs we will never deal with that problem. We must accept we have a problem and proceed from there.

A new issue has come to our attention recently, that is, the call for the decriminalisation of drugs, particularly cannabis resin. The call tends to emanate from a section of society which could be described as the intelligensia and it is gaining momentum, particularly in the European Parliament. That worries me. I am worried that a media commentator can blithely claim there is no danger in dabbling with drugs. I also worry about pop stars and sports stars who tell young people it is great to take drugs. Ten years later we read their stories under banner headlines such as "My Horror with Drink and Drugs". We must be wary and organised and there must be debates such as this.

I welcome the Minister's comments and I am glad he is willing to support anti-drugs projects. However, we must go further and that will involve funding. The funding that becomes available as a result of the activities of the Criminal Assets Bureau should be immediately directed to groups such as the Southern Health Board. They have the programmes and personnel in place and they need the funding now.

Mr. Rabbitte

In preparing for the EU Presidency the previous Government sought to make the drugs menace its theme. It was a decision consistent with the exceptional measures both on the criminal law side and on the demand reduction strategy side that the Rainbow Government put in place domestically to confront the worsening drugs problem. For a decade or more successive Governments had neglected to tackle the drugs problem which is primarily an opiates problem, mainly heroin. I was pleased that my party, Democratic Left, played a lead role in transforming Government policy towards the drugs crisis. The measures and strategies put in place by the previous Government can only be reversed at society's peril. The drugs problem has taken root and the damage done has been severe in terms of human life and misery inflicted on entire communities. On all sides of the House and, perhaps more importantly outside in the communities ravaged by the drugs scourge, there has been a welcome for both the first and second reports of the ministerial task force, of which I was chairman.

After years of neglect that induced alienation and hostility in the communities worst affected, the mood has been transformed to one of positive co-operation and hope. The single most important factor in this transformation is the partnership concept at the heart of the 13 local task forces we set up. Almost without exception these have won the support of the local communities and where previously there was objection, obstruction and hostility there is now support, commitment and co-operation. I am immensely proud of that success but unless my successor involves himself in continuing to give political leadership and in driving the implementation of the comprehensive recommendations devised, the serious outstanding problems will not be tackled effectively.

I avail of this opportunity to extend my best wishes to the Minister of State, Deputy Flood, who is taking over that responsibility. He is a good choice for the job because he has an understanding of the phenomenon of deprivation and long-term unemployment that has contributed to the worsening heroin problem in this city. The drugs problem in Ireland is not merely about the abuse of opiates, it is clear to anybody who has studied the problem that the phenomenon of heroin, concentrated in Dublin, is the most serious and desperate aspect of the drugs menace. The Minister of State, Deputy Flood, is well qualified to continue the drive I am proud to have been a part of in the last Government. It was ungracious of the Minister, Deputy Cowen, not to acknowledge, as the Taoiseach and other Deputies did when on this side on the Fianna Fáil benches, the manner in which that ministerial task force in the previous Government transformed the fight back against the drugs menace. It has totally transformed the attitudes of these communities.

I listened carefully to Deputy Dennehy. I appreciate he was not a Member in the last Dáil and, therefore, may not have had the opportunity to read the reports. I do not wish to deal with the point he raised about the division of Cork by the River Lee and the reason there is a problem on the northside and not on the southside.

The 13 areas were selected essentially on the basis of the figures for those presenting for treatment. There is a direct link between drug abuse and multiple deprivation. That is a fact on the basis of expert advice. I am not challenging Deputy Dennehy's conviction that there is a drug problem outside that phenomenon and reports such as the ESBAD to which the Minister, Deputy Cowen, referred clearly show that to be the case. We cannot get away from the fact that there is a direct link between multiple deprivation and drug abuse.

The situation in Dublin was shamefully neglected by all Governments in the previous 15 years. The consequences are horrific in some of those communities. I was able to persuade the previous Government to resource the recommendations prepared in those two ministerial reports. The Government allocated £14 million to underpin the recommendations of the first report of the ministerial task force and £20 million in respect of the proposals in the second report. Unless the Minister of State, Deputy Flood, continues to give political leadership to this assault on drugs and unless he continues to drive the response agreed on all sides, and more importantly outside in the communities, it will not effectively tackle the phenomenon that has besieged these communities.

The report from the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction bears out the gravity of the drugs problem and especially draws attention to the phenomenon that has attracted less attention. It states:

The unprecedented number of Europeans, of an increasingly young age, who are using synthetic drugs such as ecstasy, LSD and amphetamines as part of youth culture, . the users are not from marginalised or disadvantaged backgrounds, but are for the most part young workers or students and relatively well off.

This may be the area to which Deputy Dennehy referred. The main value of the report is that it makes available to Governments comparable information on drugs and drug addiction throughout Europe. This is a valuable contribution even if it is not altogether clear that the methodology for collection of the raw data is consistent throughout. It appears different polling techniques are used, prompted to a large extent by a recognition that since the abuse of hard drugs is illegal, the problem is often hidden. It is no surprise to find Ireland missing from the comparative tables of serious drug abuse because it has surveyed the problem less systematically than some other countries claim to have done. For example, in respect of the opiates problem the first report of the ministerial task force on measures to reduce the demand for drugs, of which I was chairman, concedes that: "we have no accurate count, but there could be up to 8,000 addicts in the greater Dublin region" and again "we have no accurate qualitative measure of the size of the problem.". It goes on to state: "we do have an indicator — statistics are compiled on the numbers of drug abusers presenting for treatment". That ministerial task force expressed the view that:

It is essential that every effort is made to obtain and compile valid, concrete data on the true extent of the drugs problem. This data is necessary in order, first, to accurately quantify the problem and also to provide the base for epidemiological analysis and modelling. Such epidemiological research is necessary to:

assist in the long-term targeting of drugs services;

ensure that an appropriate mix of services is provided, based on need; monitor progress and measure effectiveness; and help determine the appropriate level of Exchequer funding of the drugs services.

I understand from public statements that the reports of the ministerial task force established by the previous Government have been adopted by the Government. Its first report concluded that:

.the lack of valid, concrete information on the nature and extent of drug misuse in this country needs to be addressed. Notwithstanding the difficulties involved in compiling such information, there is a need for accurate research to assist in the longer term targeting of the drug services and to ensure that an appropriate mix of services is provided, based on the evidence for their need and effectiveness.

Since the Government has declared its commitment to overseeing the full implementation of the first report of the ministerial task force, will the Minister indicate the state of progress on the implementation of our recommendations in respect of databases?

On the face of it, the finding of the EMC report that an increasing number of young people are resorting to the use of synthetic drugs as part of a youth culture is the most interesting conclusion. I find it difficult to discern the reliability of the data listed. However I read comment from people at the coalface to the effect that only parents and politicians are surprised at the extent of the problem. If it means what it seems to mean, the claim, for example, that almost four out of ten school-going teenagers admit they have used cannabis is surprising. It is difficult to evaluate the seriousness of this conclusion. As one journalist put it, is the finding mitigated by "once behind the bicycle shed" bravado? It is not surprising that cannabis is the most used drug in the European Union.

The EMC report should be read with a major report from ESPAD on alcohol and other drug abuse among students in 26 European countries which I have just received and which has been the subject of comment by Nuala Haughey of The Irish Times who has followed the drugs crisis here. The report reveals that “Irish 16 year old students are top of the class of 26 European countries in terms of binge drinking”; second, after the United Kingdom, when it comes to taking cannabis or other illegal drugs and second, after the Faroe Islands, when it comes to smoking. These findings are not just surprising but shocking.

One conclusion of the ESPAD report that must be taken into account by the Minister and policy-makers generally is that teenagers in the main are introduced to drugs by their peers or siblings. Only 2 per cent of students who had taken illegal drugs said they had been introduced to them by strangers. Dr. Mark Morgan, a psychologist, who carried out the research among 1,900 16 year old students in 80 schools in 1995 is quoted by Nuala Haughey as saying: "The idea that some people have that there are pushers hanging round schools who give kids drugs and then hope they'll get them hooked and so on isn't the case". In other words, the link is not directly between the suppliers and the kids but rather kids are being supplied by other kids.

Dr. Morgan's conclusion is: "For policy-makers this shows clearly that prevention starts with friends and that you can't blame the supply of drugs for the drug problem". It is clear that prevention starts with friends but I am not convinced the supply of drugs is not part of the problem. However I reluctantly accept that no matter how effective the supply side measures are there will still be drugs available. The question therefore is if we can tackle the demand side effectively. This question dominated the first and second reports of the ministerial task force which dealt with a comprehensive strategy aimed at treatment, research and information, rehabilitation, education and prevention programmes. They also dealt with the questions of estate management, sports facilities, community policing and the allocation of resources.

When in Opposition, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, produced a report which he had blatantly cogged. If imitation is the best form of flattery, I accept the compliment. I welcome this because it means, as the Taoiseach said, the Government is committed to implementing the recommendations of the reports of the ministerial task force.

Some cosmetic changes have been made. As we have not yet had an opportunity to tease them out at Question Time — I hope the Minister of State, Deputy Flood, will deal with them — I am not sure whether they have been made for the sake of being different or whether they are meaningful.

I am not sure whether it was a good idea to abolish the ministerial task force. As the records will show, it met virtually once a week. Immense work was done and valuable evidence heard from experts such as the governor of Mountjoy Prison and representatives of the probation and welfare service, the Eastern Health Board and so on. It appears the ministerial task force is being supplanted by the Cabinet subcommittee of which the Taoiseach is chairman.

The structure established by the previous Government took the form of the local unit, the local drugs task force, a partnership between the local community and the various statutory agencies with responsibilities in this area. It reported to the ministerial task force which, in turn, reported to the Cabinet subcommittee which was chaired by the Taoiseach. As chairman of the ministerial task force, I was in a position to report directly to the Cabinet subcommittee, the secretary to which was an assistant secretary in the Department of the Taoiseach. That was an effective structure that went to the heart of decision-making. This was reflected in the allocation of resources. Will the Minister of State, Deputy Flood, or the Minister of State, Deputy O'Dea, deal with this aspect of the matter?

The question of community policing seems to have been conveniently passed over by all concerned. Will Members on all sides cast their minds back to the marches and protests we witnessed virtually every night on our television screens and to the attempts made by certain persons to fill the vacuum by applying their own policing methods and taking direct action? Besieged communities on the streets of this city, particularly in my constituency, which did not receive an adequate response from the Garda Síochána, were sometimes satisfied to accept help from elsewhere. It was the recommendation of the ministerial task force that more Garda resources should be deployed in a community policing role. In the event the Garda Commissioner proceeded with Operation Dóchas on which I commend him and which has made a contribution. The Operation Dóchas concept is different from that of community policing. In some of these communities it ought to be a priority of policymakers that there be no alienation from the Garda Síochána, so that they can implement community policing in these worst affected areas.

I want to assure the Minister of State at the Department of Tourism, Sport and Recreation that he will have my support in the lifetime of this Dáil. Perhaps he or the Minister of State at the Department of Education and Science, Deputy O'Dea, would clarify the position about the £20 million youth services development fund, one of the main proposals of the second report of the ministerial task force. Preventing an entire generation falling into the clutches of the drugs menace necessitates a strategy that makes available recreational and other opportunities for children who might otherwise resort to drug misuse.

Minister of State at the Department of Education and Science (Mr. O'Dea)

With the permission of the House, I wish to share my time with Deputy Mary Hanafin.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. O'Dea

In response to the various queries Deputy Rabbitte raised, the Minister of State at the Department of Tourism, Sport and Recreation, Deputy Flood, will be contributing shortly and I hope he will deal with the replacement of the ministerial task force by the Cabinet subcommittee and the £20 million youth service development fund.

I acknowledge the very valuable work undertaken by Deputy Rabbitte in the previous Government. The work undertaken by that ministerial task force has proved to be extremely valuable. It is the intention of this Government by and large to implement its proposals and build on its work. We all owe Deputy Rabbitte a debt of gratitude for the tremendous work and long hours put in and the very valuable recommendations of that task force which I acknowledge without hesitation.

While copies of these reports have not yet been made available to the Department of Education and Science, the initial briefing information available to us gives considerable cause for concern. The indications are, especially from the survey undertaken of the school-going population aged 15 to 16 years, that some of our worst fears have been confirmed. People dealing with the misuse of drugs among young people and others such as parents, teachers, youth workers and the Garda have been expressing anxiety about these trends for some time. In spite of the success of the Garda and customs authorities in increasing seizures of cannabis, that drug continues to be widely available. It appears that young people are prepared increasingly to experiment with cannabis. The use of ecstasy appears to have become an indispensable part of certain aspects of the pop music scene. The use of both drugs does not appear to be confined to any particular social group or geographic area. Heroin use continues to be a major concern in urban disadvantaged areas, especially but not exclusively in Dublin. The phenomenon has begun to appear to a disturbing degree in certain parts of Cork and in Limerick.

Despite its known dangers, levels of cigarette smoking among young people show no significant signs of decreasing. Drinking alcohol continues to be a major problem and, if anything, is increasing among young people and at younger age levels. It is because of concern about the increasing availability and use of both legal and illegal drugs by young people that my Department has become actively engaged in introducing substance misuse education programmes in schools at primary and post-primary levels. The various initiatives have been gaining momentum in recent years. In general terms the approach has been to encourage schools to introduce programmes of social, personal and health education to achieve some balance in the curriculum. The aim is to ensure that the personal and social issues facing young people are dealt with in an appropriate manner in schools. It is in that context that substance misuse prevention education programmes are presented to schools.

The indications are, from the ESPAD survey, that up to 37 per cent of our 15 to 16 year olds have experimented with the use of cannabis at some stage, an alarming figure which does not take into account the fact that many of these were once-off users of cannabis. There are no statistics available of people who use cannabis regularly. We are also told that our figures are somewhat on a par with those for the comparable age group in the United Kingdom, the implication being that if 37 per cent of our young people have experimented with cannabis, 62 per cent have not. I regard that as cold comfort since 37 per cent is quite a frightening figure.

When the full report is available to my Department shortly I can assure the House it will be considered very carefully. There is no room for complacency. It must be accepted that illegal drug use among young people is increasing together with the use of alcohol and continued cigarette smoking. This underlines the need for us to redouble our efforts to curb the supply of illegal drugs and to educate our young people and the population generally about the dangers inherent in the use and misuse of drugs.

A further interesting indication from the survey undertaken of 15 to 16 year olds is that the first use of illegal drugs is with friends and that such experimentation takes place as a group activity, the particular illegal substance having been obtained from "friends". This shows the important influence of peer groups, a factor of particular significance for education programmes for young people. This influence has been known to those concerned with the development of education programmes and has been a very important factor in their preparation. It clearly demonstrates that young people must be helped to understand the influences on their behaviour and learn the personal and social skills necessary for independent decision-making. That is why emphasis is placed on social and personal skills and the promotion of healthy lifestyles in our schools programmes.

Unfortunately the statistics available in this report merely highlight the extent of the problem that has become evident in recent years to those who work most closely with young people in our youth services. The report clearly demonstrates that young people have become the most vulnerable category in terms of the threats drugs pose to individual communities and society in general.

I am conscious that youth organisations, youth workers and volunteers are faced with an increasing level of drugs related problems among young people. However, I am convinced that the flexible approach of youth work, which encourages assertiveness, self-esteem and responsibility, reaching out to those most at risk, is an ideal medium for implementing demand reduction strategies among young people. Youth work has been a particularly successful form of intervention in terms of reducing demand for drugs among young people. That is the case for a number of reasons, on which I intend to concentrate in the course of redrafting the youth work Bill which will have to be introduced since the legislation produced by the preceding Government has become unworkable following the abandoning of the proposed regional education boards. I have examined that legislation very carefully, particularly within the context of the importance of youth work and organisations in reducing the demand for drugs. The Bill I will present to the House, hopefully in January but at the latest in February next, will be very different from the Act which has become redundant.

The youth service is particularly well placed to respond to the pressures experienced by young people in relation to drugs, particularly with regard to youth culture, unemployment, isolation, social exclusion and peer pressure.

Members will be aware that the second report of the ministerial task force on measures to reduce the demand for drugs recognised the inherent suitability of youth work as an approach to drugs education and prevention. In doing so the report recommended the establishment of a youth services development fund to provide substantial additional funding for the expansion and enhancement of our youth services over the next three years. The Minister of State at the Department of Tourism, Sport and Recreation will refer to this matter in greater detail in the course of his contribution. For my part I intend to ensure that young people gain the maximum benefit from this initiative and that our youth services are enabled to fulfil their immense potential in combating drug abuse among the young.

However, in order to realise the optimum benefit from initiatives in the drugs area, it is important to have available reliable data relating not only on the extent of drug abuse among the young but on the particular attitudes that lead them to pursue a drug-abusing lifestyle.

In keeping with the partnership approach of this Government, I have provided funding for the National Youth Council of Ireland to undertake a survey which will seek to establish the influences and attitudes that lead young people to develop a drug habit lifestyle. We must all be sufficiently strong to accept that the spread of drugs is due, in part, to the commonality of our young rather than to their differences; hence all backgrounds are susceptible to its influence. In addition to garnering contemporary facts and figures, this survey will seek to analyse those attitudes which influence teenagers to lead a lifestyle that includes drug-taking. The proposed sample of 1,400 young people will be sufficient to achieve the best geographic and demographic spread across the country and enable cross-analysis of attitudes specifically in relation to criteria such as gender, age group and location. I am confident the responses of young people to this survey will be of enormous assistance in developing strategies to combat drug abuse. I have asked for the survey to be completed within the shortest possible timescale and I hope to have the results in January.

The Department of Education and Science is involved in a number of substance misuse prevention measures. For example, a comprehensive programme of substance misuse prevention was introduced in second level schools in late 1994 and that will be expanded considerably. A substance misuse education programme is being developed for primary schools and we look forward to substantial developments in that soon. In addition, the Department of Education and Science and the Department of Health are cooperating in the development of the health promotion schools network. It is linked to other such networks in Europe. After the current school year, the network experiences in Ireland will be disseminated to primary and postprimary schools. In addition to that, the Department of Education and Science participates in the work of the national drugs strategy team. There is room for development there which I am sure my colleague will deal with.

It will take time for educational programmes to show whether they are influencing behaviour. No magic wand can be waved which will result in the immediate elimination of substance misuse in a society. We must ensure we are introducing the right programmes based on the reasons young people use and misuse drugs. That is why the survey I expect to have after Christmas will be extremely interesting and very useful. Programmes must be implemented in an appropriate way. There is little value in preaching and sermonising. It is a paradox that the more the dangers of something are highlighted, the greater the attraction it becomes for some. That is something we must take into account in developing these substance abuse programmes.

Ms Hanafin

Is í fadhb na ndrugaí galar mór na h-aoise seo a thrasnaíonn aois, aicme agus áit. The 1997 report of European Union's Lisbon based drugs monitoring agency confirms a worrying trend which has been obvious for a long time in this country. Nearly 40 per cent of Irish 15 to 16 year olds admit to having used cannabis, the number of addicts under 25 years of age undergoing treatment in this country is more than double the European Union average, and the number of drug related deaths in this country has increased six-fold over the past decade.

No public representative in this capital city can be in any doubt that cannabis is widely available and misused. In 1985 gardaí and customs officials seized a total of 43 kilograms of cannabis. By 1995 that figure had increased to nearly 16,000 kilograms. Enormous profit can be made from the sale and distribution of this illicit drug. Evidence given before the Dublin Circuit Criminal Court this week indicated that the gang leader who organised the importation and distribution of cannabis in this country between 1994 and September 1996 grossed approximately £16.8 million in that period. Those who organise the importation of cannabis to this State do so not as part of the liberal crusade to make soft drugs available but for monetary reward. The professionalism of their operations include the targeting and marketing of cannabis to vulnerable teenagers.

This House has always provided tough penalties for those who distribute and control drugs. In the Misuse of Drugs Act, 1977, a penalty of 14 years' imprisonment was provided for those who possessed drugs for the purpose of sale or supply. In response to the growing menace of drugs, the Misuse of Drugs Act, 1984, increased that penalty to life imprisonment. Despite massive seizures of drugs over the past 13 years, I am unaware of a single person convicted of the offence of the possession of drugs for the purpose of sale or supply who has been sentenced to life imprisonment. It is time for this House to revisit the issue of sentences for drugs distributors and to provide for a minimum sentence for those in possession of a substantial quantity of controlled drugs.

I wholeheartedly support the proposal contained in the Fianna Fáil position paper on drugs published in March of this year, A Radical Approach to Drugs and Drugs Related Crime, which proposes a new offence of drug trafficking for substantial monetary reward which would carry a minimum sentence of ten years' imprisonment. That alone will not solve the problem but it will act as a significant deterrent to those prepared to import drugs to this country and to facilitate their distribution. I am also aware that this proposal has been criticised by many on the Opposition benches, but I do not accept the argument that a person in possession of controlled drugs with a street value of £10,000 or more is in some way a small player or a pawn in the drugs industry. People who possess such a quantity of drugs, including cannabis, know full well its capacity to cause destruction.

The review of treated drug misuse in the greater Dublin area for the five years 1990-94, carried out by Kathleen O'Higgins and published by the health research board shows that cannabis was replaced in that period by heroin as the most commonly used primary drug. It also confirmed that the percentage of persons who first misused a drug between the ages of 15 and 19 increased from 55 per cent to 68 per cent. Those are the years when teenagers are at the greatest risk from a drug pusher.

If we are serious in our attempts to reduce the incidence of drug addiction, we must put substantial resources at the disposal of those who seek to form and shape the activity of 15 to 19 year olds. We must ensure adequate sports facilities and personnel are available. Idleness, either enforced or optional, is the greatest asset of drug pushers. The Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown local drugs task force recommends the recruitment of drugs education and intervention officers and childcare staff, the formulation of a youth service proposal for an "alternative high" programme, leaflets for primary schools, training for sports leaders, support for women as carers and family therapists. These recommendations demonstrate the nature of the work required to tackle the problem.

We must also ensure the Garda has sufficient resources to properly police and monitor areas and locations where 15 to 18 year olds gather. This is especially important in relation to discos and raves. Many raves are thinly disguised supermarkets for drug distribution. Gardaí are frequently powerless to move in and close down these operations. Garda superintendents should be given the power to order the immediate closure of raves where drugs are being distributed. They should also be given similar powers in relation to all other licensed premises. While this would be an extension of their powers, it is comparable to powers given by the Oireachtas and upheld by the courts in other areas. Under the Offences Against the State Act, 1939, Garda chief superintendents are empowered by section 29 to issue a search warrant authorising the entry and search of a person's house.

The threat to the future of this country posed by those who deal in and distribute illicit drugs is as real as the threat posed in the past by unlawful organisations and our response should be commensurate. There were 3,859 detected drug offences in 1995. That is only the tip of the iceberg. Those figures do not tell us what percentage of the £46 million stolen in Ireland in that year was stolen in drug related crime. It is clear that addicts need money and they obtain it from larceny, burglary and robbery. An addict with a relatively modest drug habit will need between £50 and £100 per day to fund his addiction. Many will consume up to £200 of heroin per day. An addict stealing cash in robberies or muggings will need to steal between £18,000 and £40,000 per year simply to feed his habit. In many instances the amount will be greater, as much as £75,000. If an addict tries to fund his habit through the theft of goods from houses or shops the value of goods necessary to steal will increase dramatically. The harsh reality is that each serious addict is a one man crime wave. This House has shown the capacity and resolve to tackle the drugs issue. It must continue through policies in health, education, justice and other Departments in a joint effort to show that we have the capacity and resolve and that together is féidir linn deireadh a chur le galar na ndrugaí sa tír seo.

Ms O. Mitchell

I wish to share my time with Deputy Naughten.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Ms O. Mitchell

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this report. The figures it contains are frightening in their implications for the physical and mental health of young people and their ability to learn and remember. Most of all it is frightening for their ability to contribute as solid and productive citizens.

What is most frightening is that, for the first time, we are seeing figures which indicate that Irish teenagers drink more alcohol and use more drugs than those in other countries. This may signal some other disturbing fundamental changes which are occurring in our society. I use the word 'may' because there are difficulties in cross-country comparisons in surveys of this nature. It may be that Irish teenagers are more honest than their counterparts elsewhere.

Over the past 20 years Irish society has changed at an unbelievable pace and much faster than in the previous 2,000 years. The Ireland that teenagers are growing up in is as different as it could be from the country in which most Members of this House grew up. The authority influences, constraints and rules which operated in the past and controlled our behaviour have all changed and are still in a rapid state of change. Young people may be receiving mixed messages from adults who themselves may not have a more broadly accepted value system. We are all coming to terms with change and the throwing out of old values. This is a challenge for us all. We must put the new Ireland into a context in which we can live.

If this Ireland is a challenge for us, how difficult an environment must it be to grow up in? It is a world in which there are no rules or values which seem immutable. That was the advantage we had when growing up but it is not available to young people today. Materialism is the only certainty left — the pursuit of products, the sense that there is something we can buy which is the answer to everything, the notion of instant gratification for almost every want and whim. Perhaps this is the primary message that young people are picking up from adults. Perhaps, even by the age of 14 or 15, their palates are so jaded that they are already looking for the next fix, buzz or product. I do not wish to exaggerate and I do not pretend to have the answers, but these questions need to be discussed by politicians, churches, parents and society.

In the past we primarily associated the drugs problem with socio-economic disadvantage. That is where the problem is at its greatest and where heroin abuse is causing horrendous social and public health problems. However, this survey is telling us something else. The survey is not confined to socially deprived areas. It covers the gamut of Irish society and it indicates a definite and significant rise in the use of recreational drugs. I do not like the word "recreational" but that is how they are described. It is almost as if youngsters increasingly see drugs and drink as lifestyle accessories which are accepted by their peers as the way to recreate. This indicates the operation of forces other than deprivation. These are forces which we may have entirely missed in our approach to the drug problem. It is important to identify these forces if we are to respond correctly as politicians. The National Youth Council will shortly carry out a survey based on attitudes and motivations. If possible, this report should come before the House as it might give some insight into what is going on.

Demand reduction is the key to solving the drug and drink problem. Over the past two years there has been a raft of legislation giving additional powers to the enforcement agencies. These powers are beginning to pay dividends. Virtually every day the newspapers contain news of seizures. The agencies are to be congratulated on their successes. However, it would be naive to think that we are going to stem the supply of drugs and that Ireland alone will succeed in doing so. Other countries with far greater resources have failed to do so over a longer period of time. Increasingly, resources and attention must be directed towards demand reduction. Treatment for existing abusers is essential and many more resources have gone into health boards to deal with this problem. I plead with politicians to pursue their electorates to accept the need for local treatment centres. That is the key to solving the problem. If services are difficult to access they will not be used. People are naive if they think there is no problem in their community. There is a problem in every community. Demand reduction is the way forward to prevent children from getting into the areas which lead them from drink to drugs and into a lifestyle which is irredeemable.

Underage drinking takes place openly in Dublin. I am sure it is the same elsewhere. It is there for everyone to see in parks, public spaces, laneways and derelict sites. This is where youngsters learn to smoke, drink and take drugs. It is also where the problem of teenage pregnancies begin. It is the kindergarten of drug abuse. Incredibly, this behaviour is largely ignored. Gardaí seem to adopt a benign attitude to these gatherings. Understandably, they are dealing with serious crime and these youngsters may not do harm to anybody. Nevertheless, this is where they are learning to "do drugs." If we are serious about stemming the tide of under age drinking and drug abuse we must put resources into this area where the problem begins.