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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 12 Nov 1998

Vol. 496 No. 5

Crisis in Central America: Statements.

The Government welcomes this opportunity to debate the current situation in Central America. We have all seen the harrowing images of the floods and mudslides which have engulfed lives and homes throughout Central America. It is only right, therefore, that our concern, which reflects the anxieties of the Irish people and indeed all Members of this House, be voiced in the Dáil.

Tropical Storm Mitch, which during the first week of November reached hurricane strength, has devastated much of Central America. In meteorological terms this is the fourth most powerful storm of the 20th century. After battering the Atlantic coastline, it swept inland and reached Central America's Pacific coasts. Nicaragua, Honduras and El Salvador took the brunt of the blow.

Over four million people are suffering the effects of the storm, many of them in isolated communities, some of which are still inaccessible to rescue teams. Prolonged rain and winds of up to 300 kilometres per hour hit Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala and El Salvador. Almost all the roads connecting the Central American countries have been damaged while the capital cities, Tegucigalpa in Honduras and Managua in Nicaragua, are badly damaged. The damage to infrastructure generally is complicating the relief effort.

The impact of Hurricane Mitch on the economies of Central America has yet to be fully analysed. Preliminary estimates of damage to key sectors such as agriculture, road networks and supply systems indicate that years of economic growth have been wiped out with inevitable consequences for the living standards of the affected nations.

In Honduras, a week of relentless rain, floods and landslides had a very severe impact. Over 7,000 people are reported dead, a further 11,000 are still missing while more than 2,000,000 people are affected. According to the Honduran Government emergency committee, Hurricane Mitch was the most destructive natural phenomenon to hit Honduras this century. Drinking water is not available, food is scarce and the supply of electricity is erratic. Almost 600,000 people, 10 per cent of the population, are thought to have lost their homes. The President of Honduras has declared that about 60 per cent of the infrastructure has been destroyed and the storm has been designated the worst natural disaster to hit Honduras in recent times.

In Nicaragua, over 4,300 people are reported dead or missing. Figures will become more accurate, and are likely to rise considerably as communications improve and access roads are cleared, since rescue teams continue to face difficulties in reaching many of the worst hit areas. The worst affected areas are west of the capital Managua, close to the border with Honduras.

The single worst incident saw the collapse of the Casita Volcano which led to a massive mudslide. Subsequently, a wall of mud up to three kilometres wide devastated an area of 80 square kilometres which included three towns. The bulk of the country remains out of road communication with the capital, owing to the collapse of many bridges.

The Governments of Honduras and Nicaragua have declared a national emergency and, together with Guatemala and El Salvador, have appealed for international assistance.

The International Federation of the Red Cross has issued a preliminary appeal for international assistance, although they will update this appeal as needs increase. In addition, national Red Cross societies throughout the region have mobilised up to 4,000 volunteers.

The United Nations has activated its Disaster Assessment and Co-ordination Team which is currently in the region reporting to the UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs which is acting as a channel for immediate relief needs. The UN Development Programme, UNICEF and the World Food Programme have contributed £335,000 and technical assistance from their own existing resources. The UNDP and OCHA have announced the establishment of an inter-agency task force to focus on a comprehensive approach to humanitarian assistance. As of 9 November, the total cash donations reported to the UN, including Ireland's assistance, totalled $41 million in cash grants along with large contributions of relief goods and technical assistance.

The European Commission has approved a package of £5.4 million for Central American countries struck by Hurricane Mitch and will provide an additional £7.8 million in the coming week. The aid, which the European Community Humanitarian Office will manage, will be disbursed in Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala and El Salvador through NGOs and the Red Cross. The funding will cover food aid, temporary shelter, water purification products and medical inputs. ECHO will continue to monitor the situation closely. The European Commission has earmarked a further £10.2 million for rehabilitation work.

At Monday's General Affairs Council, Commissioner Bonino announced her intention to travel to the region to review the situation. In total, the European Union and its member states have donated more than $84 million to the emergency effort.

The World Bank plans to advance a scheduled disbursement of approximately $20 million to support the Honduran Government's immediate needs for financial support. In addition, it will immediately make available funds from a recently approved US $45 million loan for the Social Investment Fund Project to meet communities' needs for the emergency rehabilitation of basic infrastructure in rural areas affected by floods. In total, the World Bank has announced it will make approximately £200 million available for immediate support to the countries affected.

Ireland has responded quickly and generously by approving a total of £400,000 from the Emergency Humanitarian Assistance Fund administered by my Department. While this funding is primarily focused on Honduras and Nicaragua, assistance to other affected countries in the region is also included. Ireland's assistance is being disbursed through Trócaire, APSO, the International Federation of the Red Cross and the World Health Organisation. Trócaire and APSO have spent many years carrying out excellent long-term development projects throughout the region. These projects have now literally been swept away as the years of painstaking development were destroyed in one blow. Staff have been redeployed in the short-term to maintain some level of essential services to the people.

APSO, through its volunteers based in Honduras, is organising the supply of food, medicine and clothes for the jungle communities with which they work, although the logistical problems resulting from damage to the road network, and the poor communications, continue to hamper their efforts. I understand an initial group of medical and logistics experts recruited from the rapid response register, established earlier this year by APSO with the support of my Department, has been dispatched to the region. They will support its relief effort in the region.

APSO continues its efforts to supply isolated communities with food, clothing and medicines. It has distributed 15 tons of food and medicines to communities on the North Coast and the Mosquito Jungle. Further shipments are being prepared. The Department is keeping in close touch with APSO which has reported the urgent need for fast growing rice and bean seed in the hope of producing some food within the next three months. As Honduras is about to enter the dry season there are but a few areas where it is feasible to plant at this late stage. For the rest of the country, which has lost between 70 and 90 per cent of this year's harvest depending on the area affected, food distribution will have to continue for the next nine months until the 1999 harvest starts to come on the market. To avoid duplication, APSO is co-ordinating closely with other international agencies, particularly Trócaire. I have approved grants totalling £80,000 to APSO following their request for assistance in both Honduras and Nicaragua.

Ireland's assistance to Honduras and the solidarity of the Irish people with the stricken country has been acknowledged by the Honduran Minister for International Relations.

Trócaire's personnel in Honduras, both expatriate and local, have extensive experience of handling emergency relief programmes, most recently in conjunction with Irish Aid for emergency relief for El Nino drought victims. Trócaire has a network of local counterpart organisations in the affected areas which allows it to operate at short notice in emergency situations. Trócaire has identified 17 projects directly affected by the hurricane in nine municipalities in Honduras. Grants totalling £100,000 have been allocated to Trócaire's initial programmes aimed at providing emergency assistance. The main form of relief supplies will consist of family food packages.

According to recent reports from the World Health Organisation, one of the most immediate threats is one of disease as a result of severe damage to the health infrastructure and an acute shortage of medical supplies. The needs are great in view of injuries requiring emergency care, and high risks from epidemics of cholera, malaria and dengue fever in stricken areas. Respiratory illnesses, diarrhoea and conjunctivitis are reported by public health authorities in all the countries affected. A grant of £100,000 will go towards meeting these needs. It will be disbursed via the UN office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs and earmarked for the World Health Organisation Appeal for emergency medical supplies on behalf of all countries affected. Part of the moneys allocated to APSO will fund the supply of emergency medical kits in some of the most affected areas of Honduras.

In summary, the Government has approved grants totalling £100,000 to Trócaire for immediate relief effort, which include meeting the needs in nine severely affected municipalities in Honduras to assist approximately 30,000 people; grants totalling £80,000 to APSO for humanitarian assistance in Honduras and Nicaragua; a grant of £120,000 to the International Federation of the Red Cross — the federation, along with its national societies, is able to disburse these funds to where they are most needed including other countries such as Guatemala and El Salvador; and a grant of £100,000 to the World Health Organisation for emergency medical supplies on behalf of all countries affected within the region.

In allocating this bilateral emergency funding, I have taken into account the very clear needs in Central America. The current storm is one of a number of disasters which have happened across the world in recent months. Floods in Bangladesh, India and China have also affected millions of people. Ongoing emergencies in Sudan, Central Africa and Kosovo, to name just a few, require humanitarian assistance. Ireland has given generously to all these areas and will continue to be as responsive as we can, given our capacities.

The capacity to pay of the heavily indebted countries affected by the hurricane has, to put it mildly, become extremely limited, if not virtually non-existent. This requires an urgent international response including the possibility of a debt moratorium on immediate debt payments and addressing long-term debt needs. It is very encouraging to see that some countries are moving to cancel the debt owed to them by the worst affected countries, which are genuinely on a debt treadmill. Servicing external debt diverts scarce resources from vital areas like health and education, and supporting debt relief is now a key pillar in our aid strategy. We have already taken practical steps to support debt initiatives by allocating a total of £20 million towards debt relief through direct allocations to debt relief funds and for the first time through the World Bank and IMF programmes which are geared to ease the plight of the most highly indebted countries. It makes sense for us to do this. Quite simply, by spending less on debt repayment these countries can spend more on their own people and on social and human development. Nowhere is this more patently clear than in the Central American countries affected by Hurricane Mitch. These countries have to start again from zero. Their chances of rehabilitation will be severely hampered if they are burdened by unsustainable debt levels. With this in mind the General Affairs Council of the European Union held an initial discussion on this matter last Monday, and it will also be discussed by other Ministers with responsibility for development at the end of the month.

This was a natural disaster of massive and deadly proportions. It was also a disaster which had a savage and disproportionate impact on a region which was already struggling to cope with the every day needs of its people. This was a double cruelty. Richer countries can be prepared for storms and hurricanes. Buildings are more secure, technology permits minute by minute information, there are resources to permit large scale evacuation and people have insurance and jobs to return to. By contrast we have seen in Central America how poverty compounds the impact of disaster leaving a deadly legacy. They were not prepared, there was no warning and in the aftermath poor telecommunications, lack of basic equipment, poor housing and adequate medical services means that more will suffer and rebuilding will take longer.

For Nicaragua, the disaster comes at a particularly unfortunate time, after a period of drought which damaged agricultural production. Despite that drought, recent growth forecasts had been promising, but the effects of the hurricane and flooding on the livelihoods of farmers and on agricultural production are likely to be very severe with some reports suggesting that 80 per cent of the valuable coffee crop has been lost. There may also be a reversal of progress achieved under the second enhanced structural adjustment facility agreed with the IMF last March. A recent agreement between the government, doctors and other public health workers for badly needed salary increases of over 100 per cent could also be jeopardised if funds have to be diverted by the government in emergency relief and rehabilitation.

In Honduras the widespread destruction of factories, farmland and crops means that many of the survivors have lost their only source of income. One of the industries hardest hit has been the banana industry, which in some areas has been totally devastated and may take years to recover. The hurricane and subsequent water and mud slides have in some places not only destroyed the crop but also rendered the ground unusable for probably many years for banana production. Thousands have lost their jobs and their livelihoods. The international community must come to their aid. I applaud the decisions of some of the international companies doing business in the areas, like Fyffes, who have made donations towards relief and are committed to rehabilitating the land and the industry which has been affected.

Peace was also returning, with the most recent of several peace agreements being signed between rebels and the government in Guatemala. The Guatemalan peace accords, which were recently approved by the country's Congress, involve the achievement of socioeconomic targets and it remains to be seen to what extent the disaster may jeopardise these commitments.

Environmental degradation has aggravated the effects of such disasters. Widespread deforestation leading to silted riverbeds, construction in flood plains and on the flanks of mountains, the use of slash and burn techniques for clearing land — all of these combine to increase the scale of devastation when natural catastrophes occur. The devastation caused by mudslides in Honduras is ample evidence of this. Honduras and Nicaragua were poor countries and have now been set back by many years. Decades of work was eliminated in a period of 24 hours. The tireless and heroic efforts of our aid workers had to switch from building up employment and community programmes to emergency relief.

While we concentrate our immediate attention on emergency relief efforts it is clear that the international community must show long-term commitment and solidarity with the countries of Central America in their efforts to rebuild their economy and renew hope for their people. One community leader in Honduras was quoted as saying "we are not on our knees begging, we are asking for the dignity of your co-operation". We owe them that dignity.

Long after the television cameras have left the scenes of devastation we must maintain our presence and work in the region. We will need to focus on long-term rehabilitation assistance and I have given a commitment that the Irish Government will, together with the international community, stay with these countries and help increase their capacity to grow out of poverty.

The EU is already looking at ways to support urgent reconstruction. The Council regulation on assistance to developing countries in Asia and Latin America already provides for additional funding and technical assistance for reconstruction in the wake of disasters. Ireland will be pressing for full use of this facility. In addition, the disaster in Central America will be a principal item on the Development Council agenda when it meets at the end of this month. I will strongly support programmes for emergency aid and reconstruction to assist the devastated countries.

Although some people may wish the Government to respond even more generously to the needs of Central America, my ability to do so is limited by the resources available for official development assistance. It is true that ODA has increased every year since 1992 from a low base of £40 million to £137 million this year, a huge increase of 242.5 per cent. This is a growth rate which has reflected successive Governments' commitment to the developing world. There is strong democratic support for this. We are now a developed nation thanks to our own efforts and huge transfers from the EU.

Between the late 1970s and early 1990s, EU transfers to Ireland accounted for between 2 and 4 per cent of our GDP. No poor country has benefited from the generosity of others on such a scale. In the period from 1992 to 1997, the aid allocation as a percentage of GNP rose from 0.16 per cent to 0.31 per cent in line with the commitment to move towards the interim target of 0.45 per cent of GNP. However, the extraordinary growth in GNP has complicated matters and has in effect overtaken our aid commitment as a percentage of GNP.

For example, an extra allocation of £15 million was agreed for 1998 as part of the Estimates process at the end of 1997 aimed at the time of its allocation at reaching a target of 0.32 per cent of GNP. However, the rapid GNP growth in the year has meant the outturn is more likely to be around 0.29 per cent. To deal with this dilemma of growth as it impacts on ODA percentage GNP targets, we need to agree multi-annual budgets to avoid the annual round of adversarial Estimates discussions. This is a matter not just for the Government but for parties opposite who, in due course, will be on this side. In light of that, it is all the more important that we hold firm to the trend of the last few years of sustaining incremental increases so that at least, in real cash terms, the budget grows every year to maintain a credible aid programme.

Our aid budget is a measure of our commitment to civilised values. There is perhaps no greater practical indicator of our solidarity with the poor of the world and the vindication of human rights than our work in developing countries. The Estimates for 1999 have now been published. Because the overall increase is inadequate and because large mandatory payments are due in 1999 we are forced to cut back on country programmes, emergency and humanitarian assistance. Deputies know my views on this: I am appalled. The debt package, while welcome and legitimately an allocation under ODA, sits oddly with a cut in spending on basic needs and emergency assistance.

I hope in the context of a caring budget, the Government will address the concerns I expressed last week and again today in this regard. Times are good in Ireland and it is imperative that we share our bounty with those people whose poverty has no parallel here.

I welcome this debate but I wish we had a more rapid response in terms of parliamentary opportunity to discuss issues of this kind. We should have discussed this matter last week. Two weeks after Hurricane Mitch hit these poor under-developed countries, particularly Nicaragua and Honduras, we are only starting to swing into action. While I welcome the rapid response unit of APSO, I urge the Minister to examine the feasibility of setting up an emergency rapid response unit on a broader basis which would be ready to travel to accident locations within 24 hours. The unit should consist of key rescue and medical personnel, logistics personnel who would assess the needs on the ground, emergency shelter units — which would have tents available to it, food rations, water purification tablets, water containers, medical supplies and communications equipment. Ireland, which 150 years ago lost one quarter of its population because of a famine, could make a significant contribution by having that rapid response unit ready. As a State, our official response is to react after the event and not have a proactive response unit in place with general parameters along the lines suggested. APSO is trying to respond quickly but it needs to be more broadly based.

In her contribution the Minister of State referred to grants approved by the Government of £100,000 to Trocaire, £80,000 to APSO, £120,000 to the International Federation of the Red Cross and £100,000 to the World Health Organisation for emergency use in those areas, a total of £400,000. In the context of the £1.5 billion a year approximately which we receive from the EU to help us catch up with our EU neighbours, the £400,000 being allocated to this disaster — probably the greatest disaster in living memory from one disaster — is meagre. We do not yet know how many people are dead. The number could be upwards of 7,000 and according to some estimates it could be as high as 18,000. Against that figure, the financial contribution we have made so far is meagre.

In her contribution the Minister of State mentioned the requirement for an urgent international response including the possibility of a debt moratorium on immediate debt payments and addressing long-term debt needs. I urge the Minister to take the initiative in this matter and to seek the appointment of an independent commissioner for debt who would look at the capacity of these debtor countries to make their repayments. One cannot forgive all debts because the governments of some of those states have sequestered these funds for their own use. An independent commissioner for debt could look at the case for forgiving debt entirely on the basis of merit for debtor countries. If this cannot be done on an international basis, let us try to do it among the EU states so that the EU states, including Ireland, could forgive whatever debt may be due to us. The Minister commends France and Spain which are moving to cancel the debt owed to them by the worst affected countries. When replying perhaps the Minister of State would outline the level of international indebtedness, if any, to Ireland and what steps are being taken to encourage our neighbours in the EU to forgive whatever debt exists.

In the latter part of her contribution the Minister of State set out the money contributions received and referred to the interim target of 0.45 per cent of GNP, set by the previous Government towards achieving 0.7 per cent set by the UN. It is clear we will not meet the target set unless the Minister or this House deals with the situation once and for all.

The Minister of State, one of a small number of Ministers in the minority partner in this Coalition, has more leverage to do this than she realises. It is not good enough for a Minister to make a speech as if she were in Opposition, unless she is prepared to deliver on that. I urge the Minister to bring in legislation to bind the Government and future Governments not only to the 0.45 per cent of GNP but to make it an interim commitment by legislative deed of this House and proceed to make provision by legislation to meet the 0.7 per cent target. If that is the case, these contributions will have to be met out of the Central Fund without further recourse to this House on an annual basis. Every future Government would be bound to meet that legal requirement whether the Minister for Finance or the Department of Finance agrees. I urge the Minister to draft such a Bill and put it before the House.

I pledge to vote for it if she does so. She should make it a legislative requirement so there will be no future fudging on this issue. The will of this House is there to provide those funds and it should give legislative effect to that will. We should take it away from the annual Estimates debacle which puts it in competition with roads and everything else required.

We are doing extraordinarily well and before we forget ourselves, it is time we realised from where we came and our obligation to share what we have with those who are least privileged. A woman contacted my office the other day and attacked me for standing up in this House and seeking to have more funds committed to overseas development aid because of other requirements which need to be met at home. We have an Exchequer budget surplus of in excess of £1 billion this year. However, whether or not we have such a surplus, we have an obligation to help the least privileged on this planet. If we do not do so, we are sowing the seeds of our own future destruction because we are allowing for future turmoil which will find its way to our doorstep.

I was upbraided by a lady during the last general election who said she had not seen the Celtic tiger around her area. I asked her to take a look down the road — this partly comfortable part of Dublin has since been transferred from my constituency so I can probably tell the story with greater ease — where every house had at least one or two cars in the driveway, a telephone line going into it, carpets on the floor, coloured televisions and central heating and where there was the opportunity for children in that part of Dublin to be educated to second and third level as a matter of norm. She said in a civilised way that the ladies in the golf club to whom she had spoken the other night would not agree with me. I replied — I do not know whether she has forgiven me yet — that I doubted very much if her mother had central heating, a telephone, a coloured television, carpets on the floor, cars in the driveway, the opportunity for her children which she had for hers and that she certainly did not have the opportunity to go to the golf club to complain about it. It is time we reminded ourselves of that.

Large numbers of people are starving, just as our people starved some generations ago, and we have a duty and an obligation to them. The number of cars in the driveway is not a measure of our success but how we use our commitment, as the Minister said, in budgetary terms and our time and possessions in committing to civilised values. It is a civilised value to try to assist people in situations in which those in Nicaragua and Honduras find themselves. If we leave anything to our children, it should not be the car in the driveway but these values.

I hope the Minister will take what I said on board. I vow here and now to co-operate with her. She must introduce legislation, place this on a statutory basis and commit us to sharing that slice of the cake so that there will be no future need for Ministers to come into the House to threaten to resign or otherwise. I hope the Minister continues to rock the boat and that she makes it clear she will resign if the targets in percentage terms are not met.

I refer to press reports of the extent of the problem in Honduras and Nicaragua, in particular to an AFP report quoted in The Irish Times of 11 November which gives a sense of the extent of the problem. It states:

With an average of 48 hectares (118 acres) of forest lost every hour in the region, they say many mountainsides no longer have trees to hold back landslides or stop the rain from sweeping away topsoil and dumping it in rivers. . .

Torrential rains drenched the region for a week, flooding rivers, which swept away hundreds of kilometres of rail tracks and roads, entire villages and thousands of hectares of crops.

They also caused massive landslides, including one on the south flank of the Casitas volcano in north-eastern Nicaragua that buried five villages and killed more than 2,200 people. The total death toll has been estimated at 11,100 with 15,300 still missing across Central America. . .

At the best of times, between 80,000 and 108,000 hectares (200,000 and 270,000) acres of tropical forests disappear every year in Honduras.

In neighbouring Nicaragua the figure is between 100,000 and 120,000 hectares, according to environmental organisations.

In both countries, deforestation is mainly carried out by multinational companies, including banana producers and timber industries.

And, with the best land held by multinationals and wealthy farmers, many in this impoverished region chop down trees on the flanks of mountains and volcanoes to cultivate a small parcel of land. When the soil no longer produces enough, they move a little higher chopping down a few more trees to grow the corn and beans they need to feed their families.

"The case of Casitas was foreseeable. Poor peasants deforested its flanks without respecting any rule or taking into consideration the fragility of the soil and the slopes. Unknowingly, they dug their own graves".

The report could be no more factual than that in that they unknowingly literally dug their own graves. The report also stated:

The practice of burning forested areas to clear land for cultivation also contributes to deforestation, as does the widespread use of wood for cooking fuel in the region where only a minority has access to electricity. In Honduras, 59 per cent of city residents and 95 per cent of those who live in the countryside cook on wood fires

"If we continue to cut down our forests at this rhythm, we will not have a single tree left by 2020," said one Nicaraguan conservationist.

The above all indicates that we need more than this meagre response. We need to proactively help those people not to dig their graves and the way to do so is to ensure we meet the full UN target of 0.7 per cent and to put it on a statutory basis. More than any other Minister before her, this Minister has the power and leverage to do so and I pledge to support her if she does so.

When I asked for this item to be discussed last week I thought about the circumstances in which it would be discussed. There are some advantages to discussing it this week because we have had an opportunity to reflect for one week on the international, European and Irish responses. We are, therefore, able to assess the adequacy of our response in terms of the problem.

I have some familiarity with this region. I went to Nicaragua for the first time in 1981 and during the 1980s visited Central America on maybe more than half a dozen occasions. It would be useful if our response was structured in such a way as to have the most meaningful medium and long-term impact as well as a short-term one. Taking up a point raised by the previous Deputy, we need to open our eyes clearly to the background of the ecological disaster. The Central American region faced one of its most significant invasions in the 1950s when President Arbenz was elected in Guatemala.

On that occasion the country was invaded because of his stated election promise that he would call into question the fact that the Grace Corporation had 48 per cent of the total land area of Guatemala at that time and had promises of further leases, which would deprive peasants of their land. It led to the migration of the Grace Corporation to Costa Rica.

The Grace Corporation and other multi-national corporations pushed the peasants in the direction of the forests. It was not a question of the peasants not knowing what they were doing, but of them being consciously pushed by multi-national corporations towards the most vulnerable areas of their ecosystem.

Today, the same multinational corporations, with other multinationals, are now claiming intellectual property rights on the botanical diversity of the forests, having found out they are of immense benefit to the pharmacological industry. Therefore, a vicious international corporate capital always had a lien on this region, which weighed heavily on the minds of the people.

I was in Nicaragua in the 1980s. A war of economic attrition, as well as a military war, was taking place and there was a conscious destabilisation of the elected Government of Nicaragua. I do not intend to dwell on that, but simply to say the cost of the war in one year in the 1980s was $238 million. We can compare our £400,000 with that figure. When an Irish parliamentary delegation visited Nicaragua they saw holes in the walls from where shells had been fired, not just in the officially declared war but also in the dirty war, in which people such as Colonel North participated.

The West has an incredibly negative relationship with this region, which is countered to some extent by the extraordinary contribution of those in NGOs and the voluntary sector. I want to be as practical and positive as I can. There is an immense benefit to the Minister of State and her State in channelling as much aid as possible directly to the region on a people to people basis. For example, Sally O'Neill Sanchez, who has been a senior executive with Trócaire for most of her life, is in an excellent position to give direct evidence of the projects which are necessary in Honduras. It would be best to send the aid as quickly as possible to the people in order to save on administrative costs.

I am not making a party political point, but it is little less than tragic that APSO's budget is effectively being cut in the Estimates. In the reconstruction of Nicaragua, for example, while building materials were necessary, the skills of carpenters and others with construction skills were even more necessary to address the housing shortage. Members may not know that the eastern coast of Nicaragua, much of which is non-Spanish speaking, always had communications difficulties. The only access was by air, which made it necessary to have helicopters which could respond quickly to the east coast.

Honduras has taken the biggest brunt of what has happened and needs technical aids. For example, it is being reported in the international press that the thousands of lost bodies in the lake in the centre of Tegucigalpa, the capital of Honduras, are raising a stench. There is the possibility of disease and detailed and expert assistance is required to address that immediately. There are also many difficulties in relation to Lake Managua.

We need to construct an adequate response, and not just in terms of the volume of money. The sum of £400,000 would not buy one of the houses written about in the Thursday property supplements of Irish newspapers. We must make a significant response. If the APSO budget were doubled and the technical skills were released into the area immediately, the issue of housing, shelter and so on would be addressed.

There is an immediate need to supply beans and rice. The destruction of the coffee crop will impact enormously on the economies of the region. It will probably have a less disseminated effect than the banana failure. However, more importantly, the food security of the ordinary population will require beans and rice.

There is no point in speaking about restructuring the debt or having a moratorium on interest payments as there is no capacity to pay. However, something even more immoral happened in Nicaragua. When the Government of Daniel Ortega Saavedra, of the Frente Sandista de Liberación Nacional, was elected in Nicaragua, it had to secure international recognition to undertake the Somoza debt. A huge portion of the Nicaraguan debt was acquired, squandered and used for oppression by the Somoza family. The IMF's strategy, which was imposed on Nicaragua shortly after the accession of La Dona Violeta Chamorra, the then President of Nicaragua, was one which required the destruction of the public sector, put children selling matches on the streets of Managua and reversed a series of significant gains in relation to public education and literacy.

This is an appropriate time for us to look at how international financial agencies impact on that region and to wipe out the debt. An interesting fact is that Cuba, a country with many difficulties and which suffers from an immoral and internationally illegal blockade, has written off £36 million in debt owed by Nicaragua. We must make a strong case for the cancellation of the Central American debt.

Unfortunately, we could have anticipated some of the difficulties created by the economic policy. For example, in 1982, Nicaragua suffered a $356 million loss to its economy from flooding. An adequate response must be made to the crisis immediately, in terms of food security and immediate shelter, and the money must be got to those working on the ground. There must also be a medium term strategy which leaves construction, communication and planning skills in place. In the long-term there must be an entirely new approach and a radical critique of the consequences of the IMF and international lending agencies' prescriptions for the Central American region, particularly the countries most affected.

The Honduras debt to the European Union is approximately $1.8 billion. Anyone who suggests Honduras has the capacity to pay that is not just not living in the real world but is subscribing to an economics of cruelty. When I was in Central America in the 1980s it was not unusual for 45 cents in every dollar to go on servicing the debt. At the same time, there was malnutrition and an absence of safe housing and safe water. We cannot continue to say to people that about half of their limited production capacity must go on servicing their debt.

It is necessary to co-ordinate the European Union response. The French response that the debt should be eliminated is welcome. The British response that there should be a moratorium or a rescheduling of the debt is disgraceful. Holland and Spain have said they will think out the position but they are likely to favour cancellation.

I will give an indication of who made money during the good days of Somoza. Some 3,500 US banks lent money to the Central American region when there was a return to be made. One of the reasons the debt could not be cancelled was the argument of the Federal Reserve about the impact on those 3,500 banks and the possible European response if the Americans took a particular line. It is time to test whether there is a genuine autonomous European Union foreign policy, inclusive of overseas development aid.

I want to encourage the Minister of State. I appreciate how difficult it was for her to say she was appalled at the cut in ODA and I agree with her. This matter also arose when my party was a partner in Government with the Fianna Fáil Party and we left Government in 1994. The attitude of the Department of Finance was extraordinary. It mediated through the Department of Foreign Affairs that there should be a cut in ODA. It is damaging its credibility in relation to its commitment to an economics that is inclusive of people.

The reality is there is widespread public support for paying the proportion and percentage of GNP in respect of ODA. The Department needs to get that message and the Minister of State was right to say what she said. The position was similar to where one is doing well and one says one never thought one would do that well and, therefore, one can shift the percentage. That is disgraceful. As the previous Deputy said, there is a consensus in the House on this. We will take whatever flak there is. I do not see why we should have to make a comparison between the poor at home and the desperate abroad. The reality is there is all-party support for meeting our commitment in this regard. It has taken a terrible disaster like this for us to rise to affirm our commitment to continue to move towards meeting the UN target for ODA.

I went initially to Central America at the invitation of Trócaire. Other organisations are also working there. All those voluntary organisations, APSO and others are doing great work. People should realise the enormous impact access to clean water or the security of grain or rice has on a village. The last time I was there was the end of the 1980s when school books were withdrawn from the children and a standard school text was issued. The same standard text was issued in Honduras and Guatemala which dealt with the westernisation of Nicaraguan, Honduran and Guatemalan children. All the work of Fernando Cardenan and his brother Ernesto and others was practically wiped out overnight. The international marketplace at the end of the 1980s was used to destroy the literacy and education of children, the prospects of people in the cities and to wind up projects in remote areas. This national disaster has compounded the political attitude.

We are being tested by having to say if we are willing to meet our commitment to overseas aid. This week has not been lost. We have seen what everyone else is doing and our contribution of £400,000 is only peanuts. We need to increase it. We need to make short-term, medium-term and long-term responses. I urge that we learn from this. When we participate in consultations on world trade and so on we must examine what is the latest robbery in terms of bio-diversity and the botanical diversity. If multinational corporations did what it is said they did, it is up to people of goodwill to respond generously. If the Minister pushes this matter, she will have my support. It is important she should do that and she would not be doing it for herself. There is consensus in the House that we should make the response I have talked about.

I welcome the opportunity presented by this short debate to express our solidarity with the people of Central America, especially those in Honduras and Nicaragua who have suffered so terribly as a result of the devastation inflicted on them by Hurricane Mitch two weeks ago. What we are dealing with here is not only the aftermath of another tropical storm, but the aftermath of one of the worst weather related disasters of the 20th century. The US Weather Centre has declared Hurricane Mitch the worst Atlantic storm since the great hurricane of 1780. It is also clear that the scale of the aid and assistance required from the developed world is much more than the normal sticking plaster response to Third World disasters.

There is some evidence that the developed countries are responding in an unprecedented way and there is some hope that some long-term good may yet come out of this terrible disaster in that the West is beginning to look seriously at questions like the restructuring or writing off debt. However, the initial response of our Government was so meagre as to be embarrassing. As many speakers pointed out, £200,000 would barely buy a semi-detatched house in Dublin. It would not cover the cost of building two local authority houses. Even the additional £200,000 announced this week is still far short of the level of aid we should be able to provide, given the exceptionally strong performance of the economy.

If we had not seen some of the scenes of the devastation so graphically and vividly depicted on our television screens, the scale of the disaster would be hard for us to comprehend. Fifty inches of rain fell in the storm within five days. Two weeks later, nobody knows for certain how many people have died. Estimates are changing each day as more areas are opened up and more bodies are found. The latest estimate I saw suggests that up to 17,000 people may have died, the great bulk of these in Honduras and Nicaragua. The power of television has been important in informing people across the globe as to the extent of the destruction. Before I came into the House today I had a telephone call from a woman working in the home and feeding her young children. She decided to organise a fundraising event in her kitchen because she was so appalled and distressed at the sights she saw on television. That community spirit needs to be reflected in the Government's response to this disaster.

As a result of this disaster, tens of thousands of people are homeless, infrastructure has been destroyed and crops have been laid waste. On the Casitas volcano in northwest Nicaragua the torrential rain unleashed a mudslide which wiped out two towns and several villages that were home to around 4,000 people, most of whom are believed to be dead.

Honduras, which suffered most, will require homes for 1.4 million people, about a quarter of its population. Nicaragua will require homes for about a million, or 20 per cent of its population. In Honduras alone, 89 of the country's bridges have been destroyed and around three-quarters of its crops destroyed. In Nicaragua, the Government estimates that it will take more than $1 billion to rebuild 1,500 miles of road, 80 bridges, 300 schools and dozens of health clinics and public buildings.

Central America is already a poor region. Honduras, which bore the brunt of the storm, is one of the poorest countries in Latin America, with 82 per cent of the population living below the poverty line. It has an unemployment rate of 45 per cent. It will take decades for the region to recover from this disaster. Inadequate housing was demolished, the road system was washed away, communications were disrupted and food reserves and crops have been destroyed. Famine is now a real danger. The region needs short-term assistance but it also needs long-term aid and assistance.

In the short-term the priority must be to rescue people who are still stranded by the flooding and to provide for their immediate needs in terms of medicine, food, clothing and shelter. A principal problem in this regard is communications, given that so many bridges have been destroyed and so much of the basic infrastructure has been washed away. Planes and helicopters are urgently required. Military task forces have been put together before within a matter of days when there was a danger of conflict in different parts of the world. A similar sense of urgency is required on the part of the international community to deal with the immediate needs of the people in the region.

The voluntary organisations working in these countries do not have the resources or personnel on the scale required. What is required is a huge, well co-ordinated and well resourced international rescue operation or disease and famine will set in taking tens of thousands more lives. We have seen massive US resources used in times of aggression and war and those massive resources, in particular, will be crucial to determining how many of those who have avoided death so far will survive the aftermath of this disaster.

Irish people have a long tradition of interest in and solidarity with the people of Central America. They solidly supported moves towards democracy and opposed attempts during the 1980s to overthrow the democratically elected government in Nicaragua. The Irish economy has been doing well in recent years, the Exchequer is literally awash with money but it is now time for us to put our hand deep into the national pocket and to show that we really do care by making a very substantial contribution to the rescue operation.

The churches, businesses and individuals will, I hope and expect, respond to this emergency. There is already evidence a response is being made by the community.

By international standards the Government's response has been disappointing. The US, of whom I have often been critical, added $10 million to the $70 million it had already pledged. This week Spain is expected to approve an aid package worth £65 million. Even Cuba, a small country which has enormous economic problems because of a vicious US embargo, has agreed to write off debts worth £32.5 million.

Even if this disaster had never happened the countries of Central America would have required substantial aid and assistance over a prolonged period to help overcome their ongoing problem of hunger and poverty. The events of the past few days have meant that the scale of aid required has increased substantially and the period over which it will be needed extended further. A reconstruction programme is required that may take decades.

A good development has been the refocusing of attention on the level of Third World debt and the problem debt repayments create for impoverished and weather threatened countries. People are beginning to ask what sense it makes for poor countries to have to pay £5 in debt repayments for every £1 received in aid. Third World countries currently owe western banks £1.4 million. Honduras, the country worst hit by this disaster, has a foreign debt of $4 billion and makes annual interest payments of $450 million.

I welcome the move by a number of countries to look seriously at the question of cancelling Third World debt or, at the minimum, suspending repayments. This is the key to bridging the gap between the developed and the developing world. The British are seeking suspension of Third World debt. While this does not go far enough it is an important move. The Minister of State welcomed it.

It is easy for this county to support calls for writing off Third World debt because Ireland is not a creditor nation and is owed little or nothing in this regard. If we want other countries to write off debt we should be prepared to show we are serious by substantially increasing our overseas development aid, and doing so in an proportionate manner. There is no evidence the Government is willing to do so. The Estimates published yesterday suggest the Department of Finance has won the day yet again. It is unforgivable at a time of unprecedented economic growth that our ODA contribution as a percentage of GNP is falling. The UN target is 0.7 per cent and the Government set a target of 0.45 per cent by the end of 2002. However, it will decline from 0.31 per cent last year to 0.29 per cent this year. This is indefensible and shameful.

As a Government and a country we cannot stand over that kind of reduction, especially when we are doing so well. I do not accept the argument that because we are doing well we cannot afford to make our contribution in this way. There might be some argument if we were doing very badly economically. I support Deputy Gay Mitchell's proposal on legislation. It would provide a baseline, not a ceiling, with regard to a proportionate contribution. The Minister should undertake to introduce such legislation.

The death and destruction visited upon the populations of Honduras and Nicaragua in recent days is a human tragedy of enormous proportions. Everything that relatively wealthy and developed nations, such as Ireland, can do to relieve the human suffering in the afflicted countries must be done. I hope the Government will act decisively in discharging its moral and practical obligations to those who have lost so much.

The tragedy tells us many stories. Primarily, there is the human story of loss of lives, homes and livelihoods. It also tells us of the changing land uses and agricultural practices that have been developed by multi-national corporate businesses, of the replacement of stable local economies by the unwieldy, unstable imperatives of the global economy and of climate change.

The mountainsides of Honduras and Nicaragua no longer have trees to absorb rainfall, hold back landslides or stop top soil being swept away and deposited into swollen rivers. Rain that fell in areas that have been deforested to make way for cash crops intended for export to the developed world could not be absorbed. Instead the soils were carried away to be deposited as sediment in the river beds. This diminished the rivers' capacities and greatly exacerbated the consequent flooding.

This element of the tragedy occurred as a result of growth economics and only tangentially as a consequence of the weather. Hurricanes happen and multinationalism is prepared to deal with the risk through forest clearance and monoculture production. However, the multinationals also aim to ensure that they will not affect insured profits excessively. Tragically, it is the indigenous population that suffers the loss of life, property and livelihood as a result of the barbarous imperatives of the stock markets of New York, Tokyo and the other wealth centres of the developed world.

The most authoritative assessment available on the phenomenon of climate change concluded that a worldwide carbon dioxide emissions reduction of 50 to 70 per cent is necessary to contain it. If Hurricane Mitch was an act of God then perhaps it was substantially the act of a God who takes the form of emission belching developed nations, which every day contribute to climate instability. The Kyoto climate protocol, agreed last year, falls far short of addressing this problem, calling for only a 5 per cent reduction in carbon dioxide emissions. Nonetheless, the Kyoto agreement is important in acknowledging the reality of climate change and it constitutes a significant first step that all parties, especially the US, should ratify as soon as possible.

The world is warming discernibly and also witnessing widespread climatic disruption and long-term ecosystem changes. A bold and visionary course will be required if it is not to be plunged into climatic catastrophe. The Green parties of the world have called on the nations gathered at the conference of the parties to the Kyoto agreement and on climate change, which is convened in Buenos Aires, to commence a response sufficient to the challenge.

It is interesting that the Minister for the Environment and Local Government said today that already we cannot meet our commitments. In consequence, we are facing a bill of approximately £2.3 billion, yet when I have raised this matter at meetings of the Whips I have been told that more important matters need to be addressed first. I cannot think of a more important matter.

We review that goal as the evidence of the effects of climate change, allied to the destruction of local economies by multinationalism, forms the images that fill the international news stories on our TV screens. It is clear that radical and binding commitments must be made in the following matters: we must drastically reduce, then eliminate, the use of fossil fuels; we must use energy more efficiently and from clean renewable sources; we must preserve the many valuable natural services, including climatic stability, provided by intact ecosystems.

This latter point is a crucial lesson of the Hond-uras-Nicaragua tragedy. The Central American Council on Forests and Protected Zones has reported that widespread deforestation in Central America contributed significantly to the devastation triggered by Hurricane Mitch, particularly in Honduras and Nicaragua. An average of 118 acres of forest are lost every hour in the region through the activity of multinationals based in the United States and elsewhere. This rape of the natural resources of poorer nations is set to get worse under the Multilateral Agreement on Investment. That is something I hope we will get an opportunity to debate in this House.

Through two financing sources, the kind of investment that is needed can quickly commence. First, fossil and nuclear energy subsidies, running to some tens of billions of US dollars equivalent annually, should be redirected. Second, a tax on carbon emitting energy consumption should be enacted to favour employment by lowering income taxes and to fund transformation of energy and preservation of natural services. Some would say that eliminating fossil and nuclear subsidies and enacting a serious carbon energy tax is not politically realistic, but only a few years ago it was regarded as unrealistic to envisage a world not teetering on the brink of nuclear destruction. Facing that potential calamity, the nations of the world stepped back from the brink. Now, confronting the more subtle but no less serious threat of massive climatic destruction, we can take the first steps to avert another looming catastrophe.

If we factor in the full costs of fossil energy, a rapid shift to clean sources is obviously the leastcost solution. Concerted public investment can produce technological breakthroughs that will make a swift transition feasible. For instance, solar photovoltaic panels and wind turbines are already the fastest growing power sources. Biomass is an increasingly important energy source. Great potential exists in hydrogen. Transformed energy systems would yield other benefits such as reduced air pollution. As a primary step toward both climatic stability and global equity, the world should set the goal of providing photovoltaic electricity to the two billion people in developing lands who have no electricity service. If we fail to summon the political will now to invest in new ways of ordering the world's economy, instances like Hurricane Mitch will become, in effect, instruments of the resource war that the rich nations of the world have waged against the world's poorer countries throughout the latter part of this century.

Every year we have heard excuses for more and more catastrophes. I attended the Berlin conference of the parties where it was said that we are now also facing a very serious problem in terms of insurance, that we will no longer be able to insure. This is not simply a matter of El Nino. This is happening now. We cannot continue to think that we can solve it through some sort of technological fix. That is not going to happen. We have to take our commitments under the Kyoto Agreement very seriously. That is not happening currently because the Minister has his head in the sand.

I will not delay the House unduly. The bulk of Irish aid has been given towards dealing with long-term development objectives, and that is desirable. I wish to make a plea for an increase in funding for emergency and humanitarian systems. That is what is required to deal with the situation in Honduras and Nicaragua. I would like to see these two countries included in the priority list.

I thank the Deputies who contributed to the debate this morning on the really terrible effects on the people and economies of Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala and El Salvador in the aftermath of Hurricane Mitch. The force of this hurricane was unprecedented this century and the effects on the people were calamitous. These effects are too enormous to grasp even at this stage. As reports come in we are in daily contact with people on the ground. Our own NGOs through APSO and Trócaire are in daily contact with us.

Deputies have criticised the lack of rapidity in our response. I can only deal with appeals as they come in. I was immediately in contact with the NGOs and was in a position within a matter of two days to respond to the appeals by APSO and Trócaire. When another appeal came in, I responded to that as well.

I would like to have been able to give more, given the scale of this disaster. We are committed to being in for the long haul because there will be tremendous reconstruction and rehabilitation requirements. Ireland stands ready to help these poor people who have been so badly hit.

The impact of this tragedy was compounded by the fact that the people were already very poor. They lacked the capacity to act on the prediction, to carry out evacuations. In rich countries like America, when storms like this are threatened, there is mass evacuation because they have the technological capacity to protect their people and to respond immediately where disaster strikes. That is not the case in these poor countries.

That leads me to the endorsement of many Deputies of the view that the capacity of Honduras and Nicaragua to repay debt is hopeless. I understand that the total indebtedness of the region is about £70 billion US dollars. It is clear, in the light of the fact that these countries have been set back by 40 or 50 years in terms of their economic development, that their capacity to pay off this debt is now unsustainable. I support the efforts of European countries who have said they are prepared to write off the debt, France and Spain, who have long-standing connections with the region. It has prompted an international debate on the debt issue, not before time. There is a need now for global solidarity on the debt issue. Ireland is not an international creditor. It contributes on a bilateral basis to HIPC; in Tanzania and Mozambique we are contributing to the reduction of their debt. Recently the Minister of Finance announced that Ireland would be partaking in and contributing to a £31 million debt package, the IMF and the World Bank initiative.

I welcome that, as anybody who knows anything about development, and particularly Ministers with responsibility for overseas development, can see that our development efforts are being undermined every day by the debt obligations of the heavily indebted poor countries. Many of the countries which we are helping with long-term development assistance are spending more on their debt repayments than they are spending on the health and education of their people. That is unconscionable. In the short to medium term the international community must come together. Deputy Mitchell suggested the appointment of an independent commission on debt. It is an interesting idea, and we will be exploring this and other suggestions at the next meeting of development Ministers. It has already been put on the European agenda at Monday's meeting of the general affairs committee and Ireland supported the proposals on debt.

In relation to the debate on our ability to maintain and sustain our commitment to the percentage of GNP aid targets, we cannot cherrypick the implications of our growth. If we take the good things, the good results to our economy, the ability to bring down long-term unemployment, the ability to make a better life for our people, we cannot then say that we cannot afford to be generous to the poor of the world. The next budget should be a caring budget which deals with the disadvantaged here and abroad. There is no battle between the two issues.

I am glad Deputies have supported my stance on this issue. There is cross-party support for and consensus on our international obligation to reach targets for aid. They are not negotiable. We signed up to those targets and the percentage of GNP is the internationally recognised and agreed basis on which we decide our aid budget. I hope some movement will be forthcoming from the Department of Finance and the Cabinet collectively on this issue. I thank Deputies for their support.

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