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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 23 Jun 1999

Vol. 506 No. 6

British-Irish Agreement (Amendment) Bill, 1999: Committee Stage (Resumed) and Remaining Stages.

Question, "That the Schedule, as amended, be the Schedule to the Bill" put and agreed to.
Title agreed to.
Bill reported with amendment.
Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass."

I thank all Deputies who contributed to the Bill for their support for this important legislation.

Other Members are anxious to contribute.

At the conclusion of the debate yesterday I was describing the awful scene at Templetown beach less than ten miles from where I live. This is the 26th day of an unavailing search for a body of a woman murdered by the IRA so many years ago. To this day members of her family are gathered like refugees watching this search. The anguish this family has endured is appalling.

She was seized, many years ago, from her home by four women terrorists while bathing her six year old twins and was handed over to killers. It is appalling to have that wound reopened by the most cynical band of killers with the most blood-thirsty record in Europe since Adolf Hitler. That it was done in a cynical attempt to gain votes in the local and European elections makes it all the more dreadful.

The fact that 20,000 people in Leinster voted for an IRA candidate is a very sad statistic. It is extremely disillusioning that, at a time when gardaí were on their hands and knees digging for bodies around the country, 20,000 people could vote for murder incorporated. It is even more saddening that the IRA could gain two extra seats in my native town and county.

The fact that 11,000 people in Dundalk, who are probably of the middle income rather than middle class brigade, did not deign to vote is totally disillusioning. When the Omagh tragedy occurred last year my native town was plunged, once again, into the international headlines. There was an outpouring of revulsion in Dundalk and thousands of people converged on the town in one of the biggest displays of revulsion in this country. Sadly, it was a fleeting mirage because 11,000 of them stayed at home and did not bother to vote, thereby allowing the IRA to gain two local authority seats in County Louth. That is how the Nazis came to power in Germany in the early 1930s. The people were complacent. Sadly, we all know the results complacency brought not only to Germany but to Europe. We must guard against that complacency. It is particularly tragic that people do not cast their votes and will not give five minutes for their town, county or country. People are obliged to vote in some other countries, and the quicker we do something about it, the better.

The spectacle of the disappeared is tragic and, once again, plunges my county into the glare of international publicity. The body of a woman, who was not even from the county, was apparently buried in Cooley. One wonders what the game plan of the IRA was. Was it to gain publicity? Was it to gain votes in the European and local elections? If so, it certainly worked.

The greatest mistake and tragedy I have witnessed in my 17 years in this House was the rescinding of section 31, which gave the IRA the platform on which it is building successfully. Already, it has a representative in this House, Deputy Ó Caoláin, and it will have more. It should not have been given that platform. Section 31 had stood the test of time during all Governments over the years.

The Bill, which relates to the setting up of cross-Border organisations, is a fudge. There are two problems in the North which need to be resolved immediately and should have been resolved a long time ago. They are the Drumcree situation and the decommissioning issue. The Drumcree situation is a powder keg and will, undoubtedly, ignite next month. Until the British Government has the political balls to recognise that fact and tell the Orange Order it is not acceptable in that area, the problem in Ulster will remain. Decommissioning is absolutely essential if progress is to be made. No progress has been made for two years, despite the best efforts of an appeasing British Government and Prime Minister, who would make Neville Chamberlain look like an altar boy.

I must ask the Deputy to keep to the subject of the Bill because other Members will be inclined to respond to him, which would be outside the terms of the debate.

I know you are giving me latitude. I want to underline the cynicism of the IRA in this most cruel hoax it has perpetrated on the victims' families and the people of this country. All over the world, it is normal for victims to be accorded a Christian burial. That should be done in this country, by people who complain about injustices perpetrated against a community in the North. The fact that many people have been callously denied a Christian burial means the IRA should not be allowed off the hook. I do not accept its view that those involved have died. Those people were not murdered by one person.

Acting Chairman

The Deputy is really out of order.

I am just about to conclude. They were not murdered and buried by one person. While some people may have died, it is a nonsense to say they do not have a log of where bodies are located. The apparent acceptance of this hoax by a section of the Irish people makes it all the more regrettable.

I wish to explode the myth that has been perpetrated by Fianna Fáil and sections of the media over the years that the Irish situation would be better served by a Fianna Fáil Taoiseach, who would fix it all. There has been absolute stagnation for two years. I commend the calm, measured approach by my leader, Deputy John Bruton, who, when he was Taoiseach, did not dance to the tune of the IRA or its fellow travellers in the North.

A number of speakers have ranged very widely beyond the subject matter of this Bill. I wish to speak briefly on some points. I roundly reject Deputy McGahon's assertions. I am an elected representative in this House of the electorate of Cavan and Monaghan.

I trust and pray that the remains of the disappeared are located soon. I have made my position on this issue known over a long period of time, both in public in this House and in private. I say without hesitation that the families of the deceased should never have had to bear this burden.

Sinn Féin is committed to the implementation in full of the Good Friday Agreement. We now have less than a week to ensure that, after a year of delay and prevarication, the Executive is put in place. It is clear to all there is no decommissioning precondition to its establishment. This is acknowledged by both the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister. The test now is of the willingness of the Ulster Unionist Party to share power. It is not a question of "No guns, no Government", it is a question of "No equality, no Government".

I refute the erroneous accusations again made in this Chamber about Sinn Féin. We are not the wing of any other organisation. We stand or fall on the basis of our electoral mandate, and it is a strengthened mandate coming out of the recent local and European parliamentary elections. That seems to have puzzled some Deputies, not least Deputy Bruton who has tried to make decommissioning a pre-condition not only to the setting up of the Executive but to the election to positions in local authorities throughout the State. The Deputies show their distance from the communities we represent when they fail to appreciate the reality that it is hard work and clear-sighted politics which has won our party support up and down the country.

It is important to place on the record of this House my support for this Bill and for the implementation of the Agreement in all its aspects.

I too vigorously support this Bill in so far as it further represents the common commitment of both governments as indicated by the exchange of letters which represent a contractual agreement. I support it particularly because it relates to the potential that will be there for young people, North and South, when this Agreement is in place.

It is significant that this Bill refers to the European Structural Fund and the environment which will be of such crucial importance to all our young people whether in the North or in the South. My colleagues from the Border counties will be particularly conscious that the disadvantage they have suffered over the years as a consequence of the activities that have been going for as long as I have been a Member of this House, going back 34 years—

Evil atrocities.

They were atrocities. Now it is time to look forward, as does every other region of the world where such atrocities have happened and as we did in this Parliament after the atrocities of the civil war. There is an obligation on all public representatives to lead young people forward, not to feed off the prejudice that has unfortunately been inherited from the tragedies and atrocities of the past. Our role is to lead the way forward, particularly in the context of pointing out to young people of both traditions in the North that there is a wider world out there waiting for their contribution, providing them with an opportunity to make a major contribution on behalf of themselves, their communities and their families in the same way as our young people are fortunately able to realise opportunities whether they work in Europe, Africa, America or here in Dublin. It is time to get the message across that our only concern at this point is to release those young people from the cage of bigoted history.

Many people have put much effort into this. I pay a special tribute to my colleague, Deputy Austin Currie, and people like him. We have now reached a point that with a week to go the choice is clear and simple. Either we take them out of that cage or we lock it even tighter. These young people have the potential for greatness or to be cast back into the tragedies and horrific atrocities of recent years.

I am not particularly encouraged by hearing some of the young people on a television programme I saw last evening. The programme exhibited as clearly as anyone could, that young people who are digging their heels in even harder in one of the traditions – I do not want to attach blame to them – are now unfortunately responding to prejudices being highlighted instead of responding to the opportunity that is there for all. I have had informal contact within the past week with people from the Unionist community in the North and I pleaded with them, in the interests of their own community, not to mention the interests of permanent peace, to take a position that will open up all these opportunities.

This means concessions on both sides. It means understanding and accommodation on both sides. It means a determination across the communities and their political representatives to come to an agreement. If there is this one knot that needs to be unravelled, namely, the link between decommissioning the formation of the Executive, surely it must be possible, as has been done elsewhere, in South Africa, for instance—

Acting Chairman

We are miles away from the Bill.

It relates to the terms of the Agreement and the Structural Funds. In South Africa, which has come through even more bitter division because of the terrible repression of apartheid, they managed to agree to accept sharing in government but that that shared executive would oversee the decommissioning of weapons on all sides. That precedent is there for us to look at. When the Executive is in place the primary responsibility will be immediate arrangements for joint commitment to supervision of the decommissioning of weaponry on all fronts. That is a way we can go forward. However, I get more and more impatient when I think of the huge potential that exists and the barrier that has been erected by people who do not have the confidence to take that one step forward. I hope this Bill and the Agreement will, in terms of our European common approach, represent the line to be followed from now on.

We want to move the peace initiative on as quickly as possible. I welcome this legislation which takes into the account the nuts and bolts of funding. We must move forward in that respect if we are to continue the movement towards prosperity and peace in the Six Counties and the Border region. The Programme for National Recovery fund, INTERREG and other cross-Border funding has been and will be extremely important in the next five or six years. I welcome the necessary measures in this Bill which will enable the new funding, when it is in place, to be administered smoothly and with little loss of time. In that context initiatives like the Ulster canal and other cross-Border projects can build up confidence and create wealth for the region I represent. It will also be possible to improve agriculture, business and so on.

One has to be anxious about the whole peace initiative. The Taoiseach himself said last night that we are at a cross-roads. I was glad to hear Deputy Ó Caoláin say he is committed to all aspects of the Good Friday Agreement. There are many aspects to the Agreement. One is the commitment on the release of prisoners, something which has happened in an organised fashion. Another is decommissioning, which is to be monitored. How can something which has not happened be monitored?

It is a matter of concern that the issue of the disappeared, which was supposed to be cleared up three weeks ago, has not been resolved. We must take that a step further and ask if those who declared they would release the bodies to us will be committed to decommissioning if and when the Executive is established? I want all groups to go the extra mile to ensure we can learn to live with each other. In these last few days before 30 June, I ask all sides to meet the commitments they made in writing on Good Friday 1998. The Taoiseach and many others worked hard to do that.

Two years ago, one of the main subjects of electioneering whispers was that if Fianna Fáil, under Deputy Bertie Ahern, was in power, the Northern Ireland issue could be sorted out in days and that my leader, the then Taoiseach, Deputy John Bruton, did not understand how to deal with the situation. My leader has given every support to the Taoiseach in the past two years and will continue to do so, as I and others will. We do, however, want delivery on the promise made to our electorate that peace is for good.

Like every other Member of the House who has spoken, I welcome this legislation. Its implementation depends on a number of circumstances related to the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. I am still more optimistic than pessimistic about a solution. I refuse to believe that all that has been achieved will not culminate in ultimate success. I say this while still entertaining some doubt because the Governments have not told us what will be allowed to remain and what will be implemented by them even if a local administration is not formed.

If a local administration is not formed, the two Governments should implement the Agreement to the extent they can without elected local participation and, in terms of North-South co-operation and integration, go beyond the Good Friday Agreement. The people of Ireland should not be held to ransom by intransigent minorities. The referendum last year represents the central fundamental fact which cannot be ignored. The people of Ireland have the right to expect that their wishes, as expressed in the referendum, will be respected and implemented. I cannot, however, believe it will come to that. Agreement will be reached.

For once, history has been on our side. In the past we have been unlucky. From the Spanish Armada, the defeat at Kinsale, Bantry Bay in 1796, the Famine, the gutting of Parnell, the failed Home Rule Bills, the Civil War to the fall of the power-sharing executive, history has been unkind to us. This time we have a British Prime Minister with a large majority, the commitment of an American President, leadership in Nationalist Ireland, particularly that of John Hume, and the EU context. If we fail this time, when will it happen again? When will all these factors coincide again? Is there any difference in terms of obduracy between those who say, "No guns, no government" and "Not a single bullet, not a single ounce"? I fail to detect any difference.

It has been asked if it is a good thing to set a deadline and if 30 June is a good date. Yes, it is right to set a deadline. Minds must be concen trated. In Northern Ireland there are politicians on all sides who will never take a difficult decision if they can avoid it. The further we get from the insurance policy of the referendum, the more that will be the case. I have my doubts about the date of 30 June. I suspect it was taken without full consideration by the British Government and without adequate consultation with the Irish Government. I suspect it was taken in the context of the date for devolution to Scotland and Wales. Now, however, the decision having been made, and the two Governments having committed themselves so firmly to the date, it must be stood by. If the date is allowed to slip into Drumcree and the marching season until the end of August, there will be a dangerous instability and too many opportunities for the merchants of death. Having said that, for the very same reasons, it is imperative that agreement is reached. In the aftermath of failure to agree, the uncertainty and instability will intensify the opportunities for those same merchants of death. It is a perilous situation. I choose my words advisedly.

Unionists and Sinn Féin must jump together. That is the best solution. If that proves impossible, the greater onus is on the republican movement. It has more freedom of movement than Trimble. It has had successful elections, North and South. The wider republican and Nationalist community, nationally and internationally, would support it in an initiative to break the impasse. General de Chastelain is to make a statement shortly. If he were able to verify that an amount of Semtex had been destroyed, the situation would be immediately transformed. Under the terms of the decommissioning legislation, it is not necessary for weaponry to be handed over. The paramilitaries can destroy it themselves, it requires only the verification of such destruction by the international commission. Such a statement would unblock the logjam and the Executive could be formed.

It is a perilous situation and, in terms of violence, it will most likely get worse. I listened to Jim Cusack on the radio this morning. I spent last weekend in the North. I can vouch that the fear and dread so pervasive before the ceasefires is returning. Jim told us that since November, five people have been killed by the IRA and two by loyalists; at least 140 pipe bombs have been used by loyalists; punishment beatings and banishment continue on both sides; ethnic cleansing continues, particularly in areas east of the Bann where there are large Protestant majorities. Much of this intimidation goes unreported. It comes to light only when there is a tragedy and in many instances the RUC is informed only when it is necessary to have confirmation for a change of house.

Acting Chairman

I regret to have to remind the Deputy he is outside the terms of the Bill. I understand the Deputy's passion about these matters but I am bound by rules.

There are only seven days to go to this important date of 30 June and I will have no opportunity to speak on this matter between now and then. I thank the Acting Chairman for his latitude so far and will continue as quickly as I can.

I do not believe the stress and tension among the residents of the Garvaghy Road is properly appreciated. Imagine trying to bring up a family there. The more affluent in society can get away on holiday but for many on the Garvaghy Road, even a week away is not an option. In these circumstances in the North, it is inevitable that the IRA should again seek to pose as the defenders of the Catholic community. Let the record speak for itself.

A recent study by the University of Ulster entitled, Northern Ireland's Troubles – The Human Cost, gives the facts. Republicans were responsible for nearly half the 3,600 killings and for the murder of more Catholics than the British Army, the RUC and the UDR put together, not to count those Catholics killed by Protestant paramilitaries in retaliation for the republican killings – some defenders of the Catholic people.

There has been much talk of the dissolution or suspension of the Stormont Assembly.

Acting Chairman

The Deputy is pushing the Chair.

In terms of the cross-Border bodies, if the Stormont Assembly is suspended, we will not have an assembly in the North to deal with its involvement in these bodies, which is the subject of this discussion.

I would like to talk briefly about the disappeared. I already described what happened to the disappeared as barbaric and from the very beginning have been somewhat sceptical about whether the bodies were in those sites. On Monday, I visited the site at Bragan in County Monaghan where, according to the IRA statement, Columba McVeigh is buried. It is a remote area of bog and trees and the gardaí had to make a road into it. When I stepped off the planks, my wellingtons sank into the bog. When the gardaí stopped for a tea break, a pump had to be used to reduce the level of water. The original designated area was 1,000 square yards, three quarters of an acre, and all that area has been worked over. They are now operating outside the designated area and have completed their third week on this appalling job. A JCB scrapes the bogs. It reminded me, if this is not disrespectful – I know Members of this House will understand – of the tallymen at a recount scrutinising every half bucket full of earth. No praise can be too great for the gardaí and civilian workers who have been involved in this most frustrating exercise. On behalf of the relatives I know, I thank the gardaí for the way they have kept in touch and informed the relatives regularly of developments.

If the body of Columba McVeigh is there, it will be found. However, if it is not found, if no body is found in any of the six designated areas, what are we to think? If a body is not found on any of the six sites, including the areas dug beyond the designated areas, clearly we will have been the victims of a con job. We know some of those who will have been conned – Members of this House, the Garda and the public, but above all the relatives. Who will have conned us? The IRA clearly has conned us in that its original statement led us to believe it knew where the missing bodies were. Should I say the republican movement has conned us? After all Sinn Féin and the IRA are two sides of the same coin.

Acting Chairman

I am sorry Deputy, but I must ask you to resume your seat. You have taken full advantage of the generosity of the Chair.

Are leading members of Sinn Féin among the conned and, if so, why? The relatives of the disappeared have had three weeks of hell on top of a quarter of a century of purgatory. I visited the mother of Columba McVeigh last Sunday to tell her I was visiting the site and asked her if she would like to come with me. I was very relieved when she told me she could not face the ordeal. When I left her, I participated in cemetery Sunday in the adjoining parish at the graves of my relatives – at least I have graves to visit.

I welcome the opportunity to say a few words on this important Bill. I do not believe it has dawned on the House that no matter who is in Government in the Republic, once the Executive in Northern Ireland kicks in, Sinn Féin will be there forever, at least while the current arrangements operate. Although the Minister is in office today and Fine Gael, the Labour Party and others are in Opposition, Fianna Fáil will find itself in Opposition in a matter of time. Fianna Fáil, the largest party, Fine Gael, the second largest and the Labour Party, the third largest, will find themselves dealing, North and South, with overarching bodies which will have a permanent Sinn Féin input. If Sinn Féin's day has not come, in those circumstances it is hard to see how it could have screwed a better deal out of both Governments in terms of the future arrangements on this island. It is a tiny minority and will have a permanent presence not only on the Executive in Northern Ireland but, as a result of that, on the overarching bodies, North and South. That is something Sinn Féin needs to bear in mind.

Deputy Currie is one of a handful of Members who really understand the Nationalist and Unionist community in Northern Ireland. I had the great honour and privilege to attend Queen's University, as Deputy Currie did. For me it was an academic exercise and the opportunity to visit the city of Belfast on a regular basis was a great part of that experience. We are, nonetheless, visitors. While we have some opportunity to hear the Nationalist view in Northern Ireland and that of people who are decent and fair about it, such as Deputy Currie, who try to put the case for the Unionist minority on this island as well, we miss out by not hearing the Unionist view.

When we talk about ethnic cleansing, we should bear in mind that Edward Carson, the founder of the Unionist party, whose tradition continues today, was as much a Dubliner as I am? We somehow seem to think the word "Unionist" is one of abuse. I have no doubt the word "Serb" is one of abuse in Kosovo as is the word "Albanian" in Serbia. We must come to terms with the fact there are people on this island who are Unionist as well as Nationalist. We must stop using the word "Unionist" as if it was one of abuse.

As little as we understand the Unionists on this island, very few of us understand the Nationalists in the northern part of this island, and it is time we were truthful enough to say so. We have an imagined view but, thankfully, there are people like Deputy Currie and others in the House who have not only an imagined understanding but a real one. As part of that understanding, we must acknowledge there are many Nationalists north of the Border who are very fearful as the Drumcree stand-off continues and as attacks on their communities take place. That is a real fear which we must articulate and acknowledge.

Given that there is an Assembly in Northern Ireland and a Parliament in the Republic, would it not be better if each had right of audience in the other's assembly, something which is allowed for under Standing Orders of the House and of the Committee on European Affairs? This would allow us listen to the views and concerns of each other at first hand in a dignified way. We could hear Unionist and Nationalist opinion directly in the House or in a committee of the House. On the other side of the coin, we could go and raise some of our concerns and issues at the Assembly in Northern Ireland. Such an arrangement is not beyond the practice of real politics if we are prepared to establish it along the lines I have outlined. We could go a long way in this context, particularly given the role of the Minister of State at the Department of Finance, if the Taoiseach and the First Minister jointly commissioned a study on how we can co-operate on EU issues in general, not just financing, and if through that report we could identify priorities which the Government and the Dáil in the Republic and the Executive and Assembly in Northern Ireland could pursue.

Members know that decommissioning is not a pre-condition in terms of the Good Friday Agreement. However, it is clearly a condition that by May 2000 decommissioning should have taken place. Therefore, it is implicit in the Agreement that the process should commence before May 2000. Could Sinn Féin not generously pursue the issue of how it can bring about the objective Mr. Adams set out in New York, namely, that republicans and Unionists in Northern Ireland jump together in relation to decommissioning? I joined Fine Gael in 1969 as a young boy, mainly because the party advocated a pluralist approach in Northern Ireland and promoted other issues of social justice. It was probably a peculiar choice for somebody of my background to make at that time, but I have remained a member of the party for 30 years. I have seen people who advocate violence come and go in Northern Ireland. Yet the party of which I am a member, which has always been strong on law and order issues, has been prepared to fudge, if necessary, to put all of this terrible history behind us and to bring people into the democratic process. In recent days our party leader said we would not do business with Sinn Féin in terms of electing mayors until the gun was completely taken out of politics. However, as soon as the gun has been taken out of politics, in the interest of good Government and democracy the party will do business with any party which is truly committed to democracy. We have deliberately taken a profile which goes against the grain to try to bring about and contribute to a solution to the problem. It is time other parties did likewise.

Occasionally there is a need for more calm debate and consideration in the House of issues such as this. Sometimes Bills like this give us an opportunity to discuss issues, rather than simply raising them with the Taoiseach or the Minister for Foreign Affairs during Question Time. Bills and motions should be introduced more often to give us an opportunity to speak more broadly about the issues. I hope in the future we will have matured enough to share our thoughts in a structured way whereby we could contribute to that debate in a forum north of the Border and where people north of the Border could do so south of the Border.

I do not propose making a long contribution. However, I wish to revert to a point I raised in my contribution yesterday when I expressed concern and alarm that a shift in the Government's position regarding decommissioning and the participation of Sinn Féin in the Executive was signalled in the Taoiseach's speech to the House. The Minister of State reassured me there had not been a change in Government policy. I re-read the speech, the contributions of the Taoiseach in the Dáil on previous occasions and this morning's edition of The Irish Times, which confirmed my own reading of the Taoiseach's speech, namely, that there is a definite shift in the Government's position.

The previous position of the Government was that there could not be an executive without the inclusion of Sinn Féin and that Sinn Féin could not participate in an executive unless a start had been made on decommissioning. These were the two fundamental principles of the Government's approach to decommissioning and the establishment of an executive. Yesterday the Taoiseach stated clearly and deliberately in the House that in the first instance the Executive will be formed and that if decommissioning does not take place in the period set out in the Agreement, steps will be taken to deal with the situation. This is a change, and I express concern about it not because I do not want a solution to be found – obviously I do want a solution to be found – but because it seems to make the position of David Trimble, the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, virtually untenable, particularly in view of the fact that Jeffrey Donaldson, who previously resigned from the negotiating team of the UUP over this issue, has now been brought back by David Trimble to his inner circle of advisers and negotiators. It seems we are heading for an open clash with the UUP. Maybe there are aspects of the negotiations which are taking place, one presumes with the parties concerned on a bilateral basis, of which I am not aware, but it seems we are setting ourselves up to be on the side of Sinn Féin as against that of David Trimble. This is a very dangerous position and I urge extreme caution on the part of the Government in terms of the State taking a stance in support of Sinn Féin against the UUP which has throughout the troubles of the past 30 years maintained a democratic stance against terrorism and in favour of democracy, as has the SDLP.

I would also argue very strongly against any notion that the Agreement can be implemented piecemeal, that in some way the Assembly and Executive can be set aside and other aspects of the Agreement can continue as if nothing had happened. As we all know, the Agreement is very carefully balanced, with the internal arrangements vis-à-vis the Assembly, the North-South arrangement and the East-West arrangement, all of which support each other. Without one aspect, the others collapse and this principle must be maintained. I do not think Sinn Féin, the Ulster Unionist Party nor anybody else in Northern Ireland should be let off the hook of implementing in full the Agreement negotiated by them and passed overwhelmingly by the people of Northern Ireland and the Republic. It is essential that the Agreement is pursued.

At the end of the day it is a matter for agreement between the Ulster Unionist Party and Sinn Féin as to the arrangements to be made with regard to Sinn Féin's entry into the Executive. One presumes that whatever agreement is reached will be accepted by us but the integrity of the Agreement must be defended and maintained. The integrity of ensuring Sinn Féin may not participate in an assembly in the absence of any demonstration of willingness to decommission must be maintained also.

Will the Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Deputy Cullen, undertake that if it comes to the point – although we all hope this eventuality does not occur – where the Bill must be put aside because no agreement has been reached on an Executive, mechanisms and resources will be put in place to ensure the continuation of the projects under the current arrangements?

I thank the Deputies for their contributions. I want to cover some of the issues raised.

Deputy McGahon spoke of the difficult situation regarding the disappeared. This has been raised by almost everybody in the House. The announcement of the locations where the bodies were buried was widely welcomed. It was considered that this would be an important part of the healing process, which was to start in both communities if they are to move on from their current sectarian positions.

Deputy Ó Caoláin also mentioned the problem about the disappeared and he mentioned the commitment of Sinn Féin to the Agreement. As we are now in the final phase of negotiations, we hope this commitment will help to move us towards a final solution. As the Taoiseach indicated, all sides must move if we are to achieve a consensus.

I concur with many of the views expressed by Deputy Currie but, in particular, with his gratitude to the Garda for carrying out the difficult task of searching for the bodies of the disappeared. It is a great disappointment to everybody that despite all their work they have not had any success to date.

Deputy Currie asked what will happen if local administrations are not formed or, in effect, what will be made operable if the Good Friday Agreement is not to be implemented in full. Recently, in responses to parliamentary questions, the Taoiseach stated we would have to evaluate the position if we do not reach agreement. At this point we cannot be definite as to what, if any, aspects of the Good Friday Agreement will remain. The Taoiseach already said we cannot go on without some deadline to focus minds. The longer the process, the more confidence is eroded and the greater the potential that other issues will affect the chances of success. There is increasing low-level violence already and we certainly do not want to see this escalate.

I want to respond to one aspect of Deputy Mitchell's contribution which related to co-operation on the approach to Structural Funds and in Europe. Recently I shared a platform in Belfast with Mr. Trimble and Mr. Mallon on the single programme document which they produced. As the House will be aware, there are many aspects in the chapter which are common to both of us. I found it a fruitful exchange of views. It opened up for me, personally, the potential of what we could all be doing. That a Minister of the Government would be invited to such a platform to speak on those issues was, in itself, a positive step forward. It is indicative of the potential to achieve things.

Deputy Mitchell also stated that Sinn Féin will have a permanent position in Government in Northern Ireland. He indicated that we miss out in not having a Unionist view in this House. We agree with the Deputy that not all Unionists merit views which have been expressed about them generally. There is a large degree of ongoing co-operation in business and other areas which is not given the publicity it deserves. The Good Friday Agreement provides for the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Oireachtas to consider developing a joint parliamentary forum bringing together equal numbers from both institutions for discussion on matters of mutual interest and concern. This is another area to which we look forward.

I emphasise what the Taoiseach stated last night. He put it succinctly:

If the Agreement is to work we need to make it work now. There is nothing to be gained by further delay or procrastination.

We have entered a difficult period of negotiation. All of us in this House want to see the minds of every party to those negotiations focused on what must be achieved in the next few days for the sake of all of the people who voted so overwhelmingly in Northern Ireland and in the Republic in support of the two referenda. We know what needs to be achieve and the Government is committed to it.

There is one point I wish to raise with Deputy McGahon, who was a little unfair. Everyone in this House would accept that the Taoiseach and the Government have given a great deal of time almost every day to this issue since coming to office. An enormous amount of progress has been made. We are now in the final phase which we hope will see achievement in the next few days. I wish my colleague, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Andrews, every good wish in the difficult negotiations which lie ahead.

Question put and agreed to.
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