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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 Jan 2000

Vol. 513 No. 1

Private Members' Business. - Confidence in Minister: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

Conscious of the damage done in recent weeks to the incomes of farmers, meat factory workers, road haulage workers and other people associated with the beef industry, and noting the failure of the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development to:

–re-organise the meat inspection service on a cost effective basis;

–ensure the associated veterinary levy was not passed on unfairly to beef producers;

–ensure proper competition in the meat processing sector and a transparent pricing mechanism,

thereby allowing an unprecedented crisis to develop in the beef industry, has no confidence in the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development.

I wish to share my time with Deputies Connaughton, Penrose and Creed.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I believe that the agricultural community likes the Minister, Deputy Walsh, as a person, but at the same time has no confidence in him as Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development. It likes him because he is likeable but has no confidence in him as Minister because he has failed to provide a real lead for the community in the face of the grave challenges it faces. The farmers' confrontation with the meat factories should never have happened. It should have been foreseen by the Minister. Instead he took the step that sparked it off through his decision to increase veterinary fees. That would never have happened when Deputy Yates was Minister.

The reason for the low price for Irish beef was summed up well in a newspaper article on 24 January written by the Brussels correspondent of one of our major newspapers. The correspondent explained why British beef had begun to displace Irish beef on the shelves of an Irish owned butchers shop in Brussels. He put it down to what he described as "Ireland's failure consistently to produce the very highest quality, to account for local tastes" in Belgium. He said of the Irish butcher in Belgium: "Daily, he weeds out meat cuts from Irish boxes unacceptable to his customers' tastes." This Irish butcher wants to buy Irish beef.

The Irish beef is not in uniform cuts to meet customers' needs. It is presented poorly and too often it comes from cattle that have not been bred for beef quality characteristics. As a result of poor marketing, presentation and breeding, Irish farmers get a deplorable price for their beef – one that is only a fraction of that paid to beef producers on the continent. The Minister has done little or nothing about this in his two and a half years in office. He has allowed beef processing to be concentrated in the hands of a few traders, who are interested in short-term margins, not long-term consumer market development.

The Food Industry Development Group told the Minister two years ago that our processing industry suffers from "over reliance on commodity-type produce" and that "the limited scale of many enterprises inhibits cost competitiveness". Forfás has predicted a dramatic fall in the number of people employed full time in farming over the next 15 years. The Minister is making no attempt to manage the changes that will occur. He is not doing anything to ensure that farming survives. He does not want to offend anyone and, therefore, does nothing.

Farmers and food processors represent Ireland's oldest and perhaps proudest community. They deserve honest leadership, a leadership that seeks to master the forces of change rather than just ignore them and focus exclusively on crisis management. The agricultural com munity does not get such leadership at ministerial level. Farmers and agricultural interests deserve better than they are getting, but I do not believe they will get it from the Government.

The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development has passed his sell-by date. He has been in Agriculture House for too long, is too dependent on civil servants, does not possess the flair, capability or understanding necessary to keep pace with a fast changing industry and does not have the moral authority which befits the position of Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development in a country such as Ireland where agriculture is a very important industry. The Minister has had several opportunities to expound on his vision for Irish agriculture in this new century, but there is only a stumble from one crisis to another.

Under the stewardship of the Minister there have been dramatic falls in farm incomes. More than 4,000 families leave the land each year, our agricultural colleges are only half full and many young people will not even think about taking over the family farm. Worse still, there is an utter air of despondency. There are outside influences for which no Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development could be held responsible, such as the BSE crisis in 1996. However, the hands-on approach adopted by the former Minister, Deputy Yates, during that crisis demonstrates how pedestrian the Minister is.

The issues that come under the Minister's remit and are under his control are those on which he will be judged harshly. The events of the past two weeks serve to highlight his remarkable lack of understanding of just how bad farm incomes are. Two weeks ago he saw nothing wrong with increasing inspection fees from £3.80 to £5.50 for each animal killed at meat processing plants. He evidently believed that farmers should pay a greater share of the inspection fees, yet he watched helplessly last autumn as approximately one million cattle were sold at prices averaging between 80p and 82p per pound to meat factories even though they were worth more.

Farmers were shell shocked after the fodder crisis of the previous year and they killed off cattle that usually would have been kept until early spring 2000. The factories knew what was happening and did what they know best, kept a lid on the price. They knew that there would be queues every Monday morning and that they were in for a large cattle kill. They also did what they have been good at down the years, they worked in concert with each other and there was not more than 2p per pound between any quotation throughout the autumn. However, the factories did not pass back the legitimate market value to the producers, which subsequently brought about their downfall. They lined their pockets at the expense of beef producers.

Beef producers and particularly winter finishers, half of whom went out of business over the past five years, were very angry and uneasy throughout the autumn. However, just after Christmas when all the indicators at home and abroad pointed to an inevitable price increase for beef, the processors took their soundings and judged that there were plenty of cattle around, at least for the first half of January. The cartel arrangement went into overdrive again. There was no increase in prices in the new year and beef producers just could not take anymore. A blockade of the factories began and the issue of the rise in meat inspection charges quickly spread to that of poor prices.

The great explosion of farmer solidarity, aided in no small way by a wave of public sympathy, helped farmers to pressurise the factories into paying 8p per pound more for cattle in most cases. The Minister must have been dumbfounded by events taking place around him. A week before he wanted to saddle farmers with an extra £1.80 per animal, yet the following week he saw farmers negotiate the inspection levy out of existence in its current form and obtain £50 more for each animal. He and his Department were able to secure a better refund system of payment for meat processors, which amounts to between 1p and 2p per pound, with greater efficiency. What does this say about the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development? If he had been on top of his brief he would have known that the increase in inspection levies was morally wrong. Farmers were being robbed by the day. The Minister was unaware of efficiencies in his Department which could have been made. Had a more alert Minister been in charge there would not have been a blockade, farmers need not have done something they do not like doing, workers would not have lost pay, markets would not have been put in jeopardy and the sour taste left between the farmers and meat processors would be less intense. In other words, the Minister made a hames of the whole affair.

The Minister believes in the culture that farmers will pay whatever levies are deemed necessary. He believed they would soak up the levies and pay the piper. This is the central weakness of the Minister and this Administration. By placing levies on cattle, financial penalties are transferred onto the primary producer who is not in a position to take them. In this instance the Minister sided with the meat factories. He has never laid a hand on the meat processors and why would he? He is so long around Agriculture House that he was on the platform in 1988 with half the Fianna Fáil Cabinet and Larry Goodman to announce the details of the so-called greatest ever meat processing project. Most farmers believe the Minister would be slow to take on the meat processors.

However, last week changed everything. There is now a new self-esteem and pride in farmers of which any Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development should take note. The Minister's incompetence was highlighted long before last week. During the Agenda 2000 negotiations the Minister claimed a wonderful victory for farmers but many serious defects have emerged. It can be argued that based on the original EU proposal Irish and other EU farmers are better off financially than at first thought. However, what seems to have been missed by most commentators is that if the intervention which is paid at a lowly 55p ever comes into being over the next six years, the so-called financial gains of the cheque in the post will be beyond recognition. That is why the farmer blockade holds out greater hope for the industry as far as the processors are concerned. As a meat exporting nation, if we are not able to get a premium price for our product on premium markets, Agenda 2000 will unravel around us.

The Minister did not care about the fate of the 42,000 sheep farmers that night in Brussels. He turned his back on them. He did not put the sheep industry into second or third division but into no division. His inept handling of the matter turned sheep farmers into second class citizens. Irish farmers must take the horrible decision to reduce the number of sheep on their farms as a result of the way in which extensification payments have been organised. As we speak, thousands of farmers who have substantial ewe flocks on mixed farms must make the heartbreaking decision whether to keep their sheep and do without extensification payments or maximise their financial intake and get rid of the sheep.

This Minister did not do anything over the years to help the sheep industry. I believe he has something against it. He had an ideal opportunity to level the playing pitch as far as sheep farmers were concerned. I put on record that from April to November lambs were far cheaper than they were in the previous 12 month period. It must be remembered that is when most of the lambs are sold. The unfairness of the system can be seen by virtue of the fact that a farmer in France received £1.30 per pound for lamb last year when our farmers were taking as little as 83p and 84p. Today farmers in both countries get the same ewe premium despite the fact that it was meant to reflect the price of lamb on the continental market. Obviously Ireland has been left behind.

The EU extensification payments agreed by the Minister do not extend to sheep. Sheep numbers will be calculated but farmers still will not be paid. As far as the EU is concerned, there is a stabiliser in effect suppressing prices on ewe premium which now stands at 7%. The announcement yesterday that the 1999 total ewe premium will be pegged at £17.7 per ewe brings further bad news for sheep farmers. I put it to the Minister on behalf of the sheep farmers that if sheep cannot be counted for extensification payments they should be taken out of it altogether. That is what farmers want.

The Government must be serious about the sheep industry before the backs of farmers are broken. Sheepmeat is one of the few commodities that is not in surplus in Europe. As a result of the way the Minister handled the matter the next big farmer protest will centre on sheep. The Minister knows what I am talking about. Farmers believe he let them down last summer. I wish to address this matter to the four Independent Deputies who prop up this minority Government, Deputies Gildea, Blaney, Fox and Healy-Rae. They represent the four constituencies with the biggest sheep numbers. When they vote on this motion they can show the farmers in their areas where their interests lie.

They are in the Whips office.

I am sure they are but this will be an ideal opportunity for them to show that they vote differently from what they say locally. Under the Minister's leadership the pig industry has gone from bad to worse. Pig farmers are disillusioned. The new package the Minister is bringing in is of no use to 80% of them.

One matter the Minister handled very badly is the so-called infringement by farmers of various matters relating to the payment of premia. I fully accept that there must be checks and balances and that the EU auditors must be satisfied. That is correct. I am not making a case for anyone who defrauds the Department. However, I have a problem with the disproportionate fines meted out to people for very small infringements. I know several farmers whose premium was withheld for a year or two at a cost of £3,000 to £4,000 per year. They had no disposable income as a result. A new bureaucratic industry has grown up around the premia. There must be an independent appeals tribunal located outside Dublin. If the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs can decentralise and have offices in local areas, why can the Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development not establish such a tribunal in a rural area?

There is a great future for the beef industry if we handle it correctly. There must be competition between the live exporters and the processors. The industry has been going backwards during the Minister's time in office. I reluctantly say that if we are to make progress the Minister must stand aside. I hope by this time tomorrow the Taoiseach will have assigned him a different Department. I know he has a lot to offer but, unfortunately, it is not in agriculture.

I welcome the opportunity to speak in this timely debate and thank Fine Gael for sharing time with me. I will not visit all the ills of the farming community on the Minister. That would be churlish and show a lack of understanding of the farming crisis. I heralded the problems of the beef industry in this House on numerous occasions. Many people thought I spoke about them just because I was from the midlands, where beef farmers were suffering a particular onslaught, but I often heralded some of the problems we are now facing.

I was struck by the mission statement from the beef industry, which the task force agreed for the beef sector. It stated:

Radical and fundamental action is required by all parties involved in and responsible for the beef sector in Ireland in order to equip the industry to move forward into the 21st century. The future development of the beef industry will be based on a partnership between the various participants involved, in particular, producers, processors and industry employees, working together to (i) maximise the contribution of the industry to the economy; (ii) ensure improved returns at all levels in the sector and an equitable distribution of these returns; and (iii) provide sustainable employment in the sector. The emphasis will be on a market-led approach through the development of high value markets within the EU, meeting the needs of the consumer and more effective selling on international markets.

The past week or so has thrown the beef industry into crisis. Those who are very familiar with the beef sector are well aware that this crisis has been bubbling under the surface for a long time. Minister, the catalyst for the chaos we witnessed over the past few weeks came directly from your office. A ham-fisted attempt – that is being mild – was made to impose an increase in the veterinary inspection levy. That was the spark that ignited this beef dispute but the problem was smouldering underneath. It was like dropping a lit match on a volatile substance.

The Labour Party supports the motion. I do not often come into the House to call on a Minister to resign – some of that can be a bit churlish – but partnership was a fundamental part of the mission statement for the beef industry and on its very first test, you failed to implement that part of the commitment.

The Deputy should not address the Minister directly. He should address his remarks through the Chair.

After this evening, I do not know who to address to get anything done in this House. The Minister fell at the very first hurdle. The essence of partnership was neglected by the Minister. He unilaterally imposed the levy without consulting the farmers. In 1996 I spoke about the people who were denying farmers a fair return for their product. I claim to be the catalyst behind the effort of the then Minister, Deputy Yates, to refer to the Competition Authority the alleged anti-competitive practices by the alleged cartel operating in the beef industry. The Minister allowed them the opportunity to unilaterally pass on the increase in the inspection levy to the weakest section of the tripod – the farming community. When the Minister decided to go for full cost recovery, there was not a factory in the country that was not prepared to recover it in toto. In itself, that act by the factories must give some body food for thought and indicate that some sort of cartel was at work. Surely one or two factories are more efficient than others, with different cost base structures. Surely some of the workers are paid more than others, although they are not overpaid. Even the fixed cost element should vary in some form but by definition the variable cost element must vary, yet we found that, by some strange coincidence, there was uniformity in movement in the upward, but more than likely in the downward, direction by all the factories. I cannot say whether a cartel is operating but when we referred this matter to the Competition Authority in 1997, the Competition Authority had an onus to thoroughly investigate it. It had the statutory authority to do so.

In November 1998, at the first meeting of the beef task force, the Minister stated that there was a compelling need to put the industry on a sound footing for once and for all, and to avoid lurching from crisis to crisis. Those are fine sentiments with which I agree, but if the Minister's track record reflected a real commitment to this policy, we could have avoided the chaos that befell the beef industry in the past month. Unfortunately, that was not so.

The Minister precipitated this dispute through the manner in which he imposed the veterinary increase, and attempted to wash his hands of its method of implementation. This critical error resulted in the dispute being thrashed out in the courts over a number of days, and only when the entire beef sector was paralysed did the Minister take action to facilitate a resolution to the dispute. This has been an awful chapter in the Minister's tenure in the Department. He bears a significant responsibility for the hardship and anger that flowed from the dispute and it is for this reason the Labour Party supports the motion before the House.

We must move on, however, because demanding parliamentary accountability for the beef dispute is only one of the challenges facing us in this House. Important as this task is, there is an onus on all of us in the House to face the fallout from the dispute fairly and squarely. Over the past few weeks thousands of workers were laid off. The sense of injustice within the farming community about a practice which exists between beef processors has been laid bare. These are the issues that need to be urgently addressed, and I hope the debate this evening will prove a starting point.

There are public policy goals in relation to agriculture which we must adopt, and we must adopt long-term views in these areas. We must aim to create a competitive industry which can meet the demands of a liberalised market. We must support targeted structural and social policies which address rural depopulation and poverty, and we must take steps to ensure the protection of the environment and the provision of a safe, quality food supply.

There are three aspects to the crisis in the beef sector and I will address them briefly. The first is the behaviour of the beef processors towards the farmers, and the allegations of a cartel and anti-competitive practices. The second is the continuing fall in farm incomes across the board and the third is the future of the farm family, and we must never lose sight of that. There is an up side to every dispute and one of the up sides for farmers, apart from getting the 5p to 7p per pound increase, which represents about £40 to £50 per bullock going through the factory – that is important from an income viewpoint – is that there is now a better understanding among the general public of the odds that are stacked against farmers. That is a positive aspect. The non-farming community now knows the price farmers are paid per pound for their beef. They are also aware of the price per pound they pay for beef in the supermarkets and they are asking who is creaming off the profits. It is not the farmers, yet the consumers are paying the price. I hope the investigation the Minister has launched goes some way towards telling us who is making the big money.

It was the manner in which the beef processors operated over the years which created a prima facie case of anti-competitive practice. I am dismayed, however, that after three years of investigation, the Competition Authority has not been able to ascertain the facts. Farmers tell me they feel there is a cartel in operation. It might be by chance that everyone is paid the same price but hopefully the investigation will nail this problem once and for all. There are three eminent people involved and I have no doubt they will not leave a stone unturned and will report back in three months.

Many farmers are of the view that they got cleaned out. The factories made £50 or £60 per beast while farmers got 82p for their O grades and 84p for their R grades. From September to December 1999 the market conditions were positive, as the Minister announced himself. There was a stronger dollar and the European markets were opening up. We were concentrating on quality but prices were in reverse. There are factors for which I cannot blame the Minister but, as Deputy Dukes said, the information gathered by the authority over the three year period must be put in the public domain. The Minister should respond to that call this evening.

The ewe premium was fixed in Brussels yesterday. The Minister issued a statement but he did not comment at any stage about the difficulties experienced by sheep farmers in 1999, in spite of the fact that the ewe premium will be less than it was last year. There are also issues in relation to extensification premiums and equalisation. We will have to tackle those factors or we will get nothing.

I have often talked about the administrative nightmare which exists for farmers. They are refused payments because of small, unintentional errors. We need a broadly based appeals system. Is it true that the application forms that we have in Ireland for the various premiums and subsidies are the most complex in the European Union? That is what farmers believe. Many farmers applying for the REP scheme and the farm retirement scheme believe officials will refuse their applications if they have mispelt their names. That must stop. In the course of a committee debate, I outlined to the Minister an example of a farmer who was trying to comply with disease regulations and the REPS official told him he did not comply with the regulations of REPS. The prevention of disease in animals and the disease eradication scheme are far more important. Refusing an application because bushes were removed to ensure proper fencing is the sort of practice which must be stopped. Farmers face enough problems without imposing bureaucratic demands on them. If that is not stopped, it will create scenes comparable to those we have seen outside the factories. The Minister must act on behalf of sheep farmers because if he does not they will soon take to the streets.

The Minister may not believe it but it is with no great joy that I support the motion. We are reflecting the mood in the farming community at large. The Minister's tenure as Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development over the last two and a half years has been particularly disappointing. Taking the cross sections of interests, cattle, sheep or pigs, with the exceptions of the dairy industry and beet production, all the main pillars of agricultural activity are in crisis. There is documented proof from the Minister's own Department of a 20% fall in incomes at a time of economic growth. That is proof positive that a serious crisis exists.

Deputy Penrose is right. Not all the blame for that can be laid at the door of the Minister, but it is the impression of inactivity, the seeming disinterest, that has infuriated farmers most. I acknowledge the presence of two Government backbenchers in the House for this debate. It speaks volumes that those who represent rural constituencies are not here in great numbers to lend the Minister their moral, not to mention spoken, support in this debate. There is a widely held view that there is more sympathy in the Department for, and more consideration given to, initiatives for alternative enterprises such as race horses, rabbits and every other alternative enterprise than for mainstream farming activity. Those enterprises benefit only a small number of people. Those who have suffered this significant fall in income over the last two years see very little initiative on the part of those alternative enterprises to save their existence in farming.

In the motion before the House, we are reflecting the deep concern about people's futures and the lack of leadership on the part of the Department. The Taoiseach has an opportunity to do something about the problem tomorrow. As a Cork man, I would welcome the Minister's continued existence as a Minister but, for the sake of the national interest, it should not be in the Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development.

The problems in the beef industry triggered this debate but they have been brewing for a long time. Reference has been made to a cartel. I hope the three wise men who have been appointed will bring forward proposals to end that. There is an element of restrictive practice but it is not the sole issue involved in the crisis in the beef industry. The Minister's failure to act on the cartel issue is only one of the reasons the beef industry is in crisis. Where are the proposals to rationalise the industry? Do we need 46 meat plants, most of which work one, two or three days a week to process all the cattle in the State? Rationalisation will not damage the cartel because the 46 plants are by and large owned by the three main players, the Goodman Group, Dawn Meats and Keepak. We must ask how long farmers can continue to support that level of inefficiency. There are five days in a working week and most plants work for two of those days. That speaks for itself.

We must face the fact that many of the cattle being slaughtered are not of high quality in terms of their grading. That is why we are not making progress in the markets which will deliver the best price. At the end of the day, the responsibility to bring forward proposals in this areas rests with the Minister but there have been no initiatives. The Irish Cattle Breeding Federation was established but there is no evidence of progress being made which will deliver income to farmers. That is what the debate is about, trying to redress that situation.

The recent changes to the milk quota are further proof of good intentions but clumsy methods. The recently changed quota regime includes the proposal that farms which have quotas attached to them must be sold as going concerns. This measure will have serious consequences, particularly for small quota holders who want to sell their land and their quota. Someone will have to buy the farm and operate it as a going concern. This has serious constitutional implications because it discriminates against small quota holders.

There are a number of other issues in the quota regime which I will make the subject of parliamentary questions in the future. There is considerable dissatisfaction among farmers and I do not have any hesitation in supporting the motion.

I propose to share my time with Deputy Molloy.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "That Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"commends the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development on his successful handling of the recent dispute between beef processors and meat factories and for his handling of agricultural issues generally".

I am pleased to respond to this debate. It would be better if more interest was shown in it. I commend the Deputies for their contributions which were sincerely made. There is no need to raise the decibel level or the level of insult in order to bring about a resolution of this question. I was particularly pleased to hear Deputy Penrose refer to the meat factory workers. Up to 5,000 workers in the beef industry and the general ancillary industries had no pay packets for the past two weeks and very few people commented on this. It is a pity that this dispute was politicised. I noted that a commentator in one of our national newspapers said that Fine Gael's involvement in the dispute was breathtakingly cynical. That is a pity. The dispute was serious and unprecendented but I am thankful that it is over. As Deputy Penrose said, some good may come out of it and I believe we are in a better position now than we were two weeks ago.

I thank my colleagues in Government for their wholehearted support for me, both in my handling of the recent dispute between the beef producers and processors and in my handling of agricultural issues generally. I reject the Opposition motion in total and in detail. It is irrelevant to the issues which lay at the heart of the events of the past few weeks and is even more irrelevant to the development of the beef industry.

While the decision by the meat processors to increase the meat inspection slaughter charge to farmers by 0.25p per lb might well have been an issue in the build up to the dispute the real and more fundamental cause was a general dissatisfaction on the part of farmers with the prices paid by the factories and a long-standing mistrust between both sides. Anybody with a basic understanding of the issues would accept that to be the case and this became even more clear as the dispute progressed.

I wish to address the considerable misunderstanding and ill-founded comments about the meat inspection service. EU legislation sets down minimum requirements in relation to veterinary supervision of slaughtering, cutting and processing operations. In the case of plants which slaughter cattle, a permanent presence is required in our factories. These are, however, the minimum requirements and our customers, particularly in third country markets impose additional requirements which we must comply with if we are to continue to do business with them. While our veterinary inspection system may seem relatively expensive, it must be seen in the context of our multi-billion pound industry. No other country is as dependent on export markets and for that reason our inspection system must be one which safeguards the reputation of the industry and ensures that our exports meet the demanding requirements of our customers. In all, we export beef to more than 60 countries worldwide. Comparisons are sometimes made with countries which have their own domestic market which we do not. We have to export nine out of every ten steers produced. Our veterinary inspection service has served the industry well, particularly in the three years since the BSE crisis of 1996. This can be seen from our success in retaining access to our major markets in spite of the upheaval which followed the BSE crisis. The fact that we have retained these markets and have been able, as we did recently in the case of Russia, to lift restrictions imposed on us is due to the in-depth audit and examination of our inspection systems. No fewer than 13 inspections have been carried out by third country customers since 1996. This is not to mention regular inspections by EU authorities and regular visits by major EU retail buyers. More and more, the retail buyers want to see our system on the ground. They visit our plants and our farms and it is important that we maintain the highest standards if we are to access and retain markets. The system has stood up to intense scrutiny.

The question of reorganising the beef inspection service prior to moving to full cost recovery has been raised. There have also been suggestions that there should be a greater degree of self regulation on the part of the meat industry. As far as reorganising the inspection service is concerned, my Department commissioned a report in 1995 from Ernst and Young. This report, which was submitted to my predecessor in 1996, included a series of recommendations which the report claimed would reduce significantly the cost of the service. The main recommendations were as follows: temporary veterinary inspectors should be replaced by auxiliaries; veterinary certificates should be replaced by commercial documents; and animal movements should be computerised in order to reduce the time spent by veterinary staff in tracing cattle.

The 1996 BSE crisis, however, effectively prevented the implementation of the first two recommendations. The permanent veterinary presence was a major factor in our success in retaining access to our major markets and most of our customers in the European Union insisted on veterinary certificates being retained. We are, of course, quite prepared to replace veterinary certificates by commercial documents wherever these are acceptable to the customers of our beef exporters. The third main recommendation – the computerisation of animal movement – has now been completed and its full implementation from 1 January is one of the factors behind the timing of the move to full recovery.

Any move in the direction of self-regulation would require changes to EU regulations and would have to be seen in the context of various scares in the meat industry in recent years. Nevertheless, I am in favour, in principle, of transferring some of the responsibility for meat inspection to the industry itself but any move towards self-regulation would have to be consistent with EU regulations, comply with the principles governing meat hygiene and be acceptable to our major customers abroad.

I wish to set out the facts on meat inspection fees. The Rainbow Coalition Government decided in March 1996 to recover the full cost of meat inspection services from the meat industry on an individual plant basis. The same Government decided, in November 1996 to postpone implementation of the decision until July 1997. It is ironic that the Opposition berates me for implementing a decision taken by them when in Government.

After various discussions and studies it was decided in the middle of last year to implement that decision from the beginning of this year. That decision was taken in the context of a rising price environment. I ask those who level this criticism to tell me when in the past two years it would have been a good time to implement this decision. However, implementation could not be delayed indefinitely and I am satisfied that following the implementation of computerisation of cattle movements in line with the recommendation of the Ernst and Young report it was opportune to implement the decision. There are numerous analogies in regard to paying for the cost of services provided by the State.

At the core of this dispute lay the mistrust between producers and processors. Unfortunately this is deep-seated and is fuelled on a regular basis by allegations of excessive profiteering by the meat factories on the basis of cartel type activities. My predecessor asked the Competition Authority in 1997 to examine these allegations but the authority has not yet been able to amass sufficient evidence to justify a prosecution. The investigation, however, is continuing. The investigation by the Competition Authority is in effect a criminal investigation and a high level of proof is required. My Department co-operated fully with the Competition Authority in its investigation and supplied it with all the information available, particularly in relation to prices paid by individual meat plants.

The Government has decided to establish an independent group to examine allegations of anti-competitive practices in the industry and the reasons for the large differential between producer and consumer prices. This group is chaired by the former Secretary General of the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment and includes two highly respected economists, Professor Séamus Sheehy of UCD and Mr. Colm McCarthy of DKM Consultants. The group has been asked to complete its report by the end of April. This is an effective and rapid way to deal with this matter and take it off the table once and for all.

The objective of the study is to establish the factual position on allegations about anti-competitive practices without having to meet the high levels of proof required by a criminal investigation. Should evidence of anti-competitive practices be uncovered, the Government will take whatever steps are necessary to terminate them. The examination of the differential between producer and consumer prices should also help to identify the reasons for the large differential and, more importantly, whether excessive margins are being made at any points in the food chain. The results of the study should facilitate a more rational debate on this matter.

The Government also took a decision last week to establish a market price transparency mechanism based on independent verification. While substantial progress had already been made in the monitoring committee which I set up last year to implement certain of the recommendations of the beef task force, this decision will expedite progress on this matter. I expect the price transparency mechanism based on independent verification will be finalised at an early date within the context of the monitoring committee. I want to lay to rest the question of price transparency.

Farming is cyclical. If prices are good, farmers are entitled to a good price and if they are bad, farmers are at least entitled to know what the market is returning. This system will provide that. I intend to publish what individual plants pay for each grade on a weekly basis so that this mistrust will be put out of the way and that a real partnership will develop. Great progress is being made in some areas, such as Deputy Penrose's, where a large differential is being paid for quality. We must move in that direction.

Farmers did not object to the decision on full cost recovery of the meat inspection service per se. What they did object to was the attempt by the meat processors to pass on to them in full the increased cost through an across the board flat charge. It was not my Department's understanding that the increased cost would be passed to farmers through this mechanism and it was made clear at an early stage in the dispute that the processors were not entitled to increase the levy on an across the board basis. That basis gave credence to the existence of a cartel in the sector. Following a meeting with my Department on 13 December, the meat processors reversed the increase in the slaughter charge on producers but this failed to defuse the situation. This confirms that the issue of the meat inspection charge was not central to the dispute and the misguided nature of the motion before the House.

While I am not defending the action of the meat processors, the increased slaughter charge imposed amounted to 25p per lb and was insignificant relative to the price increase of 7p per lb sought by the IFA. I accept the meat inspection charge is an important issue and its operational efficiency merits serious and rational consideration. We have agreed to set up a technical committee consisting of representatives of my Department to examine implementation details, including the definition of full recoverable cost and any efficiencies which can be identified in the system. It is a good credible service, which is recognised and accepted worldwide, but if we can reduce the costs, that will be done. The principle of full cost recovery has, however, been fully accepted by the IMA. In a nutshell, the levy was not central to the dispute, a strong and credible meat inspection service is vital for our industry, the decision on the levy was not hasty and the decision to pass the full cost to the farmer was taken by the factories.

As far as price is concerned, the IFA believed the meat factories enjoyed excessive profits last year, especially last autumn. In particular, it felt the benefits of the higher prices on export markets and the stronger dollar were not being passed on to producers. There was also a view among the farming community that the beef exporters were cutting each other's throats on third country markets in the knowledge that the weaker prices could be passed back to producers.

The meat processors, on the other hand, rejected the charge of excessive profiteering and insisted that cattle prices were determined on the basis of market realities. They did concede, however, that we are now operating in a rising price environment because of a better balance in the EU market, the elimination of intervention stocks and lower cattle supplies in Ireland and that prices were likely to move up over the coming months.

The non-price issues related mainly to trading relations between farmers and meat factories and involved, in essence, greater transparency in certain practices operated by the meat factories. I do not want to annoy Deputy Creed again but I must outline what was on the shopping list of the IFA. Price was the core issue. As far as I was concerned, getting rid of mistrust and building up partnership were the important matters but there were other issues.

The IFA was seeking to have cattle price quotations by meat plants made on a VAT exclusive basis and to have the insurance scheme for rejected cattle operated by meat plants subject to separate accounting to ensure farmers were not being overcharged. It also wanted some changes made to the clean cattle policy implemented at meat plants and to appoint liaison officers to improve customer relations between farmers and meat factories. This is necessarily a simplistic summary of the issues in dispute but it serves to demonstrate that the dispute was essentially between the IFA and meat processors, a fact acknowledged by anybody with an appreciation of the reality of the matter.

From an early stage I foresaw that the dispute, if prolonged, could inflict considerable damage on the industry. For this reason, I took a proactive role to bring it to an end as quickly as possible. The sequence of events demonstrate I did that. The IMA was met on Thursday, 13 January to seek to resolve the issue of the meat inspection charges. The agreement by my Department to the establishment of the technical committee, combined with the decision of the IMA on 14 January to reverse the increase in the slaughter charge to producers, effectively took the meat inspection fee issue out of the dispute. Unfortunately, since this was never a central issue, it did not succeed in unlocking the impasse.

Over the weekend of 15-16 January, I spent 12 hours mediating between the IFA and IMA. Substantial progress was made, especially with regard to transparency and building up relations between both sides. However, it was not possible to finalise all issues involved. It took more than one telephone call to get both sides together. This was a difficult dispute and court cases were taking place parallel to my efforts to mediate. The decision of the leading representatives of the IFA to resign from their positions following the judgment of the High Court on Monday, 17 January, delayed resumption of the discussions until Wednesday, 19 January.

The discussions went on through the night and into Thursday morning. In total, I chaired discussions lasting 27 hours, which surely indicates my commitment to ending the dispute. I am satisfied that the progress achieved during these negotiations, particularly on price and other issues, provided a valuable framework for the successful resolution of the dispute over the weekend. Without these discussions, it would not have been possible to conclude the local individual negotiations.

On price, the discussions succeeded in significantly bridging the gap between the price of 83p per lb on offer by the meat factories for O grade cattle and the 90p per lb sought by the IFA. While the meat factories' final indicative offer of 87.5p per lb fell short of the IFA's demand, it represented considerable progress and provided the basis for further negotiation on prices at local level between individual meat factories and their suppliers.

It is open to question whether the price should be fully resolved centrally. Given the nature of the trade and the different markets supplied, a dispute on price could be finally settled only on the basis of negotiations between the factories and suppliers at local level. What I set out to do, and I believe I succeeded, was to establish a framework within which local negotiations could take place. These negotiations have been successful and I am pleased that normal work has now resumed in the industry.

The Government took a strong interest, and an active role, in settling the dispute. The Government decided, at its meeting at Ballaghdereen on 19 January, to establish a market price transparency system based on independent verification. That is the key to the dispute. No farmer will believe what a factory will tell him about price and vice versa. Independent audit and verification are needed. That has been put in place. The independent committee to examine the cartel allegations was an important step towards the settlement of the dispute and took an important and thorny issue off the table.

Given that my primary objective in setting up the beef task force was to improve business relations between producers and processors, it is now essential that all the interests in the industry – farmers, the factories, workers – should put the recent dispute behind them. They need to have better customer relations and to work in partnership for the overall development of the industry. The report of the beef task force which represents the distilled wisdom of the entire industry is now more relevant than ever and must remain the blueprint for the future development of the industry. This task force had farmers and processors on it and was chaired by Mr. John Malone, the Secretary General of my Department.

Among the major issues dealt with by the task force which should be highlighted is the need to take full account of consumer requirements, especially concerning food safety. Also there is the need to refocus the marketing efforts of our industry on the high value EU retail sector. The blueprint for the future of the sector set out by the task force also addresses the hugely important issues of investment in processing and value-added products, and on farm efficiency. There is a need for partnership between processors and producers. The industry depends on an integrated two-way approach if it is to develop its full potential in the years ahead. If proof was needed, last week's events showed clearly how necessary this partnership is. There is also a need to encourage better breed selection in our cattle production as some 80% of cattle produced are not ideal for remunerative retail outlets in the EU. Funding to support this objective will be provided in the context of the national development plan.

I am conscious that the recent dispute could damage relations with our customers in the EU. In view of this, I met with the chairman and chief executive of An Bord Bia on Monday last to discuss the effects of recent developments in the beef sector on the international marketing of Irish beef and to take immediate action to address the situation. I asked An Bord Bia to devise in particular a strategy to address any damage which might have been done by the interruption in supply to the servicing of our extremely important EU customers. A dreadfully difficult situation arose following the BSE crisis in 1996. A great deal of credit must be given to farmers and the industry for regaining a foothold in markets and ensuring their product was placed on supermarket shelves once again. Last year, 416,000 head of cattle were exported live from Ireland and this is alongside meat industry exports. That situation in 1996 was not easy. If any other industry were hit by a crisis such as BSE, it would not have recovered so quickly. The beef industry did and it would be tragic if it were to lose ground now because of this dispute.

The debate has been worthwhile. We have had a difficult dispute which has been settled. Work remains to be done. The price transparency mechanism has been put in place. The "three wise men" committee has been put in place to dispense once and for all with allegations of a cartel. Liaison officers will be appointed by the IFA at local plant level. A great deal of good has resulted. This was an unprecedented dispute to which there was no magic wand solution. My role was to create a framework to enable the industry to return to business. I achieved that and I defend my role as Minister. I am prepared to be judged on my prompt and effective mediation in the recent dispute and on my record generally.

Deputy Connaughton should apologise.

Does the Deputy think so?

The recent dispute between producers and processors served to highlight the fundamental problems which still persist in the beef industry. Farmers had a justifiable grievance about the prices they were receiving from the factories for their cattle. I am glad that that grievance has been addressed and that agreement on pricing has now been reached at all the plants throughout the country. The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development moved calmly but firmly to defuse the crisis when it arose. He brought the two sides together – a significant achievement in itself in the circumstances – and worked hard with his officials and advisers to thrash out an agreement between them. The fact that the plants are back to normal production today is testament to the success of the approach adopted by the Minister in this dispute.

The beef industry is not short of advice from experts or reports from consultants. It has been repeatedly analysed and the problems besetting the industry have been identified more than once. The industry had been making progress through the 1990s. Dependence on intervention and export refunds had been declining as processors made inroads into high-quality retail markets in Britain and continental Europe. However, the industry was sent reeling backwards by the BSE crisis. Valuable markets were lost through no fault of our own and we were forced into a renewed dependence on subsidies to get our product into third country markets.

We are all agreed on the kind of beef industry we want to see here. We want a modern, well developed industry capable of selling high-quality, high-value products to the supermarkets of Britain, France, Italy, Germany and the Netherlands. That is the kind of industry which will be able to command the highest prices on international markets for Irish beef. That is the kind of industry which will be able to return the highest prices to Irish producers and to do so on a consistent and continuing basis. This is the direction in which we want to move and I welcome the efforts of the Minister, Deputy Walsh, and of An Bord Bia to help rebuild Ireland's presence in the European beef market.

The recent dispute has highlighted a huge distrust between producers and processors. This is not the kind of foundation on which a strong, high-quality exporting industry can be built. We live in an era of social and economic partnership. Both producers and processors are parties to the national partnership through their representative organisations. Why can we not have partnership at industry level between producers and processors? That might seem fanciful given the ferocity of the dispute which has just ended, but both sides have a vested interest in working together if this industry is ever to achieve its full potential.

The quality of the raw material needs to be improved, but farmers will not produce better quality without the guarantee of better prices. The quality of our beef markets needs to be improved, but processors will not chase those markets unless they can be sure they have the type of cattle which is needed. Sophisticated industries are built on sophisticated relationships between producers and processors. If the beef industry can move away from confrontation to co-operation, the interests of all involved will be better served.

If we are to have co-operation, we will need to build confidence first. That is why the Government moved last week to appoint an independent group to examine allegations of anti-competitive practices in the beef industry. This group will report to the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment in three months and I hope that its findings provide the foundation for a new relationship between producers and processors in the beef industry. The interests of consumers must not be neglected. The independent group has also been asked to examine why there is such a large difference between the price received by producers and the price paid by consumers.

I wish to share my time with Deputies Ferris, Wall and Ó Caoláin.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I listened with some interest to the Minister, Deputy Walsh, on the monitor and latterly to the Minister of State, Deputy Molloy, reading the script of the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment. Neither put up much of a defence for the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development nor an attack against the motion of no confidence in him. I listened to him repeatedly say that the dispute was about mistrust between the farmers and the meat factories and that anyone who knows anything about it is aware it was about mistrust, that it did not involve him and that everything will be rosy in the garden after the "three wise men" group reports. It is not like that. Anyone who knows anything about the beef industry knows it operates as a cartel.

Farmers know this, as they made patently clear in recent days. The best friend of the cartel is the Minister. This has been the case for a very long time. The first thing Mr. Haughey did on his return in 1987 was to appoint the Minister to the newly created post of Minister of State with special responsibility for the food industry. His task was to kick start the beef industry. They are not my words but those of the Minister advanced at the beef tribunal. It ended up meaning giving buckets of taxpayers' money to the Goodman Group. The colleagues of the Minister of State, Deputy Molloy, in the Progressive Democrats were as concerned as I was at the time about this. In the interests of prolonging the Government that may no longer be the case.

Hundreds of thousands of pounds of taxpayers' money was spent in compiling the famous beef development plan to which Deputy Connaughton referred. Most of us remember the 1988 press conference at which it was launched. The then Minister, Deputy O'Kennedy, sulked in the corner because the Minister was positioned at the right hand of the great man. The Minister was the man charged with giving leadership to the beef development plan, which was a mirage and a fantasy. Mr. Justice Hamilton quantified the cheap loans given to Goodman International as the equivalent of £30 million. A total of £112 million was provided by way of cheap section 84 loans. This was money he could not have obtained had it not been for the beef development plan. Senior officials in the Department of the Taoiseach and the IDA were saying to the banks, "You must give out this money because we have the biggest plan ever to develop an indigenous industry", but it never happened. As Members are aware, a brick was never put upon a brick. At the same time as the beef development plan was being advanced, the Minister was engaged with Deputy Albert Reynolds in finding third country markets for the raw material that was to be the subject matter of the plan that never happened. That was the fraud perpetrated on the people and the final piece of the jigsaw fell into place on 8 March 1988 when Mr. Haughey and Mr. Ó hÚiginn caused the IDA to drop the performance clause contrary to law as found by Mr. Justice Hamilton.

On 6 February 1990, in the absence of the then Minister, Deputy O'Kennedy, the Minister and the meat processors hatched a plan to do down a small meat importer, Emerald Meats, the details of which were the subject of a "Prime Time" investigation in recent months. The main beneficiary of this rip off was Goodman and it has already cost the taxpayer £1 million. There is a claim for damages of £7 million which has yet to be assessed by the courts. This is happening under the nose of the Minister who did nothing to stop it but he cannot afford to take action. He could not afford to take action at Rathkeale where there was grand larceny to get any of the money back. He could not do anything about the Bureau Veritas affair and now he is surprised that even the farmers are in revolt. They know they have been ripped off by the cartel and those who make up the cartel.

I have heard comments about the reference of the matter to the Competition Authority by the rainbow Government and the then Minister, Deputy Yates, but the fact is there has been minimal co-operation by the Department with the authority. The Tánaiste said little information was provided to enable it do its job. Because it is politically expedient the Taoiseach and the Minister have circumvented the authority by establishing a group to introduce a fixer's solution to the problem.

Last week a senior officer who had quit the Department years earlier was convicted of selling health certificates. How did he get back in? A plan was hatched in Clontarf Rugby Club between former Minister Ray Burke and a serving official of the Department—

I would prefer if the Deputy did not mention people who are not in the House.

I am sorry, Sir. A former Member and a serving official of the Department brought a proposal to the Minister to have him reinstated. Against advice he imposed this man who was convicted last week as reported in the public press on the north east division.

More recently the Minister was unable to explain how a product labelled "beef" which was not intended for sale on the home market was on sale to domestic consumers in Clondalkin. Following investigations by Teagasc it turned out to be pork. A Minister who does not want to know the difference between beef and pork does not deserve the confidence of this House. It was the Minister's actions which triggered the latest dispute between farmers and the beef industry. He knows this. So does the House.

The Cabinet decided in March 1996 that FEOGA funds should be administered by a separate agency outside the aegis of the Department. This decision was reinforced by the Government. The Taoiseach indicated on the Order of Business that the necessary Bill would be put through the House but to put it at its kindest the Minister has been frustrated by the Department. I bear him no personal ill will and do not want to make any personal allegations. I am speaking politically. The Department has subverted that decision and the Minister has gone along with it. A Bill has yet to emerge to implement the Cabinet decision of 1996, which has been supported by the Government, that the funds should be administered by a separate agency outside the maw of the Department.

There was no co-operation with the Competition Authority. The cartel meets every second Monday in 11 Merrion Square. At one stage the Minister sent in officials to find out how it is done. That is what is happening in the industry. The Minister is sitting on top of the heap and is the meat factories' man. It is no wonder farmers could not expect fair mediation. I regret to say the Minister does not deserve the confidence of the House.

It will be difficult to follow that. Having spoken to farmers on the picket line and workers and management in some of the factories affected during the dispute, Deputy Rabbitte's references are on everybody's lips. Whether perception or fact, people believe a cartel is operating in the beef industry for the benefit of a select group of individuals who have made millions on the backs of producers and at the expense of consumers.

In page 23, chapter 4, of its report the task force established by the Minister accepted that the overall objectives of the industry will not be achieved unless producers are adequately remunerated for their labour and investment and the production of high quality products is properly rewarded. It also accepted that income improvement can be achieved only through a price structure which rewards quality, the establishment of integrated producer-processor supply arrangements and improving production efficiency and product quality at farm level.

During the debate at the Joint Committee on Agriculture, Food and the Marine at the height of the dispute I suggested that if the Minister required additional legislative powers all parties in the House would assist him and indicated that we objected to the softly, softly approach he had adopted. I have not previously witnessed the level of anger and frustration among producers which was evident on the picket lines. It was obvious from our debate in the Committee on Agriculture, Food and the Marine that there was a perceived suspicion a cartel was operating. The Minister accepted that. It could not have been coincidental that factories were charging the same prices and that they all made the same decision to pass on the charges. The charges were necessary to ensure the examination of a good quality product. However, there is much room for improvement in the efficiencies of the operation of meat inspection on the factory floors. Veterinarians who engage in private practice come into the factories at particular times and overlap with others. There is a fee involved in the overlapping of times for killing. Those practices must stop. We are all collectively responsible for ensuring the product is produced to the correct EU standards and that someone who can be trusted to do the job properly is paid to be present at all times. This issue cannot be dealt with on a part-time basis as is happening at present. The Minister agrees that transparency is imperative in this matter. Farmers have sought transparency and the Minister has committed himself to providing it.

The Minister of State, Deputy Davern, stated on local radio that this issue did not suddenly arise in January but was a bomb waiting to explode.

I did not speak about this issue on local radio. The Deputy must have seen me on television.

I did not. I would not look at the Minister of State on television. The Minister of State was on radio which was received at local level and he stated he knew this issue was going to blow up. If that is the case, why did the Minister and the Ministers of State not intervene to ensure it did not? Their failure to do so indicates a level of negligence.

I welcome the opportunity to join my colleagues in contributing to this important debate. The turmoil of the past number of weeks has shaken the beef industry. The fall-out of the recent dispute is considerable and its implications will be felt for some time to come. Regardless of the outcome of this evening's votes or that of tomorrow's Cabinet reshuffle, the Minister who will be in Agriculture House on Friday morning must immediately turn his or her attention to the restoration of confidence in the beef sector and towards ensuring all elements of the beef industry can work effectively together to improve the quality of Irish produce and the price which beef farmers secure for their product.

Before I turn to the dispute between the farmers and the beef processors, I want to raise the plight of the thousands of meat plant workers who were laid off during the recent dispute. These workers suffered a great deal in recent weeks but their situation received scant attention from the media or the Government. Meat factory workers work long and hard for a week's wages and the financial loss suffered by thousands of families in recent weeks must be resolved. I urge the Minister and his colleagues and the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment to immediately commence talks with SIPTU, which represents many of the workers, to try to hammer out an equitable compensation package for workers who lost out on much needed pay packets through no fault of their own. I am aware that some individual settlements have been agreed with workers and I urge the Minister to use these as a model to ensure workers are not left out of pocket as a result of this dispute.

The Minister must accept a great deal of responsibility for precipitating the dispute which paralysed our beef industry. The Minister's actions in relation to the increase in the veterinary charges is in direct conflict with his stated policy objectives. In various speeches and statements the Minister made since taking up office, he made it clear that the beef industry could not lurch from one crisis to another. He stated that the industry required clear goals and objectives and that all elements of the industry should work in partnership to achieve these goals. Fine words, but the Minister's actions in recent weeks conflict directly with this position.

The Minister increased the veterinary inspection charge and walked away from its implemen tation. The processors passed on the charge directly to the farming community and the Minister's belated objections were too little, too late. The recent dispute, which was one of the most serious agricultural disputes in the history of the State, brought the beef industry to a standstill. For a Minister who claims to have such a sure touch when it comes to agricultural matters, this debacle raised serious questions about his ability to forge a new future for Irish agriculture in a rapidly changing international market.

The imposition of veterinary fees was the straw which broke the camel's back and the pent-up anger and frustration, which thousands of farmers throughout the country legitimately felt, came to the fore. While I do not condone farmers for disobeying a High Court injunction, they had a legitimate case in regard to the practices of the beef processors. That the price per pound for beef varies so little throughout the country can only lead to the conclusion that there is a large degree of co-operation between meat factories to the detriment of farmers and consumers. The price per pound paid to farmers does not bear any relation to the price paid by consumers in the butchers or the supermarket.

I welcome the establishment of the independent group to examine allegations in regard to the operation of price cartels and I look forward to its report. If we are serious about ensuring the long-term future of the family farm, it is essential that farmers receive a decent price for their produce. One of the most serious threats to the future of rural Ireland is the decline in farm family incomes, the ongoing flight from the land and the serious depopulation of rural Ireland. Hundreds of farmers in my constituency and throughout the country face a bleak future. The land they have worked, often for generations, now generates such a low turnover that neither their sons nor their daughters are prepared to enter into farming. This is the major challenge facing any Minister with responsibility for agriculture. It is one of the major challenges facing any Government or political party which is concerned with the well-being of the rural section of Ireland.

It is essential that we learn a lesson from the recent dispute and ensure powerful processors are not allowed to ride roughshod over the future of thousands of farming families. We must develop our beef industry and target new specialist markets in which added value can be achieved for Irish beef. The food industry must be supported to ensure Irish workers and Irish towns benefit from the increased food production which is essential to the future of Irish rural life. In regard to heifer producers, £4 less is being received for graded R 3s than for O 3s. A vital opportunity was missed to assist this sector of the beef industry.

I thank Deputy Rabbitte and his colleagues for sharing their time. The massive confrontation we have seen in the beef industry was a crisis waiting to happen.

Given the deep seated structural problems in the beef sector, the farming community and the meat factory owners were clearly on a collision course in the absence of effective Government management. Instead of that effective stewardship, we had the Government mismanagement of the meat inspection issue which was the torch which lit the bonfire.

The mood of militancy among farmers throughout the State was seldom witnessed heretofore. Farmers, their families and supporters turned out in huge numbers at meat factories throughout the country. I witnessed the justifiable mood of anger and determination when I visited and addressed the picketing farmers at the Liffey Meats plant at Ballyjamesduff, County Cavan, last week. There was a sense that the farmers had endured more than enough at the hands of the meat factory owners and that the time of reckoning had come. I commend the farmers on their militancy. Direct action was needed to challenge the cartel operating in the beef industry and it was remarkable that the action won widespread public support far beyond the farming community itself. That was represented throughout the length and breadth of the State.

The crisis was deepened by the use of the courts against the Irish Farmers' Association by the meat plant owners. The imposition of massive fines on the IFA stands in stark contrast to the lack of action taken against those corrupt sectors of the industry exposed in the beef tribunal. The use of the courts by the factories showed a punitive approach and a lack of commitment to resolving the dispute. The farmers have now been vindicated in their claim that what was effectively a cartel was operating in the beef industry. This penalised both farmers and consumers in terms of price. I hope this IFA action and the local bargaining which has now been undertaken is the beginning of the end of the cartel. Local direct action has lead to local bargaining, an effective exercise in people power. However, the problems in the beef industry remain. The domination of the industry by the three big players, AIBP, Dawn Meats and Kepak may yet reverse the progress made by the IFA in securing 90p per pound.

The setting up of a working group by the Government to examine the beef industry looks like a measure conjured up simply to be seen to be doing something. That such a working group to investigate whether there are anti-competitive practices in the beef industry and ascertain the reason for the differential between the producer and the consumer price should still be necessary is in itself an indictment of the Government. Years after the tribunal and several other investigations into the sector, we are apparently back to the drawing board once again. Successive Governments have failed to confront corruption, mismanagement and malpractice in the beef sector. The farmer and the consumer have paid the price as a result. I point the finger equally at the Minister's Fine Gael predecessor in this regard. Mismanagement of the beef industry has been one of the glaring failures of our economy.

It is for this reason that I must reluctantly support the motion of no confidence in the Minister. I recognise that he has a strong personal commitment to farming. I have no difficulty in stating that I hold him in high personal regard. However, it is impossible for me, as an elected Member of this House, to have confidence in the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development, given the Government's role in the precipitation of the crisis in the beef industry, because the Government actually set off the chain of events which precipitated the crisis. Like its Fine Gael predecessor, it has refused to challenge the beef industry cartel. That is at the root of the problem.

The crisis of the past few weeks put the jobs of thousands of meat factory workers in jeopardy. These workers must not be forgotten. They suffered significant loss of earnings. I use the opportunity this evening to call on the relevant sectors to ensure that full compensation is made to every one of those workers without delay.

I propose to share my time with Deputies Power and Johnny Brady, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, and the Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development, Deputy Ned O'Keeffe.

It sometimes amuses me to hear Deputy Ó Caoláin. He does not need to explain his reasons for voting against the Government, he is being consistent. I am sorry Deputy Rabbitte has left. He mentioned the word "pedigree". Let me ask him about a pedigree that dates back from the Labour Party to the Democratic Left Party, to the Workers Party, to Sinn Féin the Workers Party, and Sinn Féin, a party where they did not know that money was being printed on a printing press that came from the Stasi, the east German police. Deputy Rabbitte is such an expert on the beef tribunal, but he was three years in the Department of Enterprise and Employment as Minister of State and did not once help to define to the authority that there was a cartel. There is no proof of that in that Department. Deputy Rabbitte prefers to grab the headlines than to work.

I would like to address some of the issues raised in the debate. On the issue of meat inspection fees, it is evident that while this issue may have triggered the dispute between the farmers and the meat factories, it was never the central issue, which centred around cattle prices and other issues relating to trading relations between farmers and meat factories. The Opposition cannot deny that it was its Government which took the decision in March 1996 to impose full cost recovery and which reaffirmed that decision in November 1996. Contrary to the impression being given in this debate, the Government did not set down pre-conditions in relation to the reorganisation of the veterinary inspection system. I agree that the meat processors were not entitled to pass on the full cost of the new recovery system to producers. The Department made this clear at a very early stage in this dispute. Furthermore, following a meeting with the Department on 13 January, the meat processors withdrew the increased slaughter charge. The Minister played a pivotal role in the context of the harsh words he spoke to the meat industry at that time.

The price of cattle was the central issue in the dispute. This can be seen clearly from the fact that the dispute continued after the meat inspection fees issue had been resolved. The increase in the meat inspection fee, which amounted to 0.2p per pound, imposed by the meat processors paled into insignificance beside the 7p per pound increase in price sought by the farmers.

The meat inspection service has served us well down the years. That has been a major factor in maintaining access for Irish beef to our major export markets. It is often forgotten that veterinary inspectors from other countries, Israel, Egypt and Iran, are happy to see stringent veterinary inspection in factories here, which complements the work they are sent to do.

Ideally we would favour a greater degree of self-regulation on the part of the industry, provided the principles covering meat hygiene can be fully complied with and that it meets the requirements of our customers abroad. In any event, a greater degree of self-regulation would require changes in EU regulations.

The Minister has been criticised for failing to ensure proper competition in the meat processing sector and for failing to introduce a transparent pricing mechanism. This criticism is totally unfounded. The Minister has done more than any other Minister to progress the principle of price transparency, which was one of the recommendations of the task force which he set up in November 1998. He delegated implementation of this recommendation to the monitoring committee and, because of lack of progress within that committee, the Government has accepted the Minister's proposal for a price transparency mechanism based on independent verification. The Government has also established an independent group to examine the issue of anti-competitive practices within the meat processing sector in order to determine whether such practices exist. The complexity of this issue can be seen from the fact that the Competition Authority has been unable to prove anything three years into its investigation. However, the independent group will not be required to meet the same level of proof required by the Competition Authority, and this group has been asked to submit its report by the end of April. Its findings should help to establish once and for all whether the meat processing sector is guilty of anti-competitive practices.

I will now turn to the amendment proposed by the Government. The Minister deserves to be congratulated for his handling of the dispute and his efficiency. It is not the ones who shout the loudest or who appear on television most of the time who achieve the most, but those who work quietly. The Minister worked more than 30 hours over one weekend alone to solve the dispute. The early intervention of the Department and the Minister's efforts over the weekend of 15-16 January and again over the weekend of 19-20 January produced the framework for the successful conclusion of negotiations between farmers and meat processors at local level last weekend. The Minister's intervention facilitated discussions between both sides. It brought the dispute to an end more quickly than would otherwise have been the case. There would not have been any discussions between the two sides without the Minister's intervention because of the bitter stand-off between them arising from the blockades and the legal proceedings.

Any objective commentator will realise that the Minister has been very successful during his period of office. His outstanding achievement was the outcome of the negotiations on Agenda 2000, decried by the Opposition, when he turned a potential loss of £1.4 billion to a net gain of £400 million. It stands as one of the most successful negotiations ever. He also negotiated a major allocation of £1.74 billion in FEOGA funding for the rural development plan, which we are proud to be implementing under the national development plan. The negotiation of £3.75 billion funding for direct investment in agriculture, food and rural areas under the national development plan was another major achievement. The huge increase in live exports last year – 416,000 animals went out of the country – is directly attributable to his efforts. He provided the ships and the customers on the other side. His achievements in the delivery of direct payments are commensurate with his success in the Agenda 2000 negotiations and he must be given full credit for it.

The Minister is quiet and hardworking. He is a doer, rather than one who constantly wants to be on television. He does the work and the results will be apparent in the long-term.

He leaves television to the Minister of State.

This motion is a shameful waste of Dáil time, reflected by the empty seats in the Press Gallery and in the Chamber. There is not even a Labour Party Member present and only two Members from the Fine Gael Party are in attendance. That is an indication of how seriously they take this issue.

The motion is from a frontbench that has little or no confidence in its spokesmen on Agriculture, Deputies Connaughton and Ring, who have been unable to map the Minister over the last two years. It is a motion of jealousy and begrudgery. The feeble attempts by the Fine Gael frontbench agriculture team at shadow boxing was such a major source of embarrassment to colleagues at the height of the meat factories dispute last week, that the party was obliged to employ the services of two of its former Ministers for Agriculture, Deputies Dukes and Yates, to try to explain the Fine Gael position in both the Irish Independent and The Irish Times. It was an attempt to beef up the party's profile among farmers, but, as the latest opinion polls have shown, it was to little or no avail.

Any objective person looking at the graph of farm income over the past 15 years can only conclude that Deputy Walsh has been one of the most successful Ministers for Agriculture the country has had.

Is the Deputy living in the real world?

I am interested in the facts, not perception. The Minister negotiated the first CAP reform, which gave Irish farmers their four most prosperous years ever, between 1992-6, when farm incomes exceeded £2 billion for the first time in the history of the State. Incomes began to slip again during the tenure of the last Government, but when the Minister returned to office he faced the Agenda 2000 proposals, which could have resulted in a potential loss to farmers of £1.4 billion over the next seven years. The Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development, Deputy Davern, outlined how the Minister turned that potential loss into a gain of £400 million, a remarkable achievement. The Fine Gael Party has done nothing to approach that performance.

There was much criticism of the Department's decision to increase the inspection levies at meat factories, which caused the dispute between farmers and factory owners, although we all know the underlying cause of the pent-up anger and frustration among farmers was the poor price factories were paying them. The Department acted on a Government decision of 1996, made when the rainbow coalition was in power. It was the Government comprising of Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left that decided the meat factories should pay for the full cost of the veterinary inspection charges. These parties then started to crib when the Department moved to implement the decision. How hypocritical can one get?

Deputy Rabbitte offered solutions to all the problems surrounding the dispute, but when there was a crisis in agriculture during the period when the previous Government was in power, his then ministerial colleague, Deputy De Rossa, refused to accept that there was a crisis and told farmers they were rolling in money. I am sure he still holds that view. It, therefore, ill-behoves the Opposition to lecture this side of the House. The Minister's record cannot be matched.

Fine Gael criticised the Minister for not getting involved earlier in the dispute. He was in contact with both sides from the outset and laid the foundations for the success that was achieved. He oversaw an increase in the price offered by the factories from 82p per lb to 87.5p per lb in a very short space of time. From there it only required local bargaining to resolve matters.

Following the announcement by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Andrews, the Taoiseach will be obliged to make changes to the Cabinet. Deputy John Bruton would do his party much good if he took similar action with his own team.

I extend my strong support to the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development. He has done a superb job and Deputy Power is right to describe him as one of the finest Ministers for Agriculture the country has seen. Everybody knows this motion is blatant opportunism and nonsense. When we were on the Opposition benches we used Private Members' time to put forward constructive proposals. We developed alternative policies to deal with issues facing the entire spectrum of Irish life. By contrast, it appears the Opposition is redundant and incapable of generating even one new idea. A measure of its redundancy is its practice of the politics of negativity, or opposition for the sake of it.

Everybody knows the Minister has been discharging his functions at the Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development effectively and well. Under his leadership the Department has preserved and developed the best interests of the farming community, the food industry and the wider agri-business sector. It is a complex and mammoth task because we should not lose sight of the fact that these sectors are the backbone of the economy.

The Minister is not one to advance glib or shallow solutions to complex problems and he also knows his geography. Unlike the former Minister, Deputy Yates, he is not given to flights of fancy by pretending to be engaged in high level discussions with Russian veterinary authorities at Dublin Airport when simultaneously attending to the needs of his constituents in a pub while holding a clinic. Those on the Opposition benches who put their names to this motion appear to have excised that fiasco from their minds when they decided to embark on this episode of opportunistic posturing. I am glad to take this opportunity to remind the Fine Gael Members of the former Minister's fanciful flight into virtual reality.

The Minister has deservedly earned the commendation of the House. He was involved in the successful negotiation of the Agenda 2000 framework, which has put in place the policy framework for agricultural and rural development in the coming years. In the course of those negotiations, for which he was rightly praised by all quarters, he turned around a potential loss to Irish farmers of approximately £1.4 billion to a gain of £400 million. Total payments to farmers in the food sectors in the coming years will be approximately £10 billion. If unprecedented success on this scale is the yardstick by which the Opposition Members judge failure, then they should embark on other careers, having failed dismally as practising politicians.

The Minister has also had spectacular success in advancing unprecedented funding of £3.75 billion from the national development plan for direct investment in the agri sector over the coming seven years. He has negotiated an additional quota in the milk sector and put in place measures to ensure continued prosperity in the sector. He has also overseen a greatly accelerated regime of live cattle exports, with shipments now running at more than seven times the level of three years ago and he has put in place a state of the art system of processing and payment of direct income supports, with the result that the payment performance of his Department to farmers is now one of the best in the EU.

The Minister, Deputy Walsh, has an important job which touches on the performance of the wider economy and the fabric of community life throughout the country. He will not be deflected from this task by the parliamentary tactics of an Opposition which seems incapable of constructing policies. Why was this motion put down? It is quite clear to most people that it was put down in the hope by Fine Gael that Deputy Walsh would not have resolved this problem prior to coming back to the Dáil following the recess.

He is not out of the woods yet.

Wishful thinking.

That is disturbing. This motion of no confidence is the latest manifestation of the continued strategy of no policies, which has been pursued by Fine Gael since it returned to its customary position of complacent indifference on the Opposition benches. Fine Gael's policy seems to be to do nothing, say nothing and criticise everything. It has succeeded in establishing its party in the public mind as a party which stands for nothing and against everything. Bereft of any policy initiatives, Fine Gael seems to have been reduced to filling its Private Member's time with hopeless motions of no confidence which serve as a wholly inadequate substitute for positive policy development. As a parliamentary strategy, Fine Gael's non-initiative is, to say the least, lacking as a contribution to the political life of this State.

Deputy O'Donoghue wants to get a few of those gangsters – that is his job.

It is, at best, negative and, as a step towards future involvement in Government, backward. It is astonishing that people have come to expect this from Fine Gael. At the start of the 21st century Fine Gael is an "expect nothing and you will not be disappointed" party. It has come to personify the vacuum which exists on the Opposition benches and has become little more than an empty vessel making expected noises. Its recent pronouncements suggest that thoughts given to its utterances are almost exclusively retrospective. Tonight's motion is an attack on a decent, hard-working and successful Minister by a party which has substituted soundbites for substance. It is the embodiment of the politics of nihilism, a motion to fill space which should be occupied by policy.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate. The Minister is acutely aware of the importance of our beef industry to the national economy. More importantly, his Cabinet colleagues actively support him in this regard. Farmers are fortunate that this is the case. I do not need to dwell on the situation in the previous Government. This motion comes from those who had their hands tied while in Government and treated Irish farmers with contempt. It is obviously difficult for those people to acknowledge that the Government has given substantial support to farmers. This support was very necessary because of the unforeseen difficulties that beset the industry in the past couple of years.

I congratulate the IFA, other farming organisations and individual farmers on persevering in their efforts to secure better deals from the factories. Their action has gone some way towards restoring dignity to producers. By their stance they have shown that they are taking control and demanding a fair return for their work. The year 1999 was a record one for cattle kills and the industry continued to make huge profits on the backs of producers. I compliment the Minister on his efforts in the negotiations with meat industry chiefs. Meat factories over the years have passed on every levy to the farmer and used every excuse to cut prices. The Irish Meat Association represents the factories who for too long have treated farmers as sacrificial lambs. They have tried to do likewise with the IFA. As a result of Deputy Walsh's efforts, we will now be in a position to monitor individual factory payments.

I welcome the decision to appoint a committee to examine allegations of anti-competitive practices by the meat plants. Transparency in pricing and grading will ensure that the factories do not return to their own way of doing things. The incomes of all those working in farming will be maximised and this major national industry will continue its important contribution to the national economy. Since becoming Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development, Deputy Walsh has worked tirelessly on behalf of farmers. The outcome he achieved in the Agenda 2000 negotiations secured the long-term future for farmers' incomes. Through his tough negotiating stance he achieved a complete turn-around on proposals which would have destroyed our farming industry. The overall commitment of the Minister, Deputy Walsh, to the support of agri culture, food and rural development is very clear and beyond doubt. His wide-ranging support for all sectors speaks for itself. I will give a few examples.

During last year's fodder and weather crises, he introduced a farm assist scheme targeted at low income farmers and a range of initiatives to encourage the early transfer of land to young, trained farmers. He reintroduced on-farm investment schemes, with an increase in the level of installation aid for young farmers. In regard to exports, he has taken necessary action since the Government came to office, when there were no beasts being exported live out of this country, and last year more than 400,000 live cattle were exported. The policies being developed by the Government have brought about an economic situation where those wishing to obtain employment to support their incomes from farming find it easier to do so. I am confident the Minister has ensured that there will now be an adequate mechanism in place to guarantee that prices in the future will represent market returns.

I thank the Ceann Comhairle for the opportunity to speak on this motion tabled by the Opposition to mislead the country and the farming community. First, I congratulate Professor Seamus Sheehy on his appointment as head of the anti-competition group to examine the pricing structure of the beef industry. I compliment the Minister, Deputy Walsh on bringing about a speedy conclusion to the IFA and IMA problems over the weeks. It was a difficult time for the Minister and the staff of the Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development and they all worked closely together in resolving the problem. I am glad everyone has gone back to work. I want to commend the workers on going back to work and also the service industry who also suffered much.

We are all well aware of the success of the beef industry since this Government took office. Last year was very successful for the beef industry, when about 600,000 tonnes of cattle were slaughtered and about 545,000 tonnes of beef exported to 60 countries around the world. We have only a 10% consumption of beef produced, which is very small and marginal. We have to export practically all our beef which comes off Irish land. We have the largest beef export industry in northern Europe and, while other countries may have the same volumes of beef, they do not have the same export content. We slaughtered in the region of 2.5 million animals last year, which was very progressive. Of the total left in Ireland, 1.6 million heifers and steers and about 400,000 culled cows were killed or slaughtered and there were 400,000 live exports – it was the most successful year ever for live exports. A total of seven ships were licensed under the Minister's aegis and many problems arose, but they were handled very successfully. The Opposition often cries about live exports, but this is a successful and expanding business.

What is wrong with the beef industry ? No solutions have come from that side of the House. The food development group and the beef task force were set up. The national plan provided for £41.5 billion. We have set out targets and areas which are important for the beef industry. There are 40 plants slaughtering animals. A new plan and structure for the beef industry is necessary if it is to be modernised.

Much has been said about the quality of our beef. However, quality has gone astray since the previous Government, of which Deputy Sheehan was a member, got rid of bull licensing and re-introduced to rural areas what we call scrub bulls.

What did the Minister do about it?

That is not true. The Minister is totally inaccurate. He should get his facts right.

Deputy Sheehan praised that move. Today there is in excess of 2.3 billion breeding animals, a dairy herd and a suckler herd. I compliment farmers for what they have done in the area of breeding, particularly in terms of sucklers. Some of the finest cattle and weanlings ever seen are being produced by suckler herds. We have the basis of a very strong and vibrant beef industry, but we will have to examine its structure and plan for the future.

I compliment Bord Bia, the promotion agency, for the outstanding work being done. I am well aware of the difficulties which arise on the foreign markets and Deputy Walsh and I have been to more supermarkets, shops and facilities than any previous Minister.

The Minister does not believe that.

The Minister travels across the length of Europe to sell beef. We have identified niche retail markets in Holland, France and Italy and we are doing very well in Sweden. These markets have been achieved and developed in a systematic and business like fashion since those in Opposition left Government.

Why is everyone losing money?

The national development plan sets out the direction the beef industry will take and Members are well aware of the budget provided for the food industry. We realise there is a need for modernisation of our beef industry and that structures must be put in place. We will put in place the correct foundation.

I was appalled the other night to hear Deputy Rabbitte make accusations in the House and attack an officer of the Department. There was no basis for his allegations in relation to the officer who was not reinstated by my Department at any time. Such false allegations do not do the beef industry, the Department or the country any good. We should be more prudent in what we say.

Since taking office food safety has been addressed. We are now examining the area of quality, which is vitally important. In this context not one single damaging thing has happened our beef industry while other countries throughout the world have had to deal with dioxin, ecoli 1057 and other difficulties. Ireland has remained protected from such problems since the Government took office in 1997 because it has worked hard, systematically and in a business like and efficient fashion, thereby saving the Irish farmer and the food industry.

Last year we exported foodstuffs to the value of £5 billion and hope to increase this business. Beef is one of our major exports. We exported 230,000 tonnes of quality beef from dairy herds to Egypt and other north African and Third World markets. We reserve the right to examine continental breed crosses which are so important in terms of the French, Italian, Dutch, British and Scandinavian markets.

I am delighted to be in the House and am appalled that the Opposition has made such an attack on the Minister and the Government which is so successful in terms of agriculture. The Opposition does not have the answers. The Members opposite rant about agriculture. Our Minister was not in Enniscorthy when he was supposed to be in Dublin Airport. The Minister goes to where the problem is, and the Opposition should not make statements to mislead the public. Those now in Opposition failed when in office, are failing tonight and will be defeated in this motion. I assure the Opposition that the Government will be around for a long time.

I wish to share time with Deputies Finucane, Sheehan, Deenihan, Crawford, Boylan, Naughton and Neville.

It gives me no great pleasure to speak tonight. We do not like tabling motions to the effect that we do not have confidence in a Minister. I like the Minister – he is a nice guy and I do not like having to table this motion.

I remind the Minister of State that Fianna Fáil backbenchers were telling farmers last week when they met them on the picket lines, that they were sorry to be in Government at this time and to have such disastrous Ministers in the Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development. This is not what Fine Gael was saying, but rather what Fianna Fáil backbenchers were saying. Tonight only one Fianna Fáil backbencher is in the House to support the Minister.

The Minister asked why this motion had been tabled. A week is a long time in politics and farming. The motion has been tabled because farmers had to blockade every factory last week because of a cosy cartel. Every Sunday evening the cartel arrived in Punchestown or wherever – I am not a racing man but the Minister knows all about racing, he guided the helicopters to the racecourse. We all know about Larry. Our situation is not unlike that depicted in the American soap opera where J.R. Ewing was in the oil company cartels. Here we have Larry and company in the cattle industry cartel. On a Sunday evening at a race meeting they would put £1,000, £2,000 or £5,000 on a horse and did not mind if they lost. They would then decide what to pay the farmers the following day, whether it should be 79p, 80p or 81p. That went on for a long time. If one kicks a dog for long enough, it will bite. The farmers were being kicked for long enough by the beef barons and they said "enough is enough". The Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development did nothing about it.

In 1988, before I became a member of the Dáil, the former Taoiseach Charles J. Haughey and the Fianna Fáil parade went around the country like Duffy's Circus, from Ballaghdereen to Cork accompanied by Larry, or "J.R." saying Larry was the man who would revive the beef industry. The media would not tell the people what would happen. The only person who objected in 1988 was John Bruton, who was spokesperson for agriculture, I think. The Fianna Fáil people had to hold Larry back from attacking John Bruton at a press conference. John Bruton was right: he identified the problem then and knew what the problem would be in the future.

I was delighted the Irish Independent covered a question I tabled in the Dáil. The last three priority questions I raised were covered as two exclusives in the Irish Farmers' Journal which did not even think it worth its while to mention my name. However, I have no problem with that. The Irish Independent ran a front page story on brucellosis as a result of a priority question which I tabled but this debate will not receive much coverage in the daily papers.

The media does not have much interest in agriculture, but I will explain what the Government is doing. Everybody will remember the culled ewe scheme. There were three categories of culled ewe – boned, condemned and commercial. The Department provided money for those which were boned, condemned and commercial. The largest price was paid for the condemned category which included 77,967 culled ewes and for which in 1999 the Department paid £887,637 to factories.

Unbelievable. Scandalous.

The factories were paid nearly £1 million by the Department which tells us there is not a cosy cartel. There is a cosy cartel and the poor farmers are being squeezed left, right and centre with nobody doing anything about it. We raised it in the House week in and week out and that is why there is a vote of confidence in the Minister.

There is something rotten in the Department. When the beef barons receive almost £1 million from the Department, we are entitled to a few answers, although that speaks for itself. Since the Minister and the Minister of State, Deputy O'Keeffe, took up office there have been crises in the beef, sheep and pig sectors. All we can do in Opposition is highlight the deficiencies of the Government. Deputy Connaughton is not the Minister and I am not the Minister of State, and it does not matter what we say. It is up to those in Agriculture House to introduce policies and whatever else is needed to deal with these problems. There were more people in the agriculture industry prior to Fianna Fáil taking up office, and that is why we had to table this motion.

It is recognised that this issue was a defining moment for farmers. I met them on the picket lines at the Charleville and Rathkeale meat plants and participated in two special agricultural debates last week. It was important that farmers took a stand. The increase in the meat inspection levy, totalling £400 million, led to this dispute, but it is worth bearing in mind that the beef industry has a bad reputation. The problems evolved in the early 1990s following the report of the beef tribunal. It is easy to understand why it is widely perceived that a cartel operates within the industry when the three main players control 65% of it. Larry Goodman's company has 25% while Dawn Meats and Kepak have 20%. In the early 1990s there was a frantic rush to pass legislation through the House to save Larry Goodman's company after it incurred £500 million in debts in the Middle East, but last year it made £12 million profit on a turnover of £680 million. There is a perception that there is a political affiliation between the beef industry and Fianna Fáil.

The recent dispute was a defining moment for consumers. I was surprised by their appreciation of the prices paid to farmers for beef and the prices they pay for meat when they go to their local butchers. The Competition Authority set out to review the beef industry in 1997 and it was disappointing it did not successfully probe the cartel that exists. I wish the expert authority luck but I am concerned that it does not have a statutory foundation similar to the Competition Authority.

The Minister will not mind if he is transferred to another Department in tomorrow's reshuffle. He will accept, as I said to him last week at a meeting of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Agriculture, Food and the Marine, that he has been in agriculture for a long time and knows the beef industry much better than many people, but unless he has the steel, mettle and determination to take on the industry, given that it is a formidable and powerful player, he should step aside and allow somebody else to take up the cudgels on behalf of the Government in order to ascertain whether a better deal can be obtained for farmers.

Farmers will not accept a fall in prices again and I hope those which were agreed last week will be looked upon as the floor prices for the different grades of beef because I hate to think about the likely action that would result if prices were to drop. Fine Gael and the Labour Party were right to table this motion because this issue should be addressed in the House.

I have great time for the Minister as he is a constituency colleague, but he has not got his ear to the ground in regard to the grassroots of the farming industry. He was active in Opposition and criticised the former Minister, Deputy Yates, when Ireland was hit by the scourge of the BSE crisis. He seemed to have all the answers then whereas now he seems to sit idly by. What is the status of the new farm retirement scheme? Farmers are completely mesmerised at the lack of detail. The Minister was well aware that a new scheme was due to come into operation on 1 January 2000, yet the application for same was not sent to Brussels until the first week of the month. I am amazed by the lack of speed in the Department. It has known for the past two years that the old scheme would conclude on 31 December 1999, yet it took all that time to send the information to Brussels for the new scheme. We have been told that the earliest date for the introduction of the scheme is 30 June, but an official in the Department informed me last week that it could be 30 September. Farmers who want to retire will have to wait nine months. There is no vision in the Department.

Competition is the lifeblood of trade and I am astonished the Minister has not stood over the promise he made in the lovely document he circulated around our constituency prior to the last general election – Message from Fianna Fáil to the Farmers and Farm Families of Ireland – which had a picture of the Minister and the Taoiseach on the front. It stated:

Confidence at home must be followed by sales abroad. Supporting our farm enterprises will be a political priority for the next Fianna Fáil Government. We will oversee a concerted political push to re-open foreign markets for the live trade.

We have done that.

The Taoiseach would have been better served if he stayed at home rather than going to South Africa and allowed the Minister to take the Government jet to Libya and Egypt to try to re-open their markets for the import of live cattle from Ireland. Without competition the factories will play hide and seek with farmers. I am surprised the Minister is doing nothing about this.

Farmers were driven by sheer desperation to picket factories to highlight the injustice inflicted on them by the Minister who allowed meat processors to impose a further £1.80 slaughter fee on them, which amounted to £400 million. That was the last straw and it broke the camel's back. Meat factories were paying between 70p and 82p per pound. Necessity is the mother of invention. If the factories need cattle to fill their export and home markets, they must be prepared to pay a realistic price to the producers, not 20p per pound less than that paid to English producers or 45p per pound less than that paid to French producers. Action speaks louder than words.

The Minster is a nice man, but pious words butter no bread. The farming community is desperate and the Minister's message during the election campaign in June 1997 has not been heeded. The Minister has done nothing to establish what has been given to them. They voted for him and his Ministers of State, Deputies O'Keeffe and Davern, thinking they would be genuine but, alas, the Minister misled the farmers.

Fine Gael tabled this motion because farmers have lost confidence in the Minister. They do not see him as someone fighting their corner. Many of them have lost heart. The resilience which was the hallmark of the Irish farmer has been destroyed. Farmers are deeply hurt. They have devoted their lives to agriculture like their fathers and grandfathers before them who had to fight and agitate for the right to own their land and not be rack-rented for improving it. This spirit is disappearing rapidly. At one time farmers cajoled their sons and daughters into staying on the land. Now in many cases they are doing the opposite. The implications for rural Ireland are frightening and unthinkable. Apathy, depression, demoralisation and an exodus from rural areas is now the order of the day.

As Deputy Sheehan said, the straw that broke the camel's back for sheep farmers was the introduction by the Minister of an additional levy of £1.85 on animals slaughtered which would obviously be passed on to the farmer. At a time when farmers need every financial support they can get, this was one of the most insensitive decisions ever made by a Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development. No doubt, during the Minister's 11 years in office he has had his moments. He introduced schemes the benefit of which I saw during my time in that office. However, Agenda 2000 will not go down as one of the Minister's great achievements. It is obvious that the Irish stood idly by and watched the sheep sector being decimated in those negotiations. It was not even considered. The Minister is familiar with the problem of butter fat which is relevant to my county. He had a marvellous opportunity to do something about that matter, but nothing was done.

This debate is more than a motion of no confidence in the Minister. It is about the future of agriculture. I do not like to be personal in my remarks.

Do not be then.

When I was Minister of State the current Minister was personal on one occasion on an issue that was unconnected with me. I do not forget but I will not be personal.

An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.

At this stage the industry needs new energy and leadership, not fatigue. Farmers are growing weary of the Minister. The Taoiseach would do him and the farming community a great favour if he changed the Minister's portfolio tomorrow. That would be his best strategic move. The Minister has served his day. He has done well at times. His day has come and he would be wise to ask the Taoiseach to move him.

It gives me no pleasure to support the motion of no confidence in the Minister.

There is a vacancy in the Department of the Marine.

Maybe in the Department of Defence.

(Interruptions).

Order, please.

As a person, the Minister is a nice man, but unfortunately for beef barons nice men do not produce the goods. I congratulate the IFA and the farmers. Many of those who supported the blockades had little or no involvement with the IFA for many years. They had lost faith in that organisation because of the Minister's failure to deliver.

It was mentioned that the workers needed to be compensated and I do not have a problem with that. I am glad they are at work this week, providing meat for foreign markets. If the Minister remains in office how does he intend to compensate farmers for the millions of pounds they have lost? It is clear from the negotiations the Minister started and the farmers finished there was an increase of £50 per head. Multiply that by the millions of cattle sold over the past two and a half years and we have some idea of the losses sustained by farmers.

The Minister has appointed Professor Seamus Sheehy and others to look at the industry. I hope he does that job a little better than he did when he looked at the problems in Monaghan. All he did was read the literature provided. Although I asked him to visit the county and my parish, he did not do so and we know the results.

The pig industry has been mentioned. Pig farmers along the Border did not get compensation, they got a promise. I sat with one young man until 1.30 a.m. trying to see what he could gain, but there was no hope for him. The methods put forward to claim the paltry £1 million of the £5 million that was needed means that his family is doomed. There are 95 pig farmers in the Border regions. If the Taoiseach leaves the Minister in that office, he should try to get some device to pay the money. Pig and sheep farmers deserve the same kind of inquiry as the livestock sector and I hope the Minister will bring that to the attention of the Tánaiste to ensure that cartel is dealt with.

Fianna Fáil backbenchers made out that the Minister is doing a good job and young farmers have total confidence in him. They have so much confidence that the agricultural college in my county, which was doing very well up to three months ago, is now closed. Other colleges are also closed and more will follow suit. Young farmers who are the future of this industry have lost confidence in it. Five hundred farmers crowded into the Riverdale Hotel in Ballybay, as they did in locations all over the country. I attended the meeting and have never witnessed such deafening silence or seen how frustrated and anxious they are about their future. Husbands and wives were present to see if it were possible to get through the morass of difficulties presented by Agenda 2000. When the Department officials were asked how it was intended to monitor it, they said the farmers' end was sorted out but not the rest. Agenda 2000 will go down in history as spelling the end of farmers who do not have sufficient education to deal with all the paperwork the Minister has forced on them.

Small meat factories are being closed to make room for the barons. I ask the Minister to ensure that proper veterinary supervision is available to small factories as they provide a service to local industry as well as exporting pigs and cattle. He should ensure they are not screwed into the ground as is the case at present.

On numerous occasions during the last session of the Dáil I raised the matter of poverty on small dry stock farms. That is on the record of the House. I told of the poverty and of children going to school in need. I saw Ministers and Government backbenchers sniggering when I made that statement. I repeated it on a number of occasions but no action was taken. We hear of a scheme of aid for small farmers. I referred to social welfare workers coming into the farm kitchen and counting the number of eggs on the dresser when assessing farm incomes, which is humiliating and degrading. Nothing was done for those people. The Minister stands guilty of that.

Pig farmers from Mayo and other areas had to picket the Dáil when they should have been at home looking after their animals. On numerous occasions I raised the issue in this House. The Minister stands guilty. Pig farmers had to come from my constituency and other areas to picket the Dáil when they should have been on their farms looking after their animals. I raised this issue here on numerous occasions but it was not until I had the House adjourned in uproar, for which I apologise, a Cheann Comhairle, that the Minister decided something must be done and a package was put together. I listened to the Minister of State, Deputy O'Keeffe, talk about the package but to this day, not one penny of that package has reached those farmers, and they are desperate.

There is a more serious charge. On the six o'clock news last Monday evening, Philip Lynch, Chairman of An Bord Bia, paid glowing tribute to the quality of the Irish beef being exported to Europe. He stated clearly that in consumer tests carried out in supermarkets across Europe, Irish beef came out on top nine times out of ten for quality, texture and flavour. Nine times out of ten, Irish beef beat all other European beef placed in those supermarkets. In blind tests, where consumers volunteer to be blindfolded and sample the product, Irish beef came out on top. I believe Philip Lynch, the Chairman of An Bord Bia. I come from a farming background and I know we have good cattle, but contrast that statement with the statement from the beef barons who claim time and again that the quality of beef being produced here is not marketable. I would not like to use strong language and call them liars, but they are telling untruths. I believe Philip Lynch, not the people who are engaging in propaganda which allowed them to trample on the farmers while the Minister stood idly by. He did not challenge them. The Minister stands guilty.

Many farmers with reasonably sized farms of 100, 150 and 200 acres are now tenants in their own farms. They are feeding cattle for the beef barons. We are back to the days of the landlord, and who is responsible for that? The Larry Goodmans and others who creamed off the money, bled the farmers and then took over the farms while the Minister and the Government stood idly by. The Minister and the Government had a duty to protect those people who were up against multi-millionaires who could not care less and who fixed their prices on a Monday morning. A cartel existed and out of sheer desperation those honest, decent people were driven to picket the beef factories. They got urban support for that because people realised, looking at the protesters on television, that these were honest, decent people seeking nothing less than to protect their livelihoods, provide for their families and save their farms, but the Government sat idly by. The farmers had to do the job themselves. Congratulations to the IFA.

This problem has not been solved. Ninety pence has been offered but who will get the 90p? We will give you the birds of the forest but you can catch them yourself. I am open to contradiction but I understand there are now ten grades in respect of beef animals. Who will police this grading system? Will it be left to the beef barons or will there be independent grading? I do not wish the Minister any harm but we have lost confidence in him. The farmers have lost confidence in him. Whoever is in power should police the grading system and restore to farmers the confidence they are entitled to have in the beef industry.

The Minister fuelled the blockade on the factories, then sat back and did nothing about it for five days. He has shown gross incompetence in dealing with this problem and in dealing with the Competition Authority which has done nothing for the past three years. The Minister has not even requested information from the Competition Authority for the past three years and now, following the Cabinet meeting in Ballaghadereen, he has decided to set up an expert group to look into the cartels in the beef industry.

Many of my colleagues have spoken about the problems in the beef industry but the Minister is not the only one to blame. His two colleagues, the Ministers of State, Deputies O'Keeffe and Davern, are to blame also. They are the Ministers with responsibility for food and cattle breeding. Not only should the Minister resign, but he should bring his two colleagues with him. He has run farmers out of agriculture. It is time for the Minister and his two Ministers of State to run out of Agriculture House.

I uphold the Government motion in response to what is quite patently a politically opportunistic attempt by the Opposition to remain relevant. We must avoid debates on agriculture in this House which patronise farmers, where people stand up—

What took the Minister to Iran?

Excuse me. We either have a debate or we have people who do not have the ability to listen to another point of view. We are all grown up people.

The Deputy has had his spake and I will answer everything.

The Minister should be fair. He was over here.

I am entitled to speak uninterrupted, and I want to speak because there are farm families in my constituency. I have a background in farming. I know as much about it as the Deputy and I want to make my point. I have some constructive points to make—

We all remember that.

—unlike what I have heard for the past half hour. The Deputy has had his say. Will he let me open my mouth because interrupting does him no credit? We can have a calm debate on this matter. The Deputy should stop fooling people and treating them like idiots.

The Minister did that.

There are people in this country who depend—

I take exception to that. The Minister is the only person talking to people as if they were idiots.

The Minister, without interruption.

The Minister should not have any doubt about that. It is outrageous.

I ask for the protection of the Chair so that I can make some points.

The Minister must be allowed to make his statement without interruption.

He is treating people like idiots.

Deputy Connaughton will wrap up the debate on the Deputy's behalf. I want to wrap up the debate on the Government's behalf. The record of this House will show that while in Opposition, I set out the health and safety authority we should have, because of the need to ensure that health and food safety went to the top of our agenda as a result of the post-BSE situation that arose during the tenure of the previous Government. We stand over that, and the first decision taken by Government in June 1997 was to ensure that Authority was set up. Having worked with Deputy Joe Walsh as Minister, I can assure the House there were not any turf wars between the Department of Health and Children and the Department of Agriculture and Food to ensure that basic insistence on quality was achieved through the setting up of the Health and Safety Authority. It is an Authority which has been replicated in other countries in Europe because of the way we set it up and the balance it has introduced to ensure that the consumer focus on agricultural production is brought to the fore.

It must be remembered that we produce nine times more than we export in beef. It is a volatile market. We sell to 60 countries and we want to add value. The live trade has been replaced in the main by a processing trade but the need for a live trade remains. We do not process our beef to the extent that we should. We have meat traders in the main rather than big processors, and we need to add value. We need to get into markets to attain higher margins so that producers can stay in the beef business. We all face that situation. The approach of Deputy Joe Walsh, as Minister, in every agriculture ministry he has held, and particularly in the senior ministry he now holds, has been one of partnership. We faced serious challenges on the Agenda 2000 negotiations but we approached those on the basis of partnership, and we succeeded. There are people representing farm families throughout the country, like Tom Parlon, who had the good grace to acknowledge the negotiating achievement of Deputy Walsh on the basis of the national interest being upheld. In relation to the way we implement the outcome of Agenda 2000, he has put in place review groups and monitoring committees which allow the people in the industry to participate. More than anything else, this dispute has highlighted the need for everybody to be in possession of accurate information so that people can come to a common language. Let us be honest with people. Continued conflict in the beef industry will not bring better prices and will not ensure a better industry and maintain farm families on the land. It is only through partnership and co-operation that we will be able to identify those markets and insist on price transparency, the fundamental conclusion of the report of the beef task force set up by the Minister, Deputy Walsh.

Let us look at the fundamental issue. We have discussed the vagaries of the beef industry on an ongoing basis. Successive Ministers have made valiant attempts to improve the situation. There have been improvements, particularly when one considers that there is not a single kilogram of beef going into intervention, that we are selling what we produce to the market. The problem is that we are not selling to markets which are profitable enough, to the consumer in the European Union who has the disposable income to pay a higher price. It is difficult for us to do that because of the BSE problem and I do not minimise the problems which faced the then incumbent in dealing with that problem.

The role of the Opposition is to put forward the best interests of the State. I ask people to look at the debate which took place in this House when only the Minister and I, as spokesman, were present, when I spoke about the need to re-organise the Department, to focus on consumers and to ensure that Teagasc worked with farmers to ensure beef was of high quality. That was what we had to do and that is what we are doing. To suggest that the Minister, Deputy Walsh, is the cause of the problems in the beef industry is so facile and idiotic that it insults the intelligence of those trying to earn a living from a beef industry with margins which are tighter than ever.

The Deputy blamed Deputy Yates at the time.

Those are the facts. We can come in here and play the old game and that is precisely what the Fine Gael Party is doing tonight.

The Deputy should give it up.

Deputy Walsh has made immense achievements. The response of the then incumbent to an alleged cartel was a Competition Authority investigation, a criminal investigation requiring very high standards of proof. That investigation is ongoing but that policy initiative does not get to the bottom of a perceived problem. We can get to the bottom of the perceived problem by acting on the report of the group set up by the Minister, Deputy Walsh, which will report by 1 April. Then we will see the anti-com petitive practices. We must get to the bottom of this problem. No one holds the brief for the primary producer. Everyone with a head on his or her shoulder knows that a producer without a market becomes a non-producer and a marketeer without producers becomes a non-marketeer. We need co-operation. We must move beyond this dispute and learn from it.

Farmers are entitled to the required price transparency. We must ensure that the beef processing industry, as is set out in the national development plan, becomes involved in marketing promotion and capital investment so that the industry is rationalised and can meet the demands of a sophisticated consumer market. If the beef industry follows the example of the dairy industry, an integrated industry feeding into a sophisticated consumer market with added value products which can compete with the best in the world, we will see a future for beef farmers and the beef industry.

What is the easiest thing to do, the thing for which there will always be a ready ear? It is to talk about the limitations of the problem, about how difficult the situation has been. That will not solve the problem. We must work on a co-operative basis, the hallmark of this Minister's approach. The bigger picture demands that whatever difficulties exist in the industry at any given time – on successive occasions different Ministers have had difficulties with the sheep, pig, beef and dairy sectors – we must acknowledge that the Agenda 2000 task force reviews in relation to beef are the way forward. The Minister, Deputy Walsh, has provided leadership and it is in the interests of everyone to have the recommendations implemented to ensure price transparency is achieved and get on with the business of rebuilding the beef industry.

Did the Deputy ever talk to a sheep farmer?

Bon voyage to the Minister, Deputy.

The House will permit me a wry smile when I think of the Minister for Health and Children, soon to be the Minister for Foreign Affairs, speaking about agriculture debates when he was Opposition spokesman because, while it is true that he put forward proposals for a food safety authority and other matters, he was not behind the door when it came to political opportunism in that job. He clearly tried to simplify issues to the culpability of the Minister for all the ills of BSE. It is rich to hear from him now how these debates should be conducted.

We will let the record show my conduct in those debates.

As an office holder in Agriculture House, it is my opinion that a beef cartel in the meat processing sector has existed and does exist. On two occasions in my experience, one with the DSP and the other with the top up premium, which were both hard won, the meat factories deliberately tried to collapse the price by 6p per lb to pocket some of the premiums to be paid directly for price drops. They aggregated with the price the money to be paid by the Minister. There was no market justification for that. They did so in a concerted fashion.

They have not tried to convey the flat VAT refund to the primary producer. In any price league for O grade cattle there is such consistent uniformity that there is a clear-cut case to show there is a cartel in operation. It does not surprise me that the Competition Authority in undertaking its investigation will be light years behind the fleet-footedness of those operating in the meat processing industry. One only has to read the proceedings of the beef tribunal to know that these individuals do not leave their footprints in the sand. I am shocked, however, that the Competition Authority has been so ineffective in its operations to date.

It is true that I brought a memorandum to Cabinet on the full recovery of the cost of the meat inspection fees. I was absolutely determined that the grossly ineffective rosters and costs of the meat inspection service would be radically re-organised. I heard of cases where slaughtering would finish at 3.15 p.m. and a new roster of veterinary staff would start at 3 p.m. and be paid a full day's pay. It was illogical, irrational and inefficient and cost an outrageous amount. My intention was to first reform the structure and then introduce one which could not be passed on. That would have meant that a different levy would be levelled on each meat factory, making it impossible to pass it on on a pro rata per animal rate.

I am delighted that the farmers won. The problem is that producing beef at 82p per lb is uneconomic, with the prevailing rate of special beef premiums the same across the 15 member states. That is the core issue. The Minister must go to Commissioner Fischler and tell him that our primary producers are not being protected and that we need to introduce a system of export refunds so that when a price is pre-fixed, it is based on a producer price. The meat processors play ducks and drakes with volumes to manoeuvre the price, but if they pre-fix at a given level set by the Beef Management Committee, that will be reflected in a basic minimum price to the producer. Then, and only then, should they be able to avail of the benefits of the export refund scheme. Those genuine meat processors who focused on the European supermarket shelves will then be rewarded but those who have gone for the commodity based approach will have to reflect the proper price which Europe would like to pay our farmers.

Last week's dispute was totally unnecessary. The meat processing factories inflicted an outrageous situation on their staff and their suppliers. They were penny wise and pound foolish. I sincerely hope this has been a defining moment which will mark a shift in the balance of power between beef producers and beef processors.

The Minister has a unique record in recent agricultural politics. He has been Minister for or Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture for 11 of the past 13 years. During those years he has gained wide experience of the agriculture industry and I am sure the Minister feels confident of his brief. The problem with the Minister is that after 11 years in Agriculture House he has become complacent. Eleven years in the same Department has institutionalised him. His civil servants know him inside out and he knows what he should and should not do to make life comfortable for himself and his Department.

So confident was the Minister in his ability to steer a steady, uninspiring and unconfrontational course for his Department's ship that he cleared the bridge, switched on the auto-pilot and retired to his cabin. What other reason can there be for the debacle of the past three weeks, a period in which we have seen our prime national industry stopped in its tracks, the main farming representative group rendered leaderless and thousands of rural people forced to protest in an act of sheer desperation?

The spark that ignited this upheaval was the decision of the Minister and his Department to recoup the total meat inspection costs through the meat processing plants from the farming community. It has been widely acknowledged for many years that the meat inspection service needed overhaul. Major inefficiencies were pointed out as far back as 1995 in the Ernst and Young consultancy report carried out jointly for the industry and the Department. One of the most recent Government reports prepared by the former Secretary of the Department of Finance said that "the meat inspection service was difficult to justify in its present form". Only days ago the Secretary General in the Department told the Committee of Public Accounts that the inspection service was high cost and rigid and that the Department was prepared to engage in discussions with the beef plants to increase the flexibility of the service. Was the Minister not aware that the cost effectiveness and efficiency of the Department's service was highly unsatisfactory before he made the decision to recoup all departmental costs? If the Minister was aware of the problems with the meat inspection service, did he not feel it would be prudent to implement immediate reform before looking at the refund of the cost?

The Minister had no knowledge of the undercurrent of resentment and frustration swelling up among beef farmers. If the Minister had a proper grasp of the problems in his Department, never mind the problems of the beef industry at large, he would not have sleep-walked himself and the industry into the current mess.

While listening to this debate I was amazed to hear the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, who represents a rural constituency, argue that this motion relating to the serious dispute between the beef farmers and meat factories is a waste of parliamentary time. Is agriculture of such little importance to the Government it is even impatient with a debate on the industry? Is it any wonder the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development did not appear to know of the frustration of beef farmers, that it took him three or four days to realise the seriousness of the protest and that he was unable to solve it.

I will state three facts. The Minister caused the dispute by approving the increased veterinary charges which were passed on to farmers. The Minister allowed the dispute to escalate by his inaction at the initial stages and the Minister failed to resolve the impasse as farmers had to go home and negotiate with their local plants on their home ground.

This dispute is an embarrassment to the Government. It should never have happened and it could have been avoided. The Minister, Deputy Walsh, should have listened to the farmers and farming organisations, read the Irish Farmers Journal and listened to Opposition politicians who warned him of the impending crisis in the beef industry. Many speakers on the Government side of the House have declared the Minister, Deputy Walsh, to be the best Minister for Agriculture ever. Yet, under his stewardship farm incomes have declined, young people refuse to consider farming as a career, more than 50% of farmers farm on a part-time basis and farmers are selling site after site to try to make ends meet. This is hardly a successful list.

The Minister has shown appallingly poor judgment and an incredible insensitivity to the plight of beef farmers. I regret that the future of farming is at risk under his stewardship. He may be Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development, but he is not Minister for farmers, and without farmers we have no agriculture industry. I am glad the farmers won but the victory is theirs alone.

The Government, particularly the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development, has failed to deal with the crisis in agriculture. The Minister's decision to increase the inspection charges precipitated the crisis. He quickly backed off but he was too late. The frustration and discontent which was building up in the agricultural community found a medium of release. The media listened and reported and the circumstances in which the farmers found themselves received unprecedented public understanding and sympathy. The Minister tried to solve the problem by the presence of his authority at the negotiating table between the farmers and beef producers. He made regular announcements of imminent agreement and raised expectations, but failed dismally.

The beef producers attempted to break the farmers and the IFA with the strong arm of the law but they too failed dismally. Farmer solidarity was never more strong. Thousands of farmers came out on the picket lines in sympathy and solidarity with their farmer leaders who were forced to resign their positions to protect their organisation. A message should go out to those who set out to destroy the IFA that the organisation will not be destroyed.

Farmers are under siege. People are leaving agriculture at a growing rate. Many farmers are forced to make their occupation secondary in the family income. The Minister must urgently examine the situation and ensure that agriculture is put back in its position as an important national industry.

I thank Deputies for their contributions to this important debate. I ask the Government a question on behalf of 100,000 farmers who have beef cattle. Had farmers not blockaded the meat factories last week what price would they be getting for their beef today? They would be getting 82p per lb. They could not expect any more because that is what they were being paid before the dispute. Had they not blockaded, what would they be paying as meat inspection levy? They would be paying the increased price of £5.50 per annum. The Minister did not have hand, act or part in what happened and it is a mockery to try to persuade farmers that, in the 27 hours of negotiation in Agriculture House, he somehow settled the dispute. The Minister was pulled into the negotiations screaming. What else could a Minister for Agriculture do?

The Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Cowen, made an excellent contribution to the debate but I have been listening to what he said for years. Ministers talk a lot but they are unable to keep their promises. Half the beef producers in Ireland left the industry in the past five years. One cannot produce beef for sale at 82p per lb because that will not make a profit. That is why the farmers in the Ministers' constituencies have left.

The problem is one of price, credibility and the profitability on the chain. How can processors expect to make a profit if the producers at the bottom of the chain are losing money? The problem also extends to the consumer. I agree with most of what the Ministers have said, but their actions do not support their words. They cannot do so because, for some historical reason, they have never been able to deal with the meat processors.

It gives me no pleasure to propose this motion of no confidence. Everyone knows the Minister is very easy to deal with and this is to his eternal credit. However, one has to take notice of his record and it appears that the Department is running on auto-pilot. He does not have the flair to do what is needed. He has had almost 11 years to take the necessary action and we cannot hope he will take it in the next year or two. It is time for a change. Were it not for the solidarity farmers showed with each other, they would not be receiving 90p per lb for their beef. The Minister had no part in achieving that price for farmers.

I hope we achieve the target of profitability, consumer demand for a product that meets their requirements and a good living for Irish farmers. Unfortunately, under the stewardship of the Minister, that is not happening.

Amendment put.

Ahern, Dermot.Ahern, Noel.Ardagh, Seán.Blaney, Harry.Brady, Johnny.Brady, Martin.Brennan, Matt.Brennan, Séamus.Briscoe, Ben.Byrne, Hugh.Callely, Ivor.Carey, Pat.Collins, Michael.Coughlan, Mary.Cowen, Brian.Cullen, Martin.Davern, Noel.de Valera, Síle.Dempsey, Noel.Dennehy, John.Doherty, Seán.Ellis, John.Fahey, Frank.Fleming, Seán.Flood, Chris.Foley, Denis.

Fox, Mildred.Gildea, Thomas.Hanafin, Mary.Haughey, Seán.Healy-Rae, Jackie.Jacob, Joe.Keaveney, Cecilia.Kelleher, Billy.Kenneally, Brendan.Kirk, Séamus.Kitt, Michael.Kitt, Tom.Lenihan, Brian.Lenihan, Conor.McCreevy, Charlie.McDaid, James.McGennis, Marian.McGuinness, John.Martin, Micheál.Moffatt, Thomas.Molloy, Robert.Moloney, John.Moynihan, Donal.Moynihan, Michael.Ó Cuív, Éamon. O'Dea, Willie.

Tá–continued

O'Donoghue, John.O'Flynn, Noel.O'Hanlon, Rory.O'Keeffe, Ned.O'Kennedy, Michael.O'Rourke, Mary.Power, Seán.Roche, Dick.Ryan, Eoin.

Smith, Brendan.Smith, Michael.Treacy, Noel.Wade, Eddie.Wallace, Dan.Wallace, Mary.Walsh, Joe.Woods, Michael.Wright, G. V.

Níl

Ahearn, Theresa.Allen, Bernard.Barnes, Monica.Barrett, Seán.Bell, Michael.Boylan, Andrew.Broughan, Thomas.Bruton, John.Bruton, Richard.Burke, Liam.Burke, Ulick.Carey, Donal.Clune, Deirdre.Connaughton, Paul.Cosgrave, Michael.Coveney, Simon.Crawford, Seymour.Creed, Michael.Currie, Austin.D'Arcy, Michael.Deasy, Austin.Deenihan, Jimmy.Farrelly, John.Ferris, Michael.Finucane, Michael.Fitzgerald, Frances.Flanagan, Charles.Gilmore, Éamon.Gormley, John.Hayes, Brian.Higgins, Jim.Higgins, Joe.Higgins, Michael.

Hogan, Philip.Howlin, Brendan.Kenny, Enda.Lowry, Michael.McCormack, Pádraic.McDowell, Derek.McGahon, Brendan.Mitchell, Gay.Mitchell, Olivia.Moynihan-Cronin, Breeda.Naughten, Denis.Neville, Dan.Noonan, Michael.Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.O'Keeffe, Jim.O'Shea, Brian.O'Sullivan, Jan.Owen, Nora.Penrose, William.Perry, John.Quinn, Ruairí.Rabbitte, Pat.Reynolds, Gerard.Ring, Michael.Ryan, Seán.Sheehan, Patrick.Shortall, Róisín.Stagg, Emmet.Stanton, David.Timmins, Billy.Upton, Mary.Wall, Jack.Yates, Ivan.

Tellers: Tá, Deputies S. Brennan and Power; Níl, Deputies Barrett and Stagg.
Amendment declared carried.
Question put: "That the motion, as amended, be agreed to."

Ahern, Dermot.Ahern, Noel.Ardagh, Seán.Blaney, Harry.Brady, Johnny.Brady, Martin.Brennan, Matt.Brennan, Séamus.Briscoe, Ben.Byrne, Hugh.Callely, Ivor.Carey, Pat.Collins, Michael.Coughlan, Mary.Cullen, Martin.Davern, Noel.de Valera, Síle.Dennehy, John.Doherty, Seán.Ellis, John.Fahey, Frank.

Fleming, Seán.Flood, Chris.Foley, Denis.Fox, Mildred.Gildea, Thomas.Hanafin, Mary.Haughey, Seán.Healy-Rae, Jackie.Jacob, Joe.Keaveney, Cecilia.Kelleher, Billy.Kenneally, Brendan.Kirk, Séamus.Kitt, Michael.Kitt, Tom.Lenihan, Brian.Lenihan, Conor.McCreevy, Charlie.McDaid, James.McGennis, Marian. McGuinness, John.

Tá–continued

Martin, Micheál.Moffatt, Thomas.Molloy, Robert.Moloney, John.Moynihan, Donal.Moynihan, Michael.Ó Cuív, Éamon.O'Dea, Willie.O'Donoghue, John.O'Flynn, Noel.O'Hanlon, Rory.O'Keeffe, Ned.O'Kennedy, Michael.

O'Rourke, Mary.Power, Seán.Roche, Dick.Ryan, Eoin.Smith, Brendan.Smith, Michael.Treacy, Noel.Wade, Eddie.Wallace, Dan.Wallace, Mary.Walsh, Joe.Woods, Michael.Wright, G. V.

Níl

Ahearn, Theresa.Allen, Bernard.Barnes, Monica.Barrett, Seán.Bell, Michael.Boylan, Andrew.Broughan, Thomas.Bruton, John.Bruton, Richard.Burke, Liam.Burke, Ulick.Carey, Donal.Clune, Deirdre.Connaughton, Paul.Cosgrave, Michael.Coveney, Simon.Crawford, Seymour.Creed, Michael.Currie, Austin.D'Arcy, Michael.Deasy, Austin.Deenihan, Jimmy.Farrelly, John.Ferris, Michael.Finucane, Michael.Fitzgerald, Frances.Flanagan, Charles.Gilmore, Éamon.Gormley, John.Hayes, Brian.Higgins, Jim.Higgins, Joe.Higgins, Michael.

Hogan, Philip.Howlin, Brendan.Kenny, Enda.Lowry, Michael.McCormack, Pádraic.McDowell, Derek.McGahon, Brendan.Mitchell, Gay.Mitchell, Olivia.Moynihan-Cronin, Breeda.Naughten, Denis.Neville, Dan.Noonan, Michael.Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghin.O'Keeffe, Jim.O'Shea, Brian.O'Sullivan, Jan.Owen, Nora.Penrose, William.Perry, John.Quinn, Ruairí.Rabbitte, Pat.Reynolds, Gerard.Ring, Michael.Ryan, Seán.Sheehan, Patrick.Shortall, Róisín.Stagg, Emmet.Stanton, David.Timmins, Billy.Upton, Mary.Wall, Jack.Yates, Ivan.

Tellers: Tá, Deputies S. Brennan and Power; Níl, Deputies Barrett and Stagg.
Question declared carried.
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