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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 16 Feb 2000

Vol. 514 No. 4

Illegal Immigrants (Trafficking) Bill, 1999: Instruction to Committee.

I move:

That it be an instruction to the Select Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights in the case of the Illegal Immigrants (Trafficking) Bill, 1999, that it has power to make provisions to amend and extend the law relating to refugees and asylum seekers provided for in the Refugee Act, 1996, in the Immigration Act, 1999, and matters connected thereto.

This is a procedural motion, the purpose of which is to enable the Dáil Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights to debate the substance of a number of amendments to the Illegal Immigrants (Trafficking) Bill which I have tabled on behalf of the Government. That Bill is an important part of my overall strategy for bringing Ireland's immigration and asylum laws up to a modern standard capable of dealing with the issues that present themselves in today's world. My commitment to that strategy has been demonstrated already by the Immigration Act, 1999, which exemplified the strategy in a number of significant respects.

That Act, for the first time in Irish statute law, set out clearly in legislative form the principles and procedures governing an aspect of the State's relations with non-nationals. The Act dealt with the procedures for removal of non-nationals from the State. The immigration and residence Bill, which is being developed within my Department, will take the same clear approach to all other aspects of the manner in which the State deals with non-nationals, including the issue of visas, procedures for entry into the State and the grant and renewal of residence permits. I aim to bring detailed proposals for this major legislation to Government as soon as possible this year. My aim is that this comprehensive legislation will provide a modern framework of principle and procedures for the development and implementation of immigration policies which will meet the needs of Irish society and respect the humanity of those who seek to come to our shores.

That Act also made the necessary changes to the Refugee Act, 1996, to make it workable. I am pleased to report that the process of implementing that Act is well advanced. The competition for the post of refugee applications commissioner is already under way and the recruitment process for the chair and ordinary members of the refugee appeals tribunal will also commence shortly. The necessary regulations are also well advanced. I can tell the House that I recently made a commencement order bringing into effect the bulk of the amendments to the Refugee Act made by way of the Immigration Act, 1999, and as soon as the recruitment processes are complete, which I expect will be around Easter, I will be able to commence the Refugee Act itself.

In the meantime, I am taking advantage of the opportunity offered by the Illegal Immigrants (Trafficking) Bill to bring forward now, in advance of the major comprehensive Bill, provision for some refinement of aspects of immigration and asylum law. This is the context in which the amendments in my name to the trafficking Bill propose new sections 4 and 7 on the second list of amendments, circulated by the Bills Office to Deputies on 9 February 1999.

I have no desire to abuse the good order of the House by going into detail on the substance of these amendments in this procedural debate. The amendment relating to the Refugee Act will facilitate the smooth coming into operation of that Act and, in particular, the recruitment process for the chairperson and other members of the refugee appeals tribunal.

The amendment dealing with judicial review is aimed at providing for the first time a statutory code for the courts to deal with applications for judicial review of decisions in the deportation process, including where the deportation in question arises from the asylum process. Judicial review by the courts of administrative acts such as these is one of the fundamentals of our system of law and my proposals are designed to ensure the procedures are streamlined consistent with the administration of justice.

When the issue is debated most Deputies will agree that it does not make any sense under the present rules to allow a person who is, for example, the subject of a deportation order, three months within which to apply for leave to apply for judicial review. That period is out of line with reality.

Deportation orders normally require the person named to leave the State within 14 days. In line with that, the amendment I propose will shorten the period for seeking leave to apply for judicial review to 14 days. Doubtless some will say the period is too short, but I would remind Deputies that a person who is the subject of a deportation order will likely have availed of every system of appeal that exists prior to the order being made, while an unsuccessful asylum applicant will already, if he or she wishes, have had the benefit of legal aid. The legal aid service will already be familiar with the case, sufficient to enable it give early aid and advice on the question of judicial review.

The procedure in the amendment that I propose will ensure that the rights of all concerned in cases of this type are vindicated without undue delay, and that includes ensuring that court time is not unduly spent on applications for judicial review which do not have a substantial basis. Contrary to comment outside the House in recent days, the proposal has no bearing on questions of detention, which are protected by the habeas corpus provisions of Article 40 of the Constitution and which no statute law could seek to compromise.

The place to discuss these amendments is in the Select Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights. I look forward to a stimulating debate there as soon as that can be arranged and I urge the House to accept this procedural motion to enable that debate take place.

(Mayo): This is an enabling motion to allow the Select Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights to deal with amendments to the Refugee Act, 1996, as amended by section 11 of the Immigration Act, 1999. It is yet another illustration of the unco-ordinated, incremental, inept and confused manner in which asylum issues have been dealt with by the Government. Two Acts passed by Parliament are now to be amended to facilitate another Bill, the Illegal Immigrant (Trafficking) Bill, 1999.

Last week the Minister circulated amendments which dramatically changed the thrust of that Bill as originally published. The new proposals to tighten up the High Court appeals process for asylum seekers who have been refused refugee status are unacceptable, unjustifiable and discriminatory. The proposal to reduce from three months to ten working days the length of time that asylum seekers can seek access to judicial review proceedings is a serious infringement on the rights of non-nationals in the Irish judicial system and we will strenuously oppose them. It means that one category of people will be discriminated against within that system. This probably contravenes the European Convention on Human Rights.

After two years and eight months in office the universal conclusion is that the Minister and his Department are still foundering and are incapable of managing a situation that is manageable. People are still queuing in the driving rain, except that the queue has moved from St. Stephen's Green to Lower Mount Street. Of the 5,500 applications for asylum made in 1999, taken in conjunction with the thousands caught in the backlog, only 516 were granted asylum and two-thirds of those on appeal. Many applicants are left in a legal limbo for up to two years before their applications are processed.

The work permits scheme is a farce. On the one hand, the Government announces that 2,000 asylum seekers will be eligible for work permits while, on the other hand, only 53 have been granted. Asylum seekers are no longer to be trusted with the cash in hand supplementary welfare allowance of £72 to provide for the basic necessities of life. Instead they are to be given vouchers. Eight weeks into the new millennium, the national coffers are laden with cash, there is a massive property boom and people are queue jumping with mobile 'phones in hand to get the new 00 registered cars, yet we do not trust a few thousand immigrants to spend a paltry supplementary benefit of £72 per week in a provident manner. We must give them paper vouchers instead. What kind of warped mind thought up such a scheme? It is discriminatory and degrading. It sets out to further marginalise the already marginalised and it has all the echoes of our own best forgotten poor law or South African apartheid. Is it any wonder the refugee appeals adjudicator, Mr. Peter Finlay, should resign in disgust because of procedures over which he could not stand.

If one wanted to create chaos one could not do a better job than with the current mismanagement of asylum policy. All the messages are negative and defensive, yet with vision, imagination and planning it could all be so different. There is chaos because there is no immigration policy. As a result, people who are economic immigrants who are not fleeing from persecution have no option but to queue as asylum seekers at Lower Mount Street.

We need a national immigration policy and a twin system to deal with population inflow. There should be a refugee asylum service to operate under the aegis of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and to process applications for asylum seekers in accordance with the Geneva Convention and our domestic laws. A national immigration service should be established immediately to deal with economic immigrants. Membership of the service should be drawn from the Departments of Enterprise, Trade and Employment, Foreign Affairs, Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Education and Science, Health and Children and Social, Community and Family Affairs. IBEC, ISME, ICTU and representatives of the non-governmental organisations should also be involved.

The service should develop and implement a cohesive immigration policy based on Ireland's capacity to absorb an annual, predetermined number of non-EU nationals to meet the labour and skills needs of the economy. It should consider applications for work visas from non-EU nationals provided such applications are made from outside the State. It should recruit staff, provide information and develop integration, education and support services. It should provide information to agencies, employers, schools, non-governmental organisations, voluntary organisations and communities on the origins, cultures and needs of the immigrant population. It should advise on the training, language and other needs of immigrants and it should provide applicants with information on work and conditions of work, housing, rights of family members to join them, education, social welfare, health services, taxation and access to the courts and administrative authorities. It should also ensure that applications of all immigrants are treated equally, irrespective of their colour, religion and ethnic origin. It should assess policy and performance and make an annual report to the Government.

For more than 150 years Ireland has endured the haemorrhage of its population to all parts of the world to seek a new beginning. Now, happily, that situation has changed. Almost 20,000 more people make their homes in Ireland each year than emigrate. A recent report from the UN says Europe will need 159 million immigrants within the next 25 years. The UN has estimated that without such immigration the population of the EU will fall by 30 million within the next 25 years because the birth rate is so low. By 2050, almost half of the population of Europe will be above retirement age. We need a comprehensive immigration policy to deal with the new reality and we need it now.

The Minister rightly says this is a procedural motion. It is an unusual step for motions of this type to be opposed from this side of the House, but I was greatly concerned and alarmed to learn that substantial changes to the Refugee Act were to be again piggy-backed on legislation that has already passed Second Stage and that these changes will fundamentally alter protections given to non-nationals in that Act. It is bad procedure to use limited legislation as a vehicle in this way. I argued my case on the Order of Business and, while I understand it is in order to proceed, it is an abuse of the rights of Members of the House who expressed their views on the Second Stage of legislation before them.

The Immigration Act, 1999, was the last vehicle to be used in this way. That legislation was narrow in focus and was designed to plug what the Minister regarded as a loophole created by a constitutional decision by the courts on the Aliens Act, 1935, delimiting the Minster's power of deportation. The Bill, having passed Second Stage, was again used as a vehicle on Committee Stage to introduce substantial amendments to the Refugee Act. Amendments were signalled in the Minister's speech at the conclusion of Second Stage when Members had already made their contributions. We had no details of those amendments until the commencement of Committee Stage, despite pressure from the Minister and his officials to take Committee Stage. The annoyance of Members on this side of the House at that procedure should have signalled to the Minister that such a procedure should not again be used. However, here we go again. The Illegal Immigrants (Trafficking) Bill, with a narrow focus and presented by the Minister as a vehicle to deal with an urgent matter, namely, the trafficking in illegal immigrants, is to be used as a parachute to introduce far-reaching change in the legal rights of non-nationals in the country.

The amendments circulated last week propose that no administrative order or decision relating to immigration, deportation or asylum can be questioned, other than by way of an application to the High Court for leave to apply for a judicial review. The Minister further proposes that such an application must be made within 14 days. The lawyers dealing with it tell me that this is virtually impossible and certainly not the norm, despite what the Minister has said publicly and has repeated in the House this morning. The Minister proposes that the decision of the High Court on this preliminary stage of what must be a complex and detailed argument of law, basic human rights and fact is to be final and conclusive. Unless it is found that there is a point of law of exceptional public importance the normal right of appeal to the Supreme Court will not be available. These restrictions on the right of access to the courts have been taken directly from the planning Acts. Whatever merit existed in terms of fast-tracking planning procedures, the provisions are entirely inappropriate when dealing with basic human rights which is what we are concerned with here.

I take umbrage at the Minister's constant denigration of the courts. This morning he said that the proposals will ensure "court time is not unduly spent on applications for judicial review which have no substantial basis". The first thing to be determined by the court is that there is a case to be heard. It is not for the Minister to delimit the powers of the High Court to review his ministerial orders.

Our immigration legislation is basically administrative, flowing from the Aliens Act, 1935. It devolves on the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform the power to make orders from time to time. It is in wholesale need of radical reform, and it is time the Minister realised this rather than introducing piecemeal legislation which piggy-backs on inappropriate Bills.

The recently published Programme for Prosperity and Fairness includes a commitment by all the social partners to implement the Refugee Act. Were the Minister's proposals to amend the Act discussed with the social partners when the new programme was being framed? It is time the Minister realised the responsibilities he has to introduce a comprehensive immigration and refugee code of law in a fair and open way.

I am appalled that this motion is before the House. The manner in which the Government has dealt with all issues concerning refugees, asylum seekers and those seeking to emigrate to Ireland from outside the EU is indicative of a total incapacity to deal with an area of policy in a constructive and far-sighted way. We have seen a series of fire brigade legislative responses to perceived threats to the country or its social structure. The approach of the Minister is symptomatic of the "fortress Ireland" mentality. Instead of us seeing people coming to the country as an opportunity from which the State can benefit, immigration is perceived as a threat, something to be controlled, curtailed and stopped.

I deeply regret that when one examines the global policy being adopted, the central issue is where a person originates. The Minister should understand that Government policies are perceived as racist. I do not believe it is the Minister's intention to be racist, but the perception is grossly damaging to the country and it is the wrong way to deal with these issues.

The legislation the Minister is now seeking to deal with on Committee Stage and which has not been discussed in the House will bring about a fundamental change to our legal system which I do not believe is desirable and in respect of which there are justifiable constitutional doubts. The amendments may also be in violation of the European Convention on Human Rights. Within the legal system, in the context of decisions made by administrative bodies and tribunals, a procedure has existed for decades which provides for a period during which somebody affected by a decision can consider whether to seek a judicial review. There is a three month timeframe, which the courts can extend in certain circumstances, within which such applications are normally brought. This applies to a broad range of decisions made by administrative bodies and tribunals which affect the lives of many people, nationals and non-nationals, in a variety of ways.

It is wrong for the Department to seek to amend the Refugee Act so as to provide that any person who has been through the appeals process and who wishes to seek a judicial review must make that application within 14 days. That distinguishes one group of individuals, namely, those seeking asylum and refugee status, from practically all others who come before the courts. It is a discriminatory provision which, if included in the legislation, should be referred by the President to the Supreme Court under Article 26 of the Constitution. If that procedure is not adopted, there will at an early stage be a constitutional challenge to the provision and instead of it facilitating speedy decision making on applications for judicial review brought by those seeking political asylum we will have judicial gridlock where it will not be possible to make decisions while a constitutional challenge remains to be determined.

I ask the Minister to reconsider the amendments he has proposed and to withdraw the motion before the House seeking to have these matters dealt with on Committee Stage without a proper debate on Second Stage.

(Dublin West): The Minister and the Government are again acting disgracefully in the way they are treating a few thousand people seeking refuge. The amendments which the Minister is attempting to introduce are stunning in the discriminatory way in which they treat non-nationals. This powerfully re-inforces the argument made by Mr. Peter Finlay when he resigned as appeals commissioner that those seeking refuge are being treated by officialdom quite differently in terms of rights afforded them in comparison to Irish and EU citizens. This is nothing short of institutionalised racism because, in effect, it will be people of colour or of a different ethnic background or minorities who will be involved. It is well documented that black and brown people who come here are often treated disgracefully at the point of entry. There is documented evidence of even EU nationals who are a colour other than white being treated disgracefully, singled out and treated in a cavalier fashion totally repugnant to human rights. The signal to continue such disgraceful behaviour is coming from the very top. The Minister is sending the signals for that type of behaviour. It is an abuse of Dáil Éireann to introduce substantial amendments to the Immigration Act under cover of the Illegal Immigrants (Trafficking) Bill, 1999. It is also an abuse of the Irish people and it should and must be opposed.

I have to call on the Minister at 11.46 a.m. to conclude.

I am sure we all want to see genuine asylum seekers catered for in a proper and humane manner. The situation is being clouded by the number of illegal immigrants, many of whom are economic immigrants, who enter this country. I am surprised the Government has not liaised with the human rights body which governs the situation in Europe, that is the Council of Europe. The Council of Europe has 42 members, including Ireland, which covers western, central and eastern Europe. It knows specifically the countries where there is persecution of people because of their religious or political persuasion or ethnic origin. We should be guided by the Council of Europe, of which we are very active members, in our judgment of who is or is not entitled to remain here. It is clear to me from being a member of the Council of Europe for five years that there is no political or ethnic persecution in Romania or Bulgaria, for example. They have democratic governments and there are economic difficulties but there is no persecution.

It defies understanding why we allow thousands of illegal immigrants to come here. In the process we are jeopardising the applications of genuine asylum seekers from countries such as Nigeria, where there is persecution. It is very unfortunate that the system is being fouled up by illegal and economic immigrants at the expense of genuine asylum seekers.

I was surprised to learn recently that more than 80% of illegal immigrants are coming into this State through Northern Ireland. Surely something should be done about that. I would have thought from reading the newspapers that they were coming through Rosslare, Dún Laoghaire, other ports and airports. I have the best of goodwill towards genuine asylum seekers but we should liaise with the Council of Europe to establish in which countries there is political, ethnic and religious persecution and work from that basis. We would have a much clearer position very quickly.

Acting Chairman

There is a minute and a half remaining, if Deputy O'Sullivan wishes to use it.

Thank you. I will use the minute and a half to support the position as enunciated by my colleague, Deputy Howlin. Even legislators find it difficult to understand the kinds of procedures the Minister is proceeding with in this legislation, but it must be extraordinarily difficult for asylum seekers to cope with the way in which the issue is being dealt with. As a Member of this House I strongly object to that.

This complicated legislation, where Acts are being amended through other Acts, adds to the racism and xenophobia, which is clearly present. Negative messages are constantly being sent out in respect of immigration of asylum seekers and refugees. While the Minister has announced a positive education programme, the way in which it is being dealt at Government level, sends negative messages which will counteract whatever positive programme will be put in place. This is an important issue in terms of the way people perceive immigrants, asylum seekers and refugees. It would be better if the Minister directed his energies towards implementing the Refugee Act and introduced the promised legislation, the immigration and residents' Bill, rather than amending legislation in this piecemeal and negative fashion. This is contrary to human rights, particularly on the issue of judicial review and on the length of time people have to apply. I strongly support the arguments put by my colleague, Deputy Howlin.

The Government has decided to take this approach to judicial review in immigration matters on my recommendation. I have taken the advice of the Attorney General and am satisfied the proposals are consistent with the Constitution and with the principles of natural justice. They are tailored to the special requirements of the immigration and asylum area and enhance the principle of natural justice that requires that decisions should be arrived at in an expeditious manner consistent with the administration of justice.

This Government is committed to providing protection to refugees and the application of fair procedures in accordance with law to all immigrants. Those who are genuinely in need of the protection of this State will be given it in accordance with our international obligations. My aim is that such people can be identified as soon as possible after their arrival so they can take up their entitlements and commence the process of integration into their new society. In that context, as recently as last Thursday, I announced a major initiative to assist in the integration of refugees consistent with the maintenance of their cultural identities. A very comprehensive report has been presented.

However, Ireland, like other EU member states, is also facing serious problems with persons who seek to abuse our asylum procedures and immigration controls. We are determined to take the necessary measures to deter and prevent such abuse. That includes ensuring that the judicial review process – which I regard as fundamental to our system of justice – cannot be used to create unnecessary delays in the deportation process where there is no issue of substance which would warrant postponement of a person's departure from the State.

My proposal has the following features: the Minister will be put on notice of applications for leave to seek judicial review in immigration and asylum cases – this will ensure that he will have the opportunity to be a party to proceedings from the beginning; applications will be brought within 14 days of the decision or order being challenged – this is in line with the time limits in the deportation procedure, as set out in the Immigration Act 1999; provision is also made for the High Court to extend the time limits where there are good and sufficient reasons to do so; the court will grant leave only where there are substantial grounds; the court will give priority to such cases so as to ensure early vindication of the rights at issue; and appeals to the Supreme Court, whether by the individual or the State, will be limited to those cases where the High Court certifies there is a point of law of exceptional public importance to be decided.

The purpose of this proposal is to ensure after all due procedures have been gone through and it has been decided that there is no basis for a non-national's continued stay in the State, the judicial review process cannot be used to delay that person's departure where a substantial case cannot be made which would warrant postponement. The proposals contain safeguards to ensure that those with a substantial case to make have full opportunity to make it. It must be remembered that the judicial review process is not an appeal from the decision in question, it is simply a means for testing whether the procedures leading to the decision were proper.

The proposals will provide that the Minister is put on notice of applications for leave to seek judicial review. This will afford the Minister, as respondent, the opportunity to address whether there is a substantial case. The High Court will have the power to refuse the application unless there is a substantial case. Leave to appeal to the Supreme Court may be granted by the High Court on grounds of public importance or constitutional grounds related to the validity of any law. This condition for leave to appeal applies whether it is the State or the person affected who seeks it. These measures will foreshorten the judicial review process in any case brought for the purpose of prolonging the stay in the State of a person whose removal from the State should take place, but also contains safeguards to ensure that those with a substantial case to make have full opportunity to make it. The arguments put forward by some Deputies are at best disingenuous, and possibly mischievous, because they choose to ignore the fact that a deportation order comes at the end of a lengthy process in which the person to be deported has already had ample opportunity to put whatever case there is.

In the case of a failed asylum seeker, judicial review may be invoked at the end of a process that includes a thorough investigation of the claim for asylum in the first instance, an independent appeal procedure and a further opportunity before the making of the deportation order to make a case for permission to remain in the State on other, non-asylum grounds. At each of these stages, State funded legal aid and interpreter facilities are made available.

That is not true.

It makes no sense to make a deportation order requiring a person to leave the State within a fortnight and at the same time allow the person three months, the normal period within which judicial review applications may be brought, in which to challenge the order. The rights of the deportee are protected in any event, since a properly based challenge will result in the court putting a stay on the order until the proceedings are finished.

There is nothing in the my proposal which attempts to curtail the habeas corpus provisions of the Constitution, nor could there be. The proposals do not affect detention matters in any manner. I am prepared to discuss the detail of these proposals in the proper forum, namely, the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights. If constructive suggestions for improvement are made at that forum, I am prepared to consider them. All I ask is that the House now approves the motion before it so the committee will be able to deal with these forward thinking and eminently sens ible proposals in the context of the Illegal Immigrants (Trafficking) Bill, 1999.

When will we see them?

A comprehensive policy is in place. Deputy Deasy, the most experienced Mem ber in the House, made the most even handed contribution.

The proposals are a disgrace.

(Mayo): It is all cut and paste.

Question put.

Ahern, Bertie.Ahern, Dermot.Ahern, Michael.Ahern, Noel.Andrews, David.Ardagh, Seán.Aylward, Liam.Blaney, Harry.Brady, Johnny.Brady, Martin.Brennan, Matt.Brennan, Séamus.Briscoe, Ben.Browne, John (Wexford).Callely, Ivor.Carey, Pat.Collins, Michael.Cooper-Flynn, Beverley.Coughlan, Mary.Cowen, Brien.Cullen, Martin.Daly, Brendan.Davern, Noel.de Valera, Síle.Dempsey, Noel.Dennehy, John.Doherty, Seán.Ellis, John.Fahey, Frank.Fleming, Seán.Flood, Chris.Foley, Denis.Fox, Mildred.Gildea, Thomas.Harney, Mary.Haughey, Seán.Healy-Rae, Jackie.Jacob, Joe.

Keaveney, Cecilia.Kelleher, Billy.Kenneally, Brendan.Kirk, Séamus.Kitt, Michael.Kitt, Tom.Lenihan, Brian.Lenihan, Conor.McCreevy, Charlie.McDaid, James.McGennis, Marian.McGuinness, John.Martin, Micheál.Moffatt, Thomas.Moloney, John.Moynihan, Donal.Moynihan, Michael.Ó Cuív, Éamon.O'Dea, Willie.O'Donoghue, John.O'Flynn, Noel.O'Hanlon, Rory.O'Keeffe, Batt.O'Keeffe, Ned.O'Kennedy, Michael.O'Malley, Desmond.O'Rourke, Mary.Power, Seán.Roche, Dick.Ryan, Eoin.Smith, Brendan.Smith, Michael.Wade, Eddie.Wallace, Dan.Wallace, Mary.Walsh, Joe.Woods, Michael.Wright, G. V.

Níl

Allen, Bernard.Barnes, Monica.Bell, Michael.Belton, Louis.Bradford, Paul.Broughan, Thomas.Bruton, John.Bruton, Richard.Burke, Liam.Burke, Ulick.Clune, Deirdre.Connaughton, Paul.Coveney, Simon.Crawford, Seymour.Currie, Austin.D'Arcy, Michael.Deasy, Austin.Deenihan, Jimmy.Farrelly, John.Finucane, Michael.Flanagan, Charles.Gilmore, Éamon.Gormley, John.Hayes, Brian.Higgins, Jim.

Higgins, Joe.Higgins, Michael.Howlin, Brendan.Kenny, Enda.McCormack, Pádraic.McDowell, Derek.McGahon, Brendan.McGinley, Dinny.McManus, Liz.Mitchell, Gay.Mitchell, Olivia.Moynihan-Cronin, Breeda.Naughten, Denis.Neville, Dan.Noonan, Michael.O'Keeffe, Jim.O'Shea, Brian.O'Sullivan, Jan.Owen, Nora.Penrose, William.Perry, John.Quinn, Ruairí.Rabbitte, Pat.Ring, Michael.

Níl–continued

Ryan, Seán.Sargent, Trevor.Shatter, Alan.Sheehan, Patrick.Stagg, Emmet.

Stanton, David.Timmins, Billy.Upton, Mary.Wall, Jack.Yates, Ivan.

Tellers: Tá, Deputies S. Brennan and Power; Níl, Deputies Stagg and Sheehan.
Question declared carried.
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