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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 16 Nov 2000

Vol. 526 No. 2

Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) (No. 2) Bill, 2000 [ Seanad ] : Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Subsection (11) provides that where a supplier of drugs to community pharmacies fails or refuses to comply with a request under regulations, the supplier shall be guilty of an offence and liable to summary conviction or a fine not exceeding £1,500. Section 12(1) is a standard subsection defining words or phrases in the section and section 12(2) is a standard provision for regulations made under section 59 of the Health Act, 1970. Section 2 amends the Tobacco (Health Promotion and Protection) Act, 1988, by substituting a new section for section 3 of that Act to raise the age at which tobacco products may be sold to young persons from 16 years to 18 years and to raise the maximum fine on persons convicted of selling tobacco products to under age persons from £500 to £1,500. It also provides that it shall be a defence for a person who is prosecuted for an offence under this section to establish that he or she had not taken all reasonable steps to assure himself or herself that the person to whom the tobacco products were sold, offered for sale or made available had attained the age of 18 years.

Section 3 amends the Health (Nursing Homes) Act, 1990, by the insertion of a new subsection after subsection (6) of the Health (Nursing Homes) Act, 1990, to provide for regulations to make different provisions for different classes of nursing homes and prescribe different requirements for different classes of nursing homes.

In section 7 of the Health (Nursing Homes) Act, 1990, a new subsection is substituted for subsection (2) with regard to the making of regulations prescribing any necessary administrative and technical details in relation to the operation of the subvention scheme. Section 4 is a standard technical provision setting out the Title of the Bill and providing that it and the Health Acts, 1947 to 1999, may be cited together as the Health Acts, 1947 to 2000, and that the Tobacco (Health Promotion and Protection Act) 1988 and this Act may be cited together as the Tobacco (Health Promotion and Protection) Acts, 1988 and 2000. It also provides for the making of orders with regard to the coming into operation of the provisions of the Bill. These are the provisions of the Bill. I have no doubt the House is committed to fair and transparent arrangements for the supply of drugs, medicines and medical and surgical appliances under the Health Act, 1970, that the House welcomes appropriate anti-tobacco strategies in view of the effects of tobacco on the nation's health and that the House supports necessary changes in the Health (Nursing Homes) Act, 1990. The Bill contains a range of measures with regard to its three distinct elements to strengthen existing legislation. Nevertheless, the Government is prepared to consider any amendments which Deputies may wish to put forward on Committee Stage with a view to bolstering the provisions of the Bill. I commend the Bill to the House.

I intend on Committee Stage to move an amendment to this Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill on health issues to ensure that the composition of bodies appointed by the Minister for Health and Children will in future come before the Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children for ratification.

It is necessary to move such an amendment given the Minister's reckless, self-serving and insensitive packing of the board of the Blood Transfusion Service. The Minister seems to believe he has the right to use the health services of the State and the resources voted by this House for those services to buttress his own electoral support in his Dáil constituency and to portray himself as a great man for Cork. Unfortunately in the poor judgment he has shown on this occasion, he has brought bad publicity and undeservedly so on Cork. He has also brought bad publicity to the hard-pressed Blood Transfusion Service at a time when it is already under scrutiny from the Lindsay inquiry and is not enjoying the same level of uncritical public support as it did in the past.

The Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Martin, recently filled six vacancies on the board of the Irish Blood Transfusion Service. Three of those appointed are Cork-based, the fourth is a UCC graduate, the fifth is from the Southern Health Board area and the sixth appointee is the former secretary general of Fianna Fáil. The board already had a Cork chairperson, another member from the Southern Health Board area and a representative of the Minister from the Department of Health and Children. The 12 member board now has five Cork members, plus a graduate from UCC, two other representatives from the Southern Health Board area, the Minister's personal representative from the Department of Health and Children and the former Secretary General of Fianna Fáil making up ten of the 12 members.

On a point of order, are we dealing with the Bill before us or are we discussing an extraneous matter?

Acting Chairman:

Perhaps the Deputy may get back to the Bill directly but it is a medical Bill.

I can understand why Deputy Moffatt would be embarrassed by my raising this matter, being from the west of Ireland and given that nobody from his area was nominated to the Blood Transfusion Service Board. This is a Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill and I am entitled to speak on what is not in the Bill that I believe should be in it. I am also giving notice of an amendment to this Bill I intend to introduce on Committee Stage and the reasons for it. I am entirely in order in raising that matter.

Acting Chairman:

We will proceed.

There are two board members who are Dublin-based and none from the Western Health Board area, from where the Minister of State comes, none from the Midland Health Board area, none from the South Eastern Health Board area or the North Eastern Health Board area. At a time when the Minister should be leading public opinion towards renewed confidence in the Blood Transfusion Service, he has done the opposite by blatantly politicising and tribalising what is supposed to be an independent national service and he is doing so for his own political advantage. These self-serving actions are insensitive, improper and wholly unacceptable. The IBTS should take its decisions based on the health needs of the people and should do so independently. The agencies responsible for the advancement of the health of the people should not be turned into political agencies for the advancement of the Minister. I call on the Minister to publicly explain his actions and to account to the Dáil for his actions. Furthermore, I call for the dismissal of the Blood Transfusion Service Board and its re-composition in a fair, representative form. This service is such a sensitive one that for a Minister to show such poor judgment and to abuse his power by filling it in this way is absolutely outrageous. I call on the Minister to come to this House and explain his actions and I call on him to take the steps I outlined today.

In relation to the tobacco provisions of this Bill, the House may be interested to hear the response of the Minister for Education and Science to Parliamentary Question No. 384 of 14 November 2000 that I tabled. I asked him if his attention had been drawn to newspaper reports that staff were assisting children in care in the purchase of cigarettes and if, in view of the decision to stop providing cigarettes to patients in mental hospitals, this practice will be discontinued. The reply I received is as follows:

The Board of Management and the Director of Trinity House School are responsible for the day to day operation of the school and for ensuring that best practice in relation to cigarette smoking by young people and for ensuring that relevant legislation in this regard is complied with. Most young people admitted to Trinity House School have been smoking cigarettes for a number of years and consequently are already addicted to nicotine by the time they arrive at the school. The school's policy in this regard is to educate and support the boys to stop smoking. In cases where children do not succeed in giving up the habit, cigarettes are given to the children concerned to be smoked in a restricted way within the school. Young people who do not smoke in Trinity House or who give up smoking are rewarded positively.

I understand the pressures on the Department and on Trinity House are such that they could have that policy. I do not suggest that they are negligent as they have a lot on their plate. However, the Minister is coming into the House like John Wayne, taking on the tobacco industry, raising the age to 18 and doing the devil and all but the Minister for Education and Science has a different policy in institutions under his own tutelage.

There should be a policy in the Department to assist these children. Leaving aside the fact that they are addicted to nicotine and need a cigarette to keep calm, smoking is damaging their health just as it is damaging the health of those we are trying to protect by raising the age under the Bill. I am not making a meal out of it or condemning those in Trinity House but the policies of both Ministers must be reconciled in the interests of the health of those concerned.

On 15 November in a question to the Minister for Health and Children I asked him if he would accept the recommendation of the Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children that the Statute of Limitations not be applied in the case of those who pursue the tobacco industry, such as a constituent, and I gave the details. The same Minister who is telling us here that he is so concerned about smoking and the damage it causes, stated:

I have not reached any conclusions with regard to the recommendations regarding the statute of limitations contained in the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Health and Children report on smoking. I am advised there are possible legal and constitutional implications with regard to any alteration to the Statute of Limitations, 1957 and 1951.

The author of that report is Deputy Shatter who is a leading solicitor. The committee accepted the report. The Minister stated in his reply that he had not reached any conclusions but he should do so, along the lines of the report.

The tobacco industry here, just as in the United States, has many questions to answer. My father died from lung cancer when I was five, no doubt contributed to by the fact that he smoked Woodbines and a pipe. I declare my interest in that regard. The tobacco industry is very powerful and must be called to account. It is deliberately targeting young people, girls in particular, to use its addictive product so that they will continue to buy it in adulthood, thereby perpetuating the profits of the industry.

Recent statistics suggest that because young women in France have started to smoke in the same fashion as young women in Ireland, 25 years from now the average age of death in France will have dropped to what it is here. The Minister should bite the bullet and accept the recommendations. If the industry wishes to challenge him, let it do so. The Statute of Limitations should be amended to allow people take on the tobacco industry.

The Minister proposes to raise the age at which tobacco products can be sold to young persons from 16 to 18 years and to raise the fine imposed on those convicted of selling tobacco products to underage persons from £500 to £1,500. I welcome that. However, the Government seems to be suffering from a dual personality as regards tobacco and alcohol. It has extended pub opening hours, as if we did not have enough problems with alcohol, to ensure young people in Dublin can be out drinking until 2 a.m. or 3 a.m. From where did the pressure come to extend drinking time in Dublin pubs? I am reliably informed by taxi drivers that many young people piling onto the streets in the early hours of the morning, even on mid-week mornings, are so incoherent they can barely give their address to the driver. What are the implications of this for unwanted teenage pregnancies, not to mention the general health of the young population?

It is easy for the Minister to get tough with the tobacco industry. That is the flavour of the day. Even smokers accept he has a case but I will take him more seriously when he acts in the same way with brewers, distillers and the advocates of late night pub opening who seem to have a special inside place in the current Administration. Guinness has an advertising slogan "Live life to the power of Guinness". Recently it was accompanied by a series of advertisements suggesting that Guinness should be consumed on every occasion from a stag party to the hair of a dog. It is not only promoting a product but glamourising alcohol. Its advertising campaign has crossed the divide between the acceptability of occasional drinking to promoting virtual dependency. It has taken out full page advertisements.

In a survey conducted by the Eastern Health Board last year, almost 80% of boys between 15 and 18 years stated they had an alcoholic drink at least every month. For girls in the same age group it was 65%. When the figures for those aged between 10 and 14 are included, the percentage is at a frighteningly high 51% of school boys and 38% of school girls, an average of 45% overall.

Deputy Neville has often raised the issue of suicide. We have a chronic suicide rate among young people. What contribution does the depressing effects of alcohol make to this heart- breaking phenomenon? Of course cigarettes damage the health of children. No one is more ardently in support of not just banning smoking but having a campaign to convince children that it destroys their health and that they are contributing to the profits of the industry, but what about the damage caused by alcohol about which we have no overall policy except to extend the opening hours of pubs without any campaign to deal with the effects of alcohol? There should be a Green Paper on alcohol abuse and the effects of alcohol. It is time we had a policy to counteract this consumption. One has only to look at the contribution alcohol makes to death rates from heart failure and related matters and to the number of people killed on the roads, about which we are constantly concerned. We do not have an overall philosophy or policy to deal with the abuse of alcohol. I call for a Green Paper to set out policy alternatives which we can refine into a White Paper on legislative and policy decisions. It is time we dealt with this matter comprehensively.

Alcohol does more damage to individuals and families than all the banned drugs consumed here. Yet we permit ever increasing public inducements to consume alcohol, including attaching the Guinness product to the national game of hurling. The GAA should review its policy in this regard. The Guinness brewery is located in my constituency and it has been a good employer over the years. Its product is enjoyed by many people, in moderation. My criticism is not of the moderate consumption of products with an alcoholic content but of the policy of allowing these products to be advocated in an unhealthy way without being fettered or criticised.

We have strong restrictions on the advertisement of tobacco, for example, but we have allowed Guinness to take over the national game of hurling and to run full page advertisements advocating alcohol in all circumstances, from improving the hair of the dog to examination results or whatever happens to be its marketing ploy on the day. That is wrong and if we are serious about addressing issues which affect young people, this matter should be included in the Bill. I intend to ask the Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children to take a closer look at this issue with a view to making up-to-date all-party recommendations to address it in a measured, reasoned and balanced manner.

Deputy Ring will deal with the nursing home provisions. I want to deal with the general medical services, the community drug schemes and improving and updating the statutory basis for the supply of drugs, medicines and medical appliances. Clause 9 of S.I. 152 of 1996 states, inter alia:

(1) The Pharmacy contractor [that is, the pharmacist in the private sector, not the hospital pharmacist] shall prior to the dispensing of each prescription, and prior to the supply of the medicine, ensure that a pharmacist reviews the medicine therapy of the individuals for whom the prescription is issued.

(2) The review for sub-clause (1) shall include screening for any potential drug therapy problems, which may arise out of the use of the medicine(s) prescribed. The problems to be screened for shall include those which may be due to therapeutic duplication, drug-drug interactions (including serious interactions with non-prescription or over-the-counter medicines or foods), incorrect drug dosage or duration of drug treatment, drug-allergy interactions and clinical abuse and/or misuse.

There are many other provisions contained in that.

Few pharmacists fulfil the role provided for in that statutory instrument. If they did, they would have to do so in front of other people in the pharmacist's shop. Pharmacies are retail outlets. In addition to dealing with prescribed medicines, they also have a range of other products which people acquire, some of which are not directly related to medicine, such as manicure products. This statutory instrument also provides for restrictions on the licensing of additional pharmacists, so they were meant to give back something to the community. If someone wants advice from a pharmacist, they will not stand in front of a cash register to be advised about their personal medication needs in front of someone who is waiting to buy a nail file

It is time we considered assisting pharmacists to make a consultation area available within a pharmacy so they have an opportunity to talk to clients about the drugs prescribed by their doctor. While it is not their job to second guess the doctor, they have a responsibility under Clause 9 to discuss their clients' health and to see if they are still taking the drugs prescribed. I understand that up to 50% of all drugs taken are not taken properly. Some people stop taking their drugs if they get a reaction without going back to their general practitioner. Perhaps if they told their pharmacist about the reaction, he or she could advise them by asking them if they are drinking alcohol or taking other medication at the same time. Clause 9 of S.I. 152 intended that to happen and I would like that to happen. If the Minister is serious about the provisions in the Bill, he will take steps to ensure it happens.

I am saddened to see a Bill before us which does not mention the need to extend medical cards. If this Bill deals with the concerns of people in the community about their medication, how can we, as representative legislators and decent people, stand over a situation where a husband and wife, whose assessable income exceeds £135, do not qualify for a medical card? The figure is £167 for a husband and wife with two dependent children. That was not intended. While we have an agreement with the IMO that up to 40% of the population can be covered by medical cards, it has fallen back to approximately three quarters of that.

Poor people with children – figures show they die younger – cannot afford to go to their doctor or to the community pharmacy for which the Minister is providing in the Bill. When will we get that message across? The Fianna Fáil element of the Government has been in office since 1987, with the exception of two and a half years. It has lost touch with the difficulties faced by people on low incomes who cannot afford to go to their general practitioner or to buy medicines and who should have a medical card if their income exceeds £135 for a husband and wife or £95 for a single person. Some Members of this House would not go into a restaurant with £95 in their pocket. It is outrageous that we treat the citizens of a so-called Republic in this manner. I am sorry this Bill, which addresses the provisions of community drug schemes, does not take the opportunity to address that issue.

This Bill deals with standards in private convalescent homes under the Health (Nursing Homes) Act, the health of children and medicines. However, it is about time the Minister became concerned about the state of hygiene in our public hospitals. It is easy to be concerned about private nursing homes but some of our public hospitals need attention. I would like the Minister to come into the House and make a statement on MRSA, the extent to which it is spreading in hospitals, why it continues to spread, what steps are being taken to deal with it and if hospital practices and hygiene are contributing to it. We are entitled to know that. Some people are being discharged from hospitals earlier because they have a better chance of survival at home than at the hospital, where they are likely to contract MRSA. We are entitled to be told in how many hospitals MRSA is prevalent and increasing. What are the plans to tackle it? I am very concerned about it.

On the general question of hygiene, yesterday a colleague reminded me there was a time when if one visited a hospital run by nuns one could see a reflection of oneself on the floor. Today I understand if food served to a patient falls to the ground nurses must wait for contract cleaners to remove it. In some instances this has meant food being left on the ground for prolonged periods. By way of another example of the problem, I understand that a shower in a hospital is constructed in such a way that there is no guard at the entrance, that it is not wide enough to cater for wheelchairs and is not, therefore, intended for use by disabled people. The water flows on to the floor causing all kinds of smells and problems with the result that nurses must put towels across it while disabled or injured people are being showered. These issues should be reported on. Who is responsible for medical services if this is happening and when will the House receive a report on the state of hygiene in hospitals?

The Mental Health Act should be followed where it provides for an inspection of mental health services. An inspectorate of public hospitals should be established, perhaps under the aegis of the health boards, to ensure that the practices in hospitals are hygienic, that people can stay in hospital for as long as they require treatment and are not sent home because their domestic environment is medically safer. I do not know when the practice of sending patients home for this reason was started, but it is unacceptable. It is impossible to imagine a patient at, say, the Blackrock Clinic having to put up with the remains of custard or ice-cream on the floor. It would not happen. Why, therefore, should it happen to the Joe Soaps who attend public hospitals? There should be accountability to this House on the question of hygiene in hospitals and where there is a problem it should be addressed. We will only know the extent of the problem in this area when there is an independent inspectorate of public hospitals who can report on standards in them.

This Bill provides the opportunity to deal with a number of issues of major concern, but instead it provides a number of tidying up provisions and duplicity in the area of tobacco. I will return to these issues on Committee Stage.

I agree with Deputy Gay Mitchell's comments on the abuse of alcohol. It is the downside of the tiger economy that so many young people are abusing and being encouraged to abuse alcohol. Given the chronic damage that can and will be done as a result of this, we are storing up problems in the long-term with regard to the provision of health services. We need to address the issue.

The Labour Party wants to support this Bill, especially its provisions on cigarette smoking, which are modest but welcome. However, we are dissatisfied with other aspects. These need to be amended.

The Bill also contains provisions to amend the Health (Nursing Homes) Act. Nursing homes play an important part in the overall provision of services to the elderly. That is recognised in the existence of the subvention system, which will be regularised by this legislation.

For many elderly and frail people a nursing home provides a safe haven and a home from home. The regulations governing private nursing homes ensure that standards are maintained for those fortunate enough to access the care they need. This is progressive legislation in ensuring that standards are applied and maintained in private nursing homes. Before its enactment there were at times abuses, standards were not maintained and care for very vulnerable people was not properly provided. Demand for nursing homes is growing and demographic factors will ensure this will continue.

There is also a growing need for step-down facilities for patients who block beds in acute hospitals. Low-tech step-down facilities are not available. The pressure on acute hospitals, especially over the winter months, is not a new phenomenon. Greater sickness and demand on A&E departments in winter are to be expected. What is not, and should not be expected is the ineffectiveness of the Minister in dealing with this crisis, indeed ineffective is too kind a word.

The Minister's predecessor did nothing to address this problem. Like a hibernating animal he disappeared in the winter when the crisis was at its worst. The Minister has adopted a different approach. His response to the winter beds crisis was announced with the usual PR spin we associate with him. However, it is worse than a sham because it creates as many problems as it will solve.

In his press release the Minster said an additional 500 nursing home places will be provided. However, he is not creating new spaces but commandeering existing beds within the scarce pool of existing nursing homes. When I asked him by way of a parliamentary question how many new step-down facilities had been created this year and how many had been lost in the system he could not supply the information because his Department does not collate it. Since then I have received a couple of sporadic missives from various health boards and hospitals outlining their position, but the information obtained is very patchy and unsatisfactory.

It is incredible that officials in the Department do not know how many set-down facilities there are in the country at a time when the need for them is critical to resolving the winter beds crisis and to managing the use of the acute hospitals to best effect. Despite this the Minister is intent on selling his flawed initiative as a panacea for the crisis. He made an announcement about 500 additional beds but they are hired rather than additional. They will no longer be available to elderly people who are not using the hospital services but who are in need of nursing home care.

In a radio interview the Minister tried to present his plan as providing benefits for public over private patients. That is not true. Some 80% of elderly people are on medical cards, whether they are seeking nursing home places or hospital services. To present this as some kind of benefit for public patients is disingenuous. The Minister is similarly disingenuous in stating that the appointment of 25 A&E consultants and 15 anaesthetists will assist in the winter beds crisis. They will not because they will not be appointed in time. It is unworthy of the Minister to attempt to dress up a perfectly good initiative which we would all welcome wholeheartedly if he did not try to present it as something it is not to make him look better.

I am concerned about some aspects of this Bill and wish to refer specifically to the amendment of the 1970 Health Act. This amendment will incorporate in primary legislation provisions which are already provided for by way of regulation. Some aspects of this amendment are anti-consumer, particularly the agreement with pharmacists. Article 10 provides for this change in regard to pharmacies, presumably because there are legislative difficulties which must be addressed. The Minister should not proceed with this amendment until the serious concerns which have already been put on record by consumer groups, the Competition Authority and Dr. Peter Bacon, in his report on supply and demand in the sector, are addressed. I realise this Minister did not make the agreement, which was a good one in many of its facets. As time passes, deficiencies in regulations and legislation often emerge and demand attention and this is one such case.

The regulations, as they currently apply, are quite protectionist in nature and prevent the normal competition to which the public is entitled. I urge the Minister to establish a review which would deal with any existing deficiencies in order that this issue could be progressed. In terms of the promotion of pharmacist professionalism, there have been some benefits. It is clear pharmacists are key participants in primary care and I argue that they could play a greater part. Pharmacists ensure absolute accuracy in terms of prescriptions and ensure that there are no contraindications for patients. Patients who are prescribed a six week course of treatment and who may feel slightly better after three weeks or may not like the medication simply stop taking it. Somebody needs to identify those people because when patients do not follow through on a course of treatment which would deal with their problems, they can become even more ill and end up in hospital. A simple phone call from a pharmacist would ensure that courses of treatment are completed. Pharmacists would like to see more formalised contact between general practitioners and the other key players in the provision of primary care.

I am concerned that the agreement militates against an even and satisfactory spread of pharmacies nationwide. It prevents the growth of new pharmacies in areas where they are required and prevents newly qualified pharmacists from building up a business. Some pharmacists have certainly benefited from the current arrangements but others have not and the public interest has not always been served.

Pharmacists serve local communities and obviously have a disproportionately elderly and sick customer base in comparison to other services. These customers often suffer as a consequence of the regulations' limits. The town of Knock in County Mayo is one example of where this has happened. It has received a great deal of publicity because of the high numbers of visitors to the village which does not have a pharmacy. The village of Roundwood is my constituency does not have a pharmacy either. As a local TD, I am aware of the problems this causes. Roundwood, which is described as the highest village in Ireland, is a considerable distance from any urban centres in which pharmacies operate. The lack of access to a local pharmacy causes distress and inconvenience to local people, particularly for those who depend on a very limited public trans port service. It is not that nobody wants to meet their needs. A young pharmacist applied to open a pharmacy in Roundwood but was refused. In Wicklow town, there is a purpose built pharmacy building adjacent to a very busy health clinic. This is an ideal arrangement in terms of patients being able to access a full range of services from a GP or physiotherapist in the pharmacy. Again, it is not a case of nobody wanting to open a pharmacy in the building as a person who is already running a pharmacy in a nearby town has expressed interest in doing so but the regulations prevent that.

I do not understand this protectionism. No doctor can prevent other doctors erecting a nameplate on their surgeries and inviting patients. One could say that the GMS entails certain restrictions but even those are less restrictive than these regulations. From where does this protectionism come and does it comply with EU free market criteria? I do not know the answer but I know that a demand for a very essential service is not being met. If it transpires that such a service cannot be sustained commercially, so be it, but the evidence suggests that because the regulations are so restrictive, that proposition cannot even be tested.

The 'flu vaccination programme has been in operation for a short period. Problems were experienced in obtaining stocks of the vaccine and these resulted in supply shortages. It would be appalling if this were to happen again. I support the 'flu vaccination programme 100% but the Department should have ensured the availability of adequate supplies prior to its commencement. A GP in the Dublin area contacted my office saying that war had almost broken out in his surgery over the health board's failure to ensure full provision of vaccines. I understand the vaccine is not even included in the drugs refund scheme and I would like to hear the Minister's view on that exclusion.

The fact that vaccination programmes run concurrently rather than consecutively places additional pressures on the system. The meningococcal vaccine is currently being administered but I suspect the level of take-up will not be as high as it could be. The pneumovax vaccine, which was to commence at the same time as the 'flu vaccine, did not commence until a later date and that creates its own inefficiencies.

This Bill contains some positive provisions, among them its anti-smoking provisions. We all know that cigarette smoking is the single most preventable cause of death. It has been clearly identified as a major health risk and a significant cause of lung cancer, cardiovascular disease, stroke, respiratory illness, peptic ulcers, emphysema, osteoporosis, mouth and throat cancer, peripheral vascular disease etc. Smoking affects pregnant women detrimentally, in addition to affecting the babies they carry. Smoking has been described as being more addictive than heroin and, unlike many other addictive substances, presents an environmental risk to non-smokers as well as smokers. It results in enormous cost at a personal and societal level. The graveyards are full of the bodies of people whose lives were shortened by smoking. What is at issue is a dangerous drug which can have lethal effects. Some people manage to escape but others, sadly, do not. There is no doubt that the drug would be banned if it were to appear today for the first time on the market. However, that is now not feasible and would not work.

It is important that everything possible is done to reduce the levels of smoking and there is a genuine consensus in the House which wants to ensure that happens. Too many people smoke for too long, and it is clear the black market would mushroom if there was an attempt to have an outright ban on tobacco.

We are agreed that a multi-dimensional approach is required to include preventative measures, personal development, education, restrictions on sale and advertising, fiscal measures and medical and therapeutic treatment. The report initiated by Deputy Shatter and accepted by the Oireachtas committee set out a very good framework for action.

The earlier people start smoking the more likely they are to become heavy smokers. Approximately one in every three young people who become regular smokers dies prematurely as a result. In Ireland, up to two-thirds of children have experimented with tobacco before they reach adulthood. Interrupting the cycle of childhood addiction requires decisive and effective action. The Slánú research shows that 40% of females between 18 and 34 years of age smoke as compared with 38% of young males. This shows an inordinately high level of smoking among young people and also a new and disturbing increase in the number of young women smoking. It is also significant that despite a drop in smoking here since the 1970s, there has been an increase in smoking levels since 1988.

The Minister for Health and Children has rightly made smoking a target for reduction from 30% to 20% over ten years. It is very ambitious, but if achieved it would have a tremendous impact on the general health status of the population. While there is no real evidence that such a goal will even begin to be reached under the Government, we will support every effort made by the Minister. However, we will not support any attempt, to which the Minister is prone, at hyping or exaggerating the effectiveness of measures he takes on this or any other issue.

It is a modest Bill which was due to come before the House in any event, with the anti-smoking measures simply tacked on. Presenting a portmanteau Bill is hardly an auspicious start to a crusade to tackle nicotine addiction. That said, the measures are welcome as far as they go. However, one wonders how far they will go. How will the regulations be enforced and how effective will they be? What mechanisms will guarantee results?

A recent report from the Western Health Board says that 98% of tobacconists surveyed in Roscommon, 61% in Mayo and 30% of those in Galway were found to be selling tobacco to children under 14 years of age. Even without the Bill, such activity is illegal. There is no doubt that respectable shopkeepers are systematically breaking the law, it would appear on an ongoing basis. It is fair to assume this law breaking is not restricted to one part of the country.

It augurs badly if the changes proposed in the Bill are being introduced in an environment and culture which tolerates on a wide scale the sale of cigarettes to children, even though it is illegal. The lesson is clear. We must ensure that laws enacted are implemented and accept that legislation without education is severely limited in its effect. Educating, not just shopkeepers, but young people at risk, should be a fundamental pillar of any new strategy.

However, it must take on board the actual experience of young people rather than imposing a view. In particular, the rise in smoking among young girls signals that we must address the underlying reasons why young girls are choosing to take up smoking. An example I often give is that it might be as much benefit to bring Weight Watchers or some similar organisation into schools to encourage young girls to manage a good diet so they do not feel uncomfortable about weight issues. Obesity is growing very fast across the western world, including in Ireland and it is clearly a strong factor in why some young girls, who are insecure about their self-image, take up smoking.

When the EU Commissioner, David Byrne, spoke at the recent North-South conference organised by the BMA and the IMA, concern was expressed by health professionals at the deeply contradictory approach adopted at EU level. On the one hand there is an agreement on anti-smoking measures, including a ban on advertising, but on the other hand the EU continues to subvent tobacco growing to the tune of 2 billion ECUs per year. Many subsistence farmers in Greece and Italy depend for their livelihoods on growing tobacco, but this cannot be a justification to continue such a policy in future. Those visiting Greece see widespread advertising and constant promotion of smoking, which is bound to create and maintain a high level of addiction.

In Ireland we reflect an EU average of about 30%, and the rate is growing. By contrast, the US is approaching a level of 20%, which tells us something. The US is libertarian in its outlook, with individuals having the right to carry a gun but not allowed to smoke a cigarette in most circumstances. This shows the possibilities of creating a new climate which can address the addiction. We do not have the same cultural and historic attachment to the idea of individual liberties and personal freedoms, and it should, therefore, be possible and easier for us to ensure the level of cigarette smoking is reduced, particularly among young people.

The North Western Health Board has shown a way forward in terms of education. From the evidence produced by the board it is clear that school health promotion programmes work and that young people absorb the messages they are given. We must examine this carefully as there is always the danger with blanket campaigns that the anxious healthy people take up the message rather than those who actually need to listen to it.

Social class is also an issue, as it underlines all issues relating to health. Slánú research has shown over and over again that poverty creates ill-health and is a key factor in terms of health status.

Finally, I wish to again refer to private nursing homes. Convalescent homes should be subject to regulation. My understanding is that health board welfare homes do not come within the provisions of the existing legislation. Who is in charge of maintaining and ensuring standards in welfare homes which care for the elderly? In terms of general health provision it is astonishing that anybody can come to the country and set up a private hospital and that all they need is planning permission and a fire safety certificate. That is untenable. There are issues regarding standards in hospitals, nursing homes and welfare and convalescent homes.

It is quite clear that the issue raised by Deputy Mitchell is a very stark feature of quite a number of our hospitals, which are still unnamed, namely the horrifying extent of MRSA which cannot yet be pinpointed because the information has not been released as to which hospitals are at fault and how the matter is being addressed. The idea of sending patients home rather than keeping them in hospital sounds like good common sense. If a person can be cared for at home or in the community they should not be retained in hospitals. Generally speaking, acute hospitals are not safe places to be when one sees the levels of MRSA.

I lost a dear friend who had a most horrific death having suffered for a long period because she contracted MRSA. This happened in a private hospital. The serious aspect of hospital accreditation and maintenance of standards needs to be tackled, but perhaps not in this Bill. The work done in relation to standards in private nursing homes has been beneficial, particularly for the residents. The same approach needs to be extended beyond private nursing homes. I have no doubt we will return to that in the future.

A number of issues will be raised on Committee Stage. It is not satisfactory that we are dealing with three different areas of health care in one Bill. It would be much more satisfactory if smoking, pharmacists and nursing homes, which are in no way related to one another, were each given their own Bill. It would be a better practice and less likely to lead to difficulties in the future. That said, I hope we will be able to progress this Bill and improve it when the time comes.

The Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) (No. 2) Bill, will improve three significant areas of health care. It will improve supply of drugs, medicines and medical and surgical appliances – this is timely and has been called for some time. It will provide regulations for the efficient administration of payment schemes for patients in nursing homes and it will strengthen the laws regarding the sale of tobacco products to deter its use by minors. I wish to home in on the latter.

As chairman of the Joint Committee on Health and Children I am deeply concerned about the relationship between the population and the attitude to smoking. Tobacco use alone contributes to the death of more than three million people globally on a yearly basis. Of those 500,000 are citizens of the European Union and 6,000 are Irish. The number of people who die from smoking related illnesses is six times the number killed as a result of road accidents, work related accidents, drugs, murder, suicide and AIDS combined. This is the most important public health challenge facing any Minister for Health and Children. It is not a secret that smoking has detrimental effects on the heart, brain, lungs and the reproductive system and that it is a leading cause in various types of cancer.

According to a report published by the Royal College of Physicians in London, cigarettes should be seen as a manifestation of nicotine addiction. Nicotine is as addictive as the so-called "hard drugs" such as heroin. Each year, unfortunately, more and more young people are becoming dangerously addicted to nicotine. It was with this in mind that the Joint Committee on Health and Children set three main objectives, namely, the elimination of underage smoking, a substantial reduction in the number of adult smokers and the protection of the public from environmental smoke. The Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) (No. 2) Bill aids the accomplishment of these goals but Irish tobacco legislation needs to be pushed even further to provide a safe smoke-free society for all of Ireland.

On the need to eliminate underage smoking the Bill proposes to increase the age at which tobacco can be legally purchased from 16 to 18 and to increase the maximum fines imposed on those convicted of selling to underage persons as a deterrent to retailers. The problem of young people smoking cannot be over stressed. A report compiled by the committee shows that 21% of children, between the ages of nine and 17, are smoking despite the current law. That law mandates one to be 16 years to purchase cigarettes. Therefore, not only is it necessary to increase the age at which one can purchase cigarettes but a plan to ensure these laws are enforced also needs to be devised. I agree with Deputy McManus that many of our laws in this area are observed in the breach rather than being a reality.

I wish to refer to the survey of 200 shops which was undertaken by the Mid-Western Health Board in counties Galway, Mayo and Roscom mon where it was found that 51% of the shops sold tobacco products to children not older than 14 years of age. In a number of stings carried out the child continued to be sold cigarettes even after that child honestly stated his or her age. That is blatant flouting of the law. In one county the law was defied in 93% of the shops surveyed. There has never been a precedent of prosecutions for such breaches of the law. This strongly reflects the need to raise the fines and penalties applicable to those who sell tobacco to minors and to put strength behind the law with enforcement. I suggest, given that in many instances the law up to now has not been observed, that shops should be required to register as tobacco suppliers and if they are caught selling tobacco to underage persons the shop should be removed from the register and tobacco should no longer be supplied to it. In such circumstances there would be a dramatic change of attitude in terms of the law.

Another factor which greatly influences smoking by younger persons is advertising. Tobacco companies claim that smoking is a choice, that it is not an addiction. However, magazines, television, billboards and sporting events are plagued with images which portray smoking as a glamorous activity. One can imagine fashion conscious young people turning to cigarettes to fulfil the image portrayed through those advertisements. Shops are filled with cigarettes and tobacco advertising which is at the eye level of every child and teenager who enters the store.

In 1998 the European Union issued a directive to ban tobacco advertising and sponsorship. Despite the recent rejection of this directive by the European Court of Justice, Ireland still needs to push forward and prohibit tobacco advertising at a national level. Research supports the view that the absence of tobacco advertising will decrease the rate of its use especially among young people. We need to remove cigarettes from the eye level of young people in shops. The state of California is looked at as the model of an anti-tobacco society around the world. Even in California, at the point of sale, advertising and the placing of cigarettes at eye level in stores is still allowed.

If Ireland is successful in passing the proposed anti-tobacco legislation it will have some of the world's toughest tobacco laws and will stand above the world in the struggle to move away from tobacco use, from its addiction and from its disastrous health effects.

Another issue that surrounds smoking by underage persons is the vending machine. Pubs and restaurants have cigarette vending machines which are available to everyone. It is in the most open location possible. There is no monitoring, no control and no question asked as to who can have access to them. It is essential that vending machines are kept behind counters in pubs to ensure cigarettes are not purchased by underage persons. Vending machines do not have to be kept behind counters but they must be kept out of the reach of young people.

The committee's second objective is to reduce the number of adult smokers, many of whom would like to quit but cannot. Most Members smoked at some stage and those who have given up know the difficulties involved. Many of us still enjoy the smell of cigarettes and cigars. Unfortunately, many adults are hopelessly addicted to nicotine and cannot give up smoking.

It has been statistically shown that 63% of smokers consume more than ten cigarettes per day. This is a very disheartening figure, particularly given the fact that there have been so many advances and research projects in the area of giving up smoking. Many trials show that nicotine replacement therapies can double the rate of those who give up smoking. Such therapies need to be more accessible to give people the opportunity to overcome their addiction and, ultimately, to prevent many of the terrible diseases caused by tobacco and eradicate the extraordinary cost to the health service of dealing with those diseases. We should also examine the possibility of making nicotine replacement therapies available free of charge to medical card holders as it is extraordinary that smoking rates are highest in deprived areas. Making replacement therapies available to medical card holders would go a long way towards addressing this problem.

Tobacco not only affects smokers, it also has detrimental effects on those surrounded by smokers. This leads me to the committee's third objective, which is the protection of the public. This objective falls into two main categories, namely, the physical protection of the public from smoke and the protection the public receives from the knowledge of the effects of tobacco products. As regards the physical protection of people, it is necessary to review and ultimately to ban smoking in public places and the workplace. Consumer issues are involved in banning smoking in pubs but one of the committee's recommendations was that smoking be banned in restaurants and public houses. I do not demur from this recommendation because if 6,000 people are killed by smoking every year we should be fearless in ensuring we reduce the number of people consuming tobacco. We must also be conscious of the need to restrict the number of places in which smoking is allowed.

I have spoken to many people regarding the provision of no smoking areas in restaurants. The vast majority of people would welcome and accept the total prohibition of smoking in restaurants. People would also accept that there should be no provision in law which allows smoking in restaurants as it interferes with the quality of food and the atmosphere in which food is consumed. A confined workplace in which smoking is allowed can be very dangerous. The common good of having clean air to breathe should outweigh all other considerations.

The knowledge of the negative effects of tobacco is necessary to protect the public from its dangers. During the 1930s and 1940s cigarettes were sold by tobacco companies without any warning about their detrimental effects on health. Since then it has become increasingly evident that smoking cigarettes is detrimental to health. However, tobacco companies get away with providing the minimum warnings and will only disclose as much information as they are legally required to do.

When the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Health and Children was recently granted powers of discovery for a forthcoming investigation into the tobacco industry, it received responses from Gallahers, Carrolls and Players who refused to voluntarily provide documentation on the safety of their products. Their justification for this refusal is that any evidence or documents they present may be used in legal action against them. This approach is very disappointing because, although there have been successful tobacco litigation cases in the US in which $140 billion was awarded in punitive damages, it has not been decided whether Ireland will go down this road.

I stress that the committee's primary objective is to ensure that tobacco companies provide this information in the public interest in the first instance, but also to help devise future health strategies as a result of the lessons of the past. The fact that tobacco companies refuse to disclose information on the safety of their products is a major concern for the Minister and the committee. In the past, tobacco companies hid evidence of the detrimental effects of smoking. As a society we cannot allow this to happen again.

Deputy Gay Mitchell was correct when he referred to the detrimental effects of excessive drinking. The Deputy was also correct to suggest that the health and children committee should examine this issue. Deputy Mitchell is a new member of the committee and I am pleased the committee has decided to give this issue a high priority by way of producing a report. The committee will also have to examine the advertising of alcohol, particularly its association with sporting organisations whereby young people are inculcated in healthy activities by organisations which are supported by companies whose products could have detrimental effects on their health.

I cannot agree with Deputy Mitchell's comments on appointments to the board of the Irish Blood Transfusion Service. I would hate to think the Deputy would cast aspersions on the integrity of three people from the Cork area who were recently appointed by the Minister, Deputy Martin. The general manager of the university hospital, Cork, has traditionally been a member of the board of the blood transfusion service. How could anybody object to the legitimacy of the appointment of either Dr. Horgan or Dr. Elizabeth Keane, both of whom are eminent specialists in the public health area in the Southern Health Board, and suggest that there would be a political dimension to those appointments? It is ridiculous in the extreme. Anybody aware of the work of—

Deputy O'Keeffe, we might be wandering a little from the substance of the Bill.

I am well aware of it. However, if it is suggested in the course of a speech on this Bill that there is a question about the integrity of some people who were appointed to the board, it is important that the matter should be addressed in the interests of the people concerned who cannot answer for themselves in this House, particularly when they are people of the highest integrity and specialists in their field in the health service.

The Bill is obviously timely. I have addressed the nursing home provisions in it but I want to mention that nursing homes are finding it extremely difficult to get nurses. Like some of the Dublin hospitals, they now must bring in nurses from abroad.

There must be equity in the induction programme for nurses coming to Ireland and proposing to work in private nursing homes. It is not fair to ensure that priority is given to the public health service without giving a similar protection to the private nursing homes. After all, we in the health service are referring many people, who cannot be accommodated in community hospitals, to nursing homes and we are providing subventions to those nursing homes. In the Southern Health Board area, nurses being introduced from abroad may endure a lengthy wait before they are provided with the six-week induction course. I want this issue looked at and addressed and I want equity in the system.

I assure Deputy O'Keeffe that Deputy Gay Mitchell was not talking about the quality of the people appointed but about the fact that they were political appointees because they all came from Cork. It is a big country.

Effectively what he is saying—

They are well outside the realm of the Bill.

I am sure there are highly qualified people in the Western Health Board and I am disappointed the Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children, Deputy Moffatt, did not see fit to appoint one or two of them.

Deputy Ring, you have made your point.

As I have just been appointed to the Committee on Health and Children, I take this opportunity to tell Deputy O'Keeffe, the chairman of the committee, that I find him to be a fair and good chairman. In my short time as a member of the committee, he has been courteous and helpful. At the first meeting I attended, I raised an issue in the context of the Department of Health and Children's concern regarding the tobacco industry. I was annoyed and upset and I think I was the first to raise concern at the fact that there was such an attack on the tobacco companies and yet there was not the same enthusiasm to attack the alcoholic drink companies. The Chairman reassured me that we will take up the matter at the committee and that satisfied me. I compliment him, as Chairman, and I look forward to working with him. We will deal with the other problems on Committee Stage.

The way the Western Health Board prosecuted some small shop keepers was mentioned frequently and I spoke about this here previously. I would not give any great credit to the health board for the way it did this. I am totally opposed to smoking but I am more opposed to alcohol abuse, which affects family life. At least smokers know there is a risk to themselves. I realise that passive smokers are affected also, but alcohol abuse affects, upsets and hurts so many families and we see this on a regular basis.

Last weekend it was depressing to read the court reports in the three local newspapers in my county. All of the cases related to alcohol abuse, late night drinking and how violent we have become as a result of alcohol. Alcohol has an effect on young people which is like that of drugs but the Government is not conducting any major research on it because people in the alcoholic drinks industry have a vested interest in it and comprise a powerful lobby.

I hope the Minister will respond to this point when he replies to the debate. People who suffer from mental illness and are in hospital seem to depend on cigarettes. I hope on Committee Stage we will ensure we do not impose on such people the restrictions we propose for the tobacco industry in the Bill. These people need cigarettes as their only comfort. They like their cigarettes and I hope we will not be too severe on them but will be sympathetic. These people should be protected and smoking should not be outlawed in mental hospitals.

Everybody knows that smoking was acceptable 20 years ago. Deputy O'Keeffe was correct. I am sure many Members of the House are former smokers. I happen to be. I hate cigarettes but I feel that if I smoked one cigarette, I would be addicted and I do not think I would have the power to give them up again. I have given them up three or four times. I have been off them now for about ten years and I hope I can stay off them. I like the smell of them but it makes me want to smoke and that is why I hate them.

Rather than use the law on the few small shop keepers left in the west, it would be better if people, particularly from the Department of Health and Children, went into the schools to talk to the pupils and show slides depicting the health effects of cigarettes. The small shops are being replaced by the major supermarkets, which do not seem to be attacked by the health boards as often as the small shop keepers.

No man or woman would sell cigarettes to a child if he or she knew the child was under age but there was a tradition in Ireland that a father, mother, brother or sister who smoked would send children to the shop to buy cigarettes and people must learn that they cannot do that anymore because it would to break the law. I welcome the measures in the Bill.

I take this opportunity to compliment Deputy Shatter, who introduced a Private Members' Bill in the House and did a substantial amount of work in this area. The tobacco industry certainly deserves this current attack and I hope the alcoholic drinks companies will be treated similarly because that is another issue which we in the committee and the Minister and the Department of Health and Children must deal with, although they are shying away from it.

An increasing number of young people, particularly girls, are smoking. That should be dealt with at an educational level. I would hope the Minister and the Department will introduce an educational programme in the schools. It would be a good idea and the money would be well spent. If the officials brought in slides and showed the pupils what was happening, perhaps more of them would stop smoking. I would go a step further. If they were to speak about cigarettes, they could also speak about alcohol and show the effects of alcohol on families and people's health. That is what should be happening.

People should be prosecuted for knowingly selling cigarettes to children but it is difficult to know the age of a young person and that is the problem. The health board should not send a young official into a shop where a person might just be working part-time, as happened in one case of which I am aware where there was a prosecution. The shop got very bad publicity, both locally and nationally. The owners were outraged, upset and hurt because they are honourable decent people in the community who work hard to make ends meet. It was a difficult time for them. I hope to see the health board being active in regard to its other responsibilities, and I will come to that later.

This Bill also talks about pharmacies with regard to something which is very close to the heart of the Minister of State, to mine and the hearts of the people of County Mayo. The cartel in relation to pharmacies can be broken. I know the former Minister included something in legislation in the past and I hope this Bill will deal with this. There is a stupid situation in Knock, to which thousands of people go on a daily basis, whereby there is no pharmacy because of some regulation the health board and the Department of Health and Children brought into being. I know the Minister of State, Deputy Moffatt, is working hard on that and I hope he will get a result and will open up the pharmacy area. I do not believe in cartels. I accept that because of the drug problem, we have to have laws, regulations and rules but this cartel is too cosy. I hope the Minister of State, in the context of this Bill, will deal with the problem we have in Knock and that in the next few months, he will announce that the Minister for Health and Children, the Government and the health board have decided to allow pharmacies to open in Knock. I am sure there are many towns like Knock where there is a need for this service.

An individual contacted me recently – the Minister of State and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle who are doctors might understand this point – who had spent some time in hospital. The person was sent home on a Saturday and on the way out of the hospital was given a prescription. The person was going home to a rural area where no pharmacy would be open until the following Monday morning. Is it not possible for the hospital to give the drugs needed to carry a person over for at least a day given that some individuals are 70 miles from home and from there, another ten miles from a pharmacy which may not open on a Sunday? Would it not be possible for the hospital to give people living in rural areas, being discharged from hospital at the weekend, the drugs they need to carry them over for at least 24 hours? That is a reasonable request and I hope something can be done in that regard.

In recent years, medical cards have been taken from thousands of people who do not have large incomes; these are families which, because of the crazy situation and the guidelines in relation to qualification for a medical card, have lost their medical cards. I am open to correction but I think the income limit is £93 for a single person and £135 for a family in order to qualify for a medical card. Even if someone only works for a few hours each week, with the minimum wage, he would go over the limit in the guidelines for the medical card. We want to see the levels in the guidelines substantially increased and I hope that will happen in the forthcoming budget and that the thousands of people who have been excluded from the medical card scheme will be brought back into it. It is just not right.

I know doctors will not like me saying this, but it is bad enough for people on low incomes to have to go to the chemist, which will charge its fee, but the big problem now is the amount our GPs are charging. In my county, they are talking about increasing the charge for a call to £32. What about the family on £200 per week without a medical card, paying a mortgage and which has to go to a GP? My daughter got a throat infection and the doctor had to visit on three different occasions. We had to get three different medications because it was discovered that she was being treated for the wrong ailment. However, the real problem was that it nearly cost us a small fortune. It was the first time I ever used the drug subsidy scheme because it all happened within the one month. What if that had been a family on a low income which had lost out on a medical card by £5 or £10 and had to get the doctor three or four times in one week? The problem now is the fees GPs charge.

The GPs do a wonderful job and I would like to see them getting more resources to help them. If the GPs were given assistance, we would have fewer people in hospitals. I compliment the GPs in my area because they do an excellent job for the people and I hope the Government will see fit to reward them.

The Minister of State will know I feel strongly about care of the elderly before I became spokesman on the elderly. As he will know, last year a report on the elderly was released. It stated that as much as 3% of the population – more than 12,000 older people – was subject to abuse. If that happened in any other country, we would lecture about it. Members would stand up on the Order of Business on a regular basis telling the Minister for Foreign Affairs to make contact with that Government to make sure that did not happen, yet it can happen in our country. That is not acceptable in the new millennium. I know the Minister of State has set up a group to deal with this and that the review group has met on a number of occasions. I hope that, as a result of that review group, we will see action from the Minister of State and the Department.

We have seen court cases where people have been prosecuted for the abuse of the elderly. Another daft thing happening in this State is that if a person opened a private nursing home tomorrow morning one would have to get planning permission, would have to go through the health board and would have to live within the law. There is an inspectorate in place which could visit that nursing home at any time. However, there is no inspectorate in place for public nursing homes owned and run by the State. We cannot have double standards and that must be resolved as quickly as possible. It does not make sense as far as I am concerned. I hope the Minister and the Government will deal with that problem as quickly as possible.

As the Minister of State will know, there are 381 registered nursing homes with a capacity for 24,058 people and there are 12,637 private beds available. The subvention in this State is outrageous and the guidelines refer to £60, £70 and £120. There are three categories of dependants which have to be medically assessed before people will qualify. It is time we considered increasing the subvention. Those who put people into private nursing homes are saving the State a small fortune. The amount of the subvention which the Department of Health and Children is providing is not adequate to deal with the problem. I hope the Government will deal with that in the forthcoming budget.

As to the housing needs of the elderly, the Minister of State recently introduced a scheme to provide heating in their homes. To be fair to the Minister of State, and I have been critical of him, he provided the funding but I am not at all satisfied that the health boards are spending it correctly. There were many advertisements and press releases telling the people this funding was in place. Thousands of applications were made to the health boards and the council for this scheme. Last year the Western Health Board – I tabled parliamentary questions on this matter because I had great difficulty getting the information – dealt with three cases after the Minister of State had provided the funding. That is wrong and mean, and the Minister of State and Government will have to deal with this.

If a heating scheme is announced for elderly people, then it should be for heating for elderly people and the officials in the health board should not dictate to the Minister of State, to me or to the people that its priority is roofs, windows or whatever. If the scheme is not being used for what it was intended, it should be withdrawn immediately.

Debate adjourned.
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