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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 12 Dec 2001

Vol. 546 No. 4

Public Health (Tobacco) Bill, 2001: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I regard the battle against tobacco as one of the most important public health challenges facing us in the new millennium. I have made this area one of my main priorities as Minister for Health and Children. The Government at its meeting on 27 February 2001 approved the drafting of the Public Health (Tobacco) Bill, 2001, and agreed to give the Bill priority in the Government's legislative programme. The text of the Bill was approved for publication by Government on 31 July 2001 and published on 1 August 2001.

This Bill is the most comprehensive anti-tobacco legislation ever published in this country and confirms the Government's commitment to the battle against the tobacco epidemic. The Bill will bring together a number of legal instruments and will replace two existing Acts, the Tobacco Products (Control of Advertising, Sponsorship and Sales Promotion) Act, 1978 and the Tobacco (Health Promotion and Protection) Act, 1988, and incorporate certain provisions of the Government's policy, "Towards a Tobacco Free Society".

Strong legislative measures are an important public health instrument in countering the tobacco threat. Tobacco use and, in particular, cigarette smoking remains the leading cause of pre ventable illness in the country. A survey commissioned by the Office of Tobacco Control on attitudes to smoking and smoking prohibitions has shown there is considerable support among the public for measures to control tobacco consumption, to make smoking less attractive to young people and to help current smokers stop smoking. This support is broadly based, coming from non-smokers and smokers alike. The public welcomes restrictions on tobacco retailing and promotion of tobacco products. Most smokers recognise the dangers of smoking, the increasing social unacceptability of smoking and wish to break their smoking addiction. The survey shows that the public generally and smokers specifically are looking to Government to take further action on smoking on all fronts.

We also need to provide greater protection for people against inhalation of toxic environmental tobacco smoke. Studies in the USA have shown that restricting smoking in public settings increases the likelihood that smokers in these settings smoke less or quit smoking entirely. The introduction of smoke free areas supports those who wish to quit and protects non-smokers.

In the early years of the last century when tobacco use, largely through smoking cigarettes, was becoming widespread the product was seen as benign and recreational. Today, tobacco smoking represents the most extensively documented cause of disease ever investigated in the history of biomedical research. In the early 1950s major scientific studies first began to associate ill health and disease with the use of tobacco products. In 1964, the US Surgeon General released a report entitled "Smoking and Health" which concluded that cigarette smoking is causally related to lung cancer in men and to a lesser extent in women. The dangers of smoking and its detrimental effect on human health have been clearly established in numerous scientific studies carried out by reputable medical and scientific bodies, including the World Health Organisation, particularly over the last 30 years.

Evidence has accumulated, year on year, of the enormous worldwide threat to human health from consumption of tobacco products. Furthermore, studies carried out internationally in recent years have also confirmed that there is a significant risk to the health of the non-smoker from inhaling environmental tobacco smoke, referred to as passive smoking. The adverse impact of tobacco consumption on public health is enormous. Smoking related illnesses account for about 7,000 deaths each year in Ireland and 500,000 deaths each year in the European Union. Tobacco can kill in many ways, including lung cancer and other forms of cancer, heart disease, strokes, emphysema, chronic bronchitis and other respiratory diseases. Smoking tobacco products is one of the most unhealthy things a human can do.

Life expectancy is lower in Ireland than the EU average and the diseases which contribute primarily to this are heart disease and cancer. Tobacco use is the leading preventable cause of these diseases. Smoking is a major causative factor in about 90% of the 2,000 deaths from lung cancer each year and increases the risk of other cancers such as the mouth and throat. Smoking is also a primary cause of cardiovascular disease, the greatest single cause of mortality in Ireland. Tobacco is a significant burden to individuals, families and society through death, illness and medical costs. Reduction in tobacco use will increase life expectancy in Ireland and result in happier, healthier and better quality lives for many Irish people.

About 30% of the adult population are severely addicted to nicotine in tobacco products and the vast majority of smokers become addicted in their childhood and teenage years. Smokers who begin smoking in adolescence and continue to smoke regularly have a 50% chance of dying from a tobacco related illness. Smokers have three times the death rate in middle age of nonsmokers. These are appalling statistics.

I am particularly concerned about the increasing levels of smoking among children and access by under-age persons to cigarettes. Children are easier to addict to tobacco products than adults and damage to children's health can be genetic and lifelong. Advertising of tobacco products and sponsorship of events by tobacco companies play a significant role in inducing young persons to smoke and to continue smoking. Children smoke the most heavily advertised brands of cigarettes.

The smoking of tobacco products also poses a real and significant threat to the health of the non-smoker. Almost 70% of the adult population are non-smokers yet many people are unwillingly exposed, on a daily basis, to toxic environmental tobacco smoke. Environmental tobacco smoke is causally associated with acute and chronic diseases in non-smokers. Being able to breathe clean air, free from harmful irritating tobacco smoke, is a serious issue for everyone. Many public areas and facilities and some workplaces are subject to prohibitions and restrictions on smoking and there is a growing demand for increased protection from tobacco smoke. Optimal protection for non-smokers and smokers is best provided by smoke free areas. I will use enabling powers under section 46 of the Bill to extend environmental controls on smoking to a range of public areas and facilities not already covered by existing legislation and regulation, including the workplace and pubs.

Children are particularly at risk from passive smoking. As children grow, exposure to environmental tobacco smoke significantly reduces their lung capacity and exercise tolerance. Involuntary exposure of children to tobacco smoke has been identified as a cause of respiratory disease, middle ear disease, asthma attacks and is a significant factor in sudden infant death syndrome, SIDS. Children are powerless to control their exposure to tobacco smoke and yet, because of their age, are most adversely affected by exposure to this toxic combination. We must ensure that the children and young people of today, whether through being induced to smoke tobacco products or exposure to and inhalation of environmental tobacco smoke, do not become future victims of the tobacco industry.

The global tobacco industry, through its own extensive scientific research, knew for many decades the dangerous and addictive nature of the product it manufactures, promotes and sells. Yet the industry for decades denied that nicotine is addictive, that smoking and secondhand smoke cause disease and that tobacco advertising recruits children and keeps adults smoking. The tobacco industry used a wall of words to protect itself at the expense of public health. The public were not informed by the industry of the real facts about the dangers to health from tobacco consumption. It is only in recent years that public health authorities have come to fully understand the dreadful nature of nicotine addiction and the powerful marketing skills of the tobacco industry to induce people, and particularly young persons, to smoke. Once young people become hooked, the tobacco industry works hard to maintain that addiction.

Much information has come to light in the last decade about the unscrupulous behaviour of tobacco companies with regard to targeting young people with their products. Documentation disclosed from within the tobacco industry during litigation proceedings in the United States shows an industry doing everything it can to encourage smoking and to establish and maintain tobacco brand loyalties, particularly with young smokers. The industry continued to market its products worldwide without regard to their harmful effect on human health. This same industry, while claiming publicly to wanting to work constructively with Governments in introducing tighter regulation of tobacco, has consistently striven to frustrate and undermine all such efforts. They not only seek to thwart national efforts to effectively address the tobacco problem but also those pursued at regional and global levels.

The cynical attitude of the tobacco industry to human life was revealed in an economic report on health care costs and smoking commissioned by Philip Morris in the Czech Republic and published in June this year. The report concluded that, as smokers die prematurely, this is beneficial by saving the State substantial amounts of money that would otherwise have been spent on health care and pensions. This spurious economic argument shows a complete disregard for basic human values. That premature death, human suffering and ill health caused by smoking tobacco products should be discounted against long-term economic gains is reprehensible.

The Irish tobacco industry, with thousands of its Irish customers dying each year from consumption of its products, is reliant on recruiting new consumers to remain a viable industry. Young people are sensitive to perceived signals that smoking is the norm. These signals include visible public smoking, the availability of cigarettes to minors and widespread promotion and advertising of tobacco products. Logically, the industry needs access to young people to gain new smokers, and we must deny it that access. The aims of the tobacco industry are totally contrary to public health policy.

Tobacco advertising and sponsorship are a powerful means of increasing tobacco consumption and attracting young smokers. Ireland was one of the first countries to introduce restrictions on tobacco advertising and sponsorship by the tobacco industry. Both the World Health Organisation and the World Bank recommend that countries prohibit all forms of tobacco advertising and sponsorship. I have already taken a number of very positive steps in this area with Ireland last year being one of the few EU countries to prohibit the advertising of cigarettes in newspapers, magazines and other publications.

Tobacco companies were spending up to £10 million annually in Ireland on advertising and sponsorship. The tobacco industry consistently used sponsorship of events to promote a harmful and socially destructive product. In July 2000, I terminated this expenditure despite fierce opposition from the tobacco industry and I make no apologies for this. Banning advertising leads to a reduction in tobacco consumption and in preventing new smokers from starting. Bans on advertising have an impact on youth attitudes to smoking and directly further the Government's commitment to prevent young persons from taking up smoking. I approved the replacement of tobacco sponsorship of the Irish Masters snooker tournament with health sponsorship. This assured the continuance of this popular international event and replaced tobacco promotion with a healthy anti-smoking message. International research has shown that anti-smoking sponsorship of sports events is effective in sending a particular message to the public. I will continue to ensure that a clear, sustained and positive health message is sent to the population, particularly our young people.

I have already taken a number of anti-tobacco initiatives in the area of health promotion using broad-based public awareness campaigns with a special focus on young people. The following are some specific examples. The "Break the Habit for Good" campaign was launched in association with the Irish Cancer Society and the health boards. This campaign emphasises the positive effects which quitting smoking can have on the individual. The campaign involves national and local initiatives, which offer support for those people wishing to give up smoking. An advice kit was developed as a support for those who want to quit.

NICO was developed last year to target the growing number of young teenage girls who are smoking or who are starting to smoke. This anti-smoking campaign emphasises the negative effects smoking can have on physical appearance, for example, stained teeth and wrinkled skin. The storyline is that there is nothing sexy about smok ing and the media used are television, radio, outdoor and newspaper advertising. Television is a proven useful resource in accessing young people. Strategically located outdoor sites, such as those adjacent to schools and colleges, complement the TV and radio ads.

The best prospect of reducing the number of people, especially young people, smoking or not starting is a targeted approach. In this regard, initiatives such as the social, personal and health education programme are particularly important. Since September 2000, a social, personal and health education programme is offered at junior cycle level to post primary schools nationwide through a partnership between my Department, regional health boards and the Department of Education and Science. Social, personal and health education is a broad based health education programme which aims to enhance the self-esteem and decision making skills of young people using experiential learning methodologies. Implementation of this programme will ensure there is a co-ordinated approach between health boards and the Department of Education and Science at regional level in a way that has never formally existed before. I am committed to ensuring that this process is a success and that a secure place will be established for health education within the school system to complement the work that has already taken place in many health boards.

I recognise the importance of the out of school setting for delivering health messages to young people. My Department has again teamed up with the Department of Education and Science and also with the National Youth Council of Ireland to provide a wide range of health promotion training for the youth sector through the national youth health programme. This programme promotes the notion of a health promotion youth service thereby ensuring that the messages young people receive in school are mirrored elsewhere, and the Office of Tobacco Control has also been involved with a group of young people acting as advocates and peer leaders in terms of the anti-tobacco issue.

Most smokers wish to break their addiction to nicotine based tobacco products. Additional help has been made available to smokers to help them quit. Since 1 April 2001, I have made the full range of nicotine replacement therapies including patches, gum, sprays and tablets available free of charge to medical card holders on prescription by their GP. Since I have introduced that measure, about 16,000 people have taken it up.

The tobacco epidemic can only be beaten with the commitment of society as a whole. A concerted and sustained effort is necessary to make progress. This Bill provides for strong legislative measures to tackle the tobacco epidemic on a number of fronts. A comprehensive ban on tobacco advertising, including in-store advertising and displays, and on all forms of sponsorship by the tobacco industry is proposed. Tobacco advertising is intended to increase consumption as well as brand share and has a powerful effect on young people. Advertising and related activities are major influences on children taking up smoking. The industry has known of this for many years and has exploited rather than compensated for this childhood vulnerability.

Accordingly, the Bill proposes further restrictions on tobacco advertising. Many of these provisions are in place under a statutory instrument with effect from 14 July 2000. However, the existing controls do not prohibit in-store or retail advertising, which will be prohibited under this Bill. This re-balancing of the rights of the public, especially children, and the rights of the tobacco industry is necessary because the status quo ensures that children will continue to take up smoking in increasing numbers and become addicted before reaching adulthood. The evidence is that the total prohibition on advertising is very effective but that partial prohibitions do not give a pro rata return.

Since July 2000, advertising of tobacco products and sponsorship by tobacco companies is prohibited, other than limited in-store and trade advertising. This was done under existing legislation and regulations restricting the amount of money that tobacco companies are allowed spend on promoting their products. While in the past Ireland has severely restricted sponsorship which provided advertising for tobacco products, the tobacco industry has identified a number of ways around this restriction, for example, sponsorship to promote the company name rather than a tobacco product. The full extent of this practice is not known but the Bill will prohibit such practices.

The approach to enforcement in the past has been piecemeal. Compliance with existing laws especially in relation to sales to minors has been poor. Surveys have shown that many underage young people can purchase tobacco products over the counter from retailers without being asked for evidence of age. The evidence from other campaigns, such as drink driving campaigns, is that strong enforcement combined with positive public messages are necessary to effect real change in public behaviour.

The Bill will provide for comprehensive powers of enforcement and will introduce a range of penalties which are commensurate with the offences. The age limit for sale of tobacco products to young persons was raised from 16 to 18 years earlier this year and the maximum fine for persons convicted of selling tobacco products to underage persons has been raised substantially on foot of the Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 2001. These measures are incorporated in the Bill and will act as a further deterrent to retailers. My Department has already begun the process of increasing the number of health board environmental health officers who will enforce the tougher tobacco controls. I made available this year an additional £1 million for this specific purpose. The Bill requires retail outlets which sell tobacco products to be registered. Such regis tration is recommended in the Government's policy document "Towards a Tobacco Free Society," and is justified on public health grounds as it will facilitate inspection and compliance, as provided for in the proposed Bill.

A ban on retail sales of packs of cigarettes of less than 20 is also proposed. Price is the single most effective means of protecting children against experimenting with cigarettes and becoming addicted. Increasing the minimum pack size which may be sold raises the price barrier for children. This measure was also recommended in the Government's policy document "Towards a Tobacco Free Society." The results of a survey commissioned by the Office of Tobacco Control and published in October this year concluded that the sale of cigarettes in larger packs will significantly reduce consumption. Ten-packs of cigarettes are bought mainly by young smokers. Accordingly, it is proposed to ban the sale of packs of cigarettes containing less than 20 cigarettes.

There will be tighter controls on the sale of tobacco products from vending machines. Many cigarette vending machines are located in areas of licensed premises, often out of sight of staff, where there is no form of supervision, giving unrestricted access by underage persons to cigarettes. The Bill provides for much tighter control on all aspects of tobacco retailing including vending machines. Machines will have to be located beside, on or behind the bar counter and under the direct supervision of staff. Regulations will provide that the machines, which will have a locking device, will be activated for each sale by a unique coin or token available only from staff on the premises. The need for much tighter controls on these machines has been made clear to the cigarette machine operators.

A ban is proposed on the sale of confectioneries, normally intended for children, which resemble a tobacco product. Selling confectioneries to children in the form of tobacco products is a particularly odious practice and helps to build an unhealthy relationship and familiarity between children and tobacco products. Children who use candy cigarettes are more likely to become smokers. Some of the candy cigarette packets on sale in shops are difficult to distinguish from packets of cigarettes. Our legislation and regulations at present relate only to controls on the sale of tobacco products. The new Bill prohibits the sale of these types of confectionery products.

Public disclosure of all aspects of tobacco including toxicity and addiction will also be provided for. The Bill provides the proposed Tobacco Control Agency with powers to obtain information from manufacturers relating to the composition or properties of tobacco products and to test tobacco products. The agency may, subject to certain requirements, publish this information. Tobacco contains many chemicals which are cancer causing, and gases such as carbon monoxide which cause heart disease. The pharmaceutically active ingredient in tobacco smoke is nicotine. Nicotine is a highly addictive substance and breaking that addiction is difficult for most smokers. There is international evidence that the industry manipulates this addictive characteristic through the use of certain chemical technologies such as ammonia, and by using genetically modified tobacco plants with high nicotine content. Accordingly, certain technical standards relating to the composition of tobacco products need to be set. Compliance with these standards needs to be independently monitored. In addition, health warnings and batch numbering will be mandatory on all packs. The industry will have to meet a very high threshold of disclosure about the toxicity and addiction of its products and the public will be truthfully and fully informed about the composition and toxicity of tobacco products. False or misleading claims will be prohibited. An EU directive on these measures was adopted earlier this year.

There will be improved protection for people against passive smoking. Tobacco smoke is the biggest single source of indoor air pollution. Environmental tobacco smoke is a real and substantial health hazard especially to infants, children and persons with heart or lung disease. Tobacco smoke contains as many as 4,000 chemicals. Many of these are harmful to health and at least 60 are known to cause cancer in humans. The International Agency for Research on Cancer, a specialist agency of the World Health Organisation, classified tobacco smoke as a human carcinogen in 1986. A human carcinogen is a cancer causing substance for which a cause-effect relationship has been established.

The risk to health related to exposure to environmental tobacco smoke, ETS, is well known. The WHO air quality guidelines for Europe concludes that ETS has been found to produce a substantial amount of morbidity and mortality from other serious health effects. Environmental tobacco smoke is the single most important source of harmful indoor air pollution. That has been supported by two decades of evidence and the scientific community now agrees there is no safe level of exposure to second hand smoke. Three of the main components of tobacco smoke are nicotine, an addictive drug, tar, which is a cancer-causing substance, and carbon monoxide, which interferes with the oxygen supply to the heart and blood vessels. Carbon monoxide is the same lethal gas which is released by motor vehicle exhausts. Other toxic components include hydrogen cyanide, formaldehyde and benzene.

There is an international scientific consensus that environmental tobacco smoke kills. Passive smoking is a cause of disease in otherwise healthy non-smokers. Tobacco smoke contributes to a noxious environment, causes eye irritation, sore throat, cough, and headache.

It is a reasonable expectation on the part of the public that they should not be exposed to such a toxic combination, whether in their work place or in public areas and facilities. A European Commission research study found that more than 80% of Europeans over 15 years of age are exposed to ETS and inhale the equivalent of one or more actively smoked cigarettes per day.

Existing legislation has been shown to be robust in facilitating the extension of controls in this area and these relevant provisions are being incorporated into the proposed Bill. The Bill accordingly will provide significant protection for people against environmental tobacco smoke. However, I will use enabling powers under section 46 to extend environmental controls on smoking to a range of public areas and facilities not already covered by existing legislation and regulation. That includes the work place, pubs and other areas.

The tobacco control agency will be established on a statutory basis. It will monitor, co-ordinate and, in certain circumstances, enforce the new tobacco policy initiative. The agency will drive the implementation of many of the Bill's provisions and will co-operate with all relevant agencies in working towards a tobacco free society. It has already been established on an administrative basis and is located on a temporary basis in Clane, County Kildare. The work of the agency will be complemented by a Tobacco Free Council to be serviced by the agency and which will have a much broader representation than the board of the agency and will be drawn from a wide range of disciplines necessary to promote a tobacco free society. The council will be a consultative forum.

Public health authorities in many countries have grappled with the problem of how to prevent people from taking up smoking and how to get smokers to break their addiction once established. There is no single solution to dealing with the tobacco epidemic. In the early 1970s, the incidence of smoking here was about 43%. Successive administrations, by a combination of measures including legislation, regulation and health promotion were able to reduce this to today's level of just over 30%. Our success in improving the health status of the nation is linked to reducing further the level of tobacco usage and, in particular, preventing young persons from starting to smoke. If the incidence of tobacco use by young persons can be reduced we can make considerable progress towards a tobacco free society.

I am not suggesting that legislation alone, no matter how comprehensive, can create and sustain the environment necessary to prevent people from starting to smoke and to assist those who have already started a programme to stop. Our anti-tobacco strategy will be multi-faceted, containing, as it will, strong legislative controls, effective enforcement powers and resources. However, the strategy will also have a well resourced health promotion dimension, a fiscal element and the supports required by smokers to kick the habit. The implementation of this comprehensive strategy will, in time, effect the necessary attitudinal changes in society to tobacco consumption and then the necessary behavioural changes. We owe it to ourselves, to the younger generation, and to future generations to ensure that the war against tobacco is won. It gives me great pleasure to commend the Public Health (Tobacco) Bill, 2001, to the House. I look forward to the debate and will be open to taking amendments on Committee and Report Stages.

I would need a calculator to work out the number of times the Minister used the first person singular –"I did this", "I did that" and "I did the other". I will tell him a few things he did not do and which he should have done. I would have thought the Minister would have found the civility to acknowledge the work of the Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children which produced two major reports on this issue. Perhaps the fact one was written by Deputy Shatter and the other by me does not allow the Minister to acknowledge them. Despite not having one extra person working for us, we were able to produce those reports. I am very disappointed that somebody in the Department of Health and Children could not find a line in the Minister's script to acknowledge that, so I presume it was some of the Minister's political people who drafted that speech. It is very ungenerous in its contents. While I welcome the provisions generally, this Bill does not go far enough, and I will come to that during my contribution.

Tobacco kills between 6,500 and 7,000 people in Ireland each year. The Minister put the figure at 7,000. Some 31% of the population smokes and between 35% to 40% of children smoke before they reach the age of 18. There is a slight variation between the figures the Minister gave and mine, and I have drawn on the Oireachtas committee report for those figures. Smoking causes more than 90% of lung cancer, chronic bronchitis and emphysema and the incidents of smoking is most common among young men aged between 25 and 34 years in the lower socio-economic groups. That is a significant point. The heaviest smoking rate is found among married people between the ages of 35 and 49 years living in Dublin in the lower socio-economic group. One can identify where the full extent of the problem is most acute.

According to the research we did for the report on smoking, which I compiled as rapporteur for the Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children, the number of lung cancer deaths in Ireland as a percentage of all deaths has risen from 9.7% in 1970 to 21.2% in 2000. Some 33% of boys aged between 15 and 17 years and 80% of all smokers become addicted between the ages of 14 and 16 years thus highlighting the need to combat under age smoking. I welcome the provisions in so far as they go in that regard. These smokers, as the Minister said, will have a 50% chance of dying from a tobacco related illness. Tobacco is one of the greatest causes of preventable deaths. Authoritative estimates suggest that by 2030, smoking will cause ten million deaths world-wide per annum. This means smoking will cause approximately one in every six deaths by 2030. There are now about 1.1 billion smokers world-wide. Estimates are that by 2025, this figure will rise to 1.6 billion.

A very interesting statistic is that half of patients admitted to St. James's Hospital in Dublin are admitted with smoking-related illnesses. The cost of running St. James's Hospital this year will be something of the order of £170 million. One could probably attribute half of that, or near enough to half – £85 million – to smoking-related illnesses. That is in one hospital alone. It is an extraordinary charge on the Exchequer. I will come back to this in relation to the tobacco industry later in my contribution.

To make matters worse, passive smoking – breathing in other people's exhaled tobacco fumes – may contribute to as many as 870 deaths per year in Ireland. Based on comparable US statistics, of the 7,000 or so Irish people who died last year from smoking-related cancer, about 870 people have died from second hand smoke. That is a great deal more than 10%. Illnesses include respiratory problems cancer, blood pressure difficulties, hardening of the arteries and even amputations.

Damage done to the health of the nation by smoking must be given greater attention. Publicans must be more realistic in their demands to be exempted from tobacco legislation health measures. In this context, the Minister for Health and Children must explain why he specifically omitted naming public houses as places where smoking will be banned while he does mention other public buildings where the ban already exists.

In section 46 the Minister lists the places where the regulations prohibiting or restricting the smoking of tobacco apply:

The Minister may, by regulations, prohibit or restrict the smoking of tobacco products in–

(f2>a)an aircraft, train, public service vehicle, or a vehicle used for the carriage of members of the public for reward other than a public service vehicle,

(b)all or part of–

(i)a health premises, or

(ii)a hospital that is not a health premises,

(c) all or part of a school or college,

(d)all or part of a building to which the public has access, either as of right or with the permission of the owner or occupier of the building, and which belongs to, or is in the occupation of–

(i)the State,

(ii)a Minister of the Government,

(iii)the Commissioners of Public Works in Ireland, or

(iv)a body established by or under an Act of the Oireachtas,

(e)a cinema, theatre, concert hall or other place normally used for indoor public entertainment,

(f)all or part of any other premises or place, of such a class as may be specified in the Regulations (hereafter in this Act referred to as a “specified place”).

I heard the Minister say "I did this, I did that and I did the other". He did not mention public houses. He said in his speech that he "will be" using enabling powers in the future. He speaks of imposing environmental controls on smoking to a range of public areas and facilities not covered by existing legislation and regulation, including the workplace and pubs.

Passive smoking in public houses is the greatest cause of the death of the 870 people I mentioned. The single biggest contributor to the loss of 870 people, to amputations and all of the illnesses I have mentioned is indirect smoking. Why did the Minister not have the guts to mention pubs in the Bill and deal with the problem up-front? I will say why. As usual, the Minister is having a bob each way. He is looking both ways. He is a Janus-faced Minister saying he will look after one's interests and telling the publicans "Don't worry lads, I won't be too hard on you.". The election will be over before any of this is applied. This is the stock in trade of the Minister. I want public houses named in the Bill. If he says there is no problem, that is fine. I look forward to seeing his Committee Stage amendment dealing with the matter.

I hope the Deputy acknowledges they are covered in the Bill.

You should have them named in the Bill. They are not covered. It allows you to look both ways at once, Minister. When I go for a pint, Minister—

The Deputy should address his remarks through the Chair.

When I go for a pint, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I do not want to smoke somebody else's cigarette. I do not see why anybody else should have to smoke somebody else's cigarette. We had to do it in theatres, cinemas and public service vehicles in times gone by. One of the few places we are compelled to do it is in pubs. The Minister has to bite the bullet. It is an issue that has to be addressed. I am aware that the publicans are a very powerful lobby, but there are 7,000 people per year dying. I estimate about 870 people, extrapolating from the figures in the United States, are dying from passive smoking. They are smoking somebody else's cigarettes and they do not know it. If one asks Members of this House, the staff, or members of his own Department to put up their hands if they smoke, many will not put up their hands because they do not know they are smoking. They are smoking somebody else's exhaled fumes and it is doing them untold, terrible damage. It is not mentioned in this Bill. I find it very hard to accept that any Bill purporting to deal comprehensively with this issue would deal with the matter in this way. What sort of leadership is that from the Minister who has used the first person singular so many times in the introduction to this Bill?

Although the Minister said nicotine is very addictive, evidence was given to the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children that suggests that nicotine is more addictive than heroin or cocaine. Obviously, it does not do the damage that heroin or cocaine do and as immediately as they do, but in the longer term smoking is one of the biggest contributors to the poor health of this nation. For this reason alone I am appalled that section 46 names the places where smoking tobacco is restricted or prohibited, but only lists places where the ban currently exists, such as schools, colleges and theatres. It does not mention public houses. This, despite the recommendation of such a ban in two separate All-Party Oireachtas Committee reports, is the indecisive Minister at his typical worst. He has promised both health campaigners and the pub lobby that he is on their side. He cannot have it both ways. I want the Minister to tell the House if he can amend this Bill to take powers to phase in a ban on smoking in public houses. I want to see it spelled out in the Bill, not in the Minister's head. You have had your Second Stage—

To clarify, the powers are in the Bill.

They are not in the Bill.

They are. It is an enabling piece which gives me, or any Minister, powers—

That is the Janus-faced Minister at his worst. You cannot take a decision—

I ask the Deputy to address his remarks through the Chair. If you address—

I have addressed them through the Chair. I said: "The Minister is at his worst".

Deputy Mitchell, if you address your remarks directly across the chamber to the Minister, the Minister will then be out of order in responding to you.

The record will show—

I want you to make your contribution without any interference from anybody, and the Minister will have an opportunity to respond.

A Leas-Cheann Comhairle the record will show that I addressed my comments through the Chair to the Minister. I was interrupted by the Minister and you are both out of order.

Deputy, you gave the—

I did not. I will read out what I said. "This.is the indecisive Minister Martin at his typical worst. He has promised both health campaigners and the pub lobby that he is on their side. He cannot have it both ways. It is time for a phased in ban on smoking in public houses. Will the Minister provide for that ban in this legislation. Will he spell it out." The record will show I said that.

Passive smoking or environmental tobacco smoke is a major health hazard that needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency. It is the number one indoor pollutant in Ireland, more harmful than asbestos. A Royal College of Physicians UK report concluded that smoking is strongly related to poverty and deprivation. If this were a rich person's disease, would the Minister be so lethargic? I was rapporteur for the second smoking report of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children and the following are among the committee's recommendations: the immediate and aggressive implementation of an extensive national lung cancer strategy; that all public houses be designated as no-smoking zones; that cigarette vending machines be banned; that all statistical data on deaths from cancer, heart disease and respiratory illnesses associated with tobacco consumption, including death certificates, state the relationship of tobacco to the cause of death; that the Government moves speedily to initiate legal proceedings against the tobacco industry. Where are the provisions for these recommendations?

The Minister says the global tobacco industry, through its extensive scientific research, knew for many decades the dangerous and addictive nature of the product it manufactures, promotes and sells. What is the Minister doing about it? In the United States, the same tobacco companies have settled – not with the federal government, with which they are settling separately – with the governments of the States. The sum involved is approximately $370 billion for what it cost individual States to treat people who suffered the effects of tobacco products. That does not take into account the settlements they are making with individuals or the settlement they will have to make with the federal government. What sort of second class people are we in Ireland that each of the States of the United States can get a settlement from tobacco companies for the amount it cost their taxpayers to give health care to those damaged by tobacco? As the Minister said, those companies knew the damage being caused to people and they have now had to pay approximately $370 billion. Not a penny has been paid to the Irish State. Why? What sort of people are we that we are not entitled to a share in the same way as each State of the United States? There is a tobacco company in my constituency. However, the Minister should pursue these people and tell them that we expect the same compensation for Irish taxpayers that they gave the American States, each of which received compensation. We are entitled to the same compensation. It was $370 billion dollars in America but the Irish taxpayer has not received a penny.

These people are arrogant, devious and secretive. In the case of at least one whistleblower in the United States, they were also dangerous. The Minister should take them on as he will be doing a public service. It would be popular and he would also have the support of the Opposition. Those people would not come to the Oireachtas committee which is looking at this issue. The invitation still stands but I know what they will do. They will send their fancy lawyers, whom they can well afford to brief, down to the courts and the courts will once again cross the line and interfere with the rights of the Oireachtas by safeguarding the rights of these people against the public interest. Our committee has already written to the Ceann Comhairle about this. The time is coming for the Oireachtas to say to the courts: "That is your side of the line and this is ours." Can any Member imagine judges being summoned here before a committee? Why did we let our guard down and allow members of an Oireachtas committee to be summoned before the courts without the permission of the Oireachtas? I am not going to refer to particular cases but the Supreme and High Courts need to look at the Constitution again. They are not the Constitution, Government or the Parliament of Ireland. They are the courts and have a particular function to which they should keep. If they do not do so the time will come for the Government of the day to put them in a more circumscribed position so that they will have to keep to their function. That needs to be said.

The committee also proposed that a 50p per annum increase in tax be placed on cigarettes over the lifetime of a Parliament, with all proceeds funding national youth and adult anti-smoking strategies. Not only is there no mention of such strategies here, it flies in the face of all evidence to propose a 10p increase on a 20 pack of cigarettes and not introduce such strategies. The Minister should work on this and, if necessary, he should take it to the EU and work with his colleagues on the matter. If necessary he should work with them to take this out of the consumer price index but he must work on this. We must put cigarettes beyond the affordability of children.

The committee also recommended that a new law prohibit persons holding office in the tobacco industry from also having a professional role in the health services. That should also be examined. The Minister should say to people: "If you want to work for the tobacco industry, fine, but you are not working for the health services at the same time". He should take the power to do so.

The committee also recommended that the Oireachtas equip the Office of Tobacco Control with powers of enforcement and a corps of inspectors to enforce the law. Will he confirm that the necessary resources will be made available? It should also be made a criminal offence to conceal the adverse health implications of any product, including tobacco. The Minister rightly said that the industry denied for decades that nicotine was addictive, that smoking and second hand smoke cause disease and that tobacco advertising recruits children and keeps adults smoking. He also mentioned the contents of tobacco, which the industry tried to keep secret; it knew the contents were damaging people's health so it tried to keep them secret.

The committee also recommended that at least £20 million per annum should be spent on a comprehensive anti-smoking strategy. What is the Minister doing to meet this proposal? There should also be penalties imposed on those importing tobacco illegally, given what we saw a couple of weeks ago. That recommendation is not just for reasons of tax and customs avoidance but on health grounds.

The organisation, Action for Smoking and Health, ASH Ireland, has made a number of points in this regard. Specifically it states the need to have the following matters clarified: the timeframe for implementation of the Bill's various sections and a timeframe for the necessary regulations emanating from the Bill to be clearly stated as well as the need to more clearly define the terms "advertisement", "sponsorship" and "patronage" and the need to ensure the Internet is included. ASH Ireland questions the need to change the name of the existing Office for Tobacco Control to the Tobacco Control Agency and believes there is now an opportunity to create, on a statutory basis, the research institute for a tobacco free society in partnership with ASH Ireland either directly or in a similar manner to the tobacco free council. ASH also states that it should be illegal to sell tobacco to a minor – someone under 18 years – that all sales of cigarettes from vending machines should be banned, which was also suggested by the Oireachtas committee, and that the onus of responsibility for ensuring that tobacco is not sold to minors should be at least that relating to the sale of alcohol. The Minister should consider that.

ASH Ireland recommends that smoking in all public places should be banned except in those areas permitted by way of regulation by the Minister, that the workplace is worthy of specific mention, as are public houses and that the Minister should retain the right to publish the composition of tobacco products without recourse to the High Court, which I strongly support. The organisation is aware that many Deputies have already been approached by vested interests in an attempt to weaken the Bill. Representatives of ASH Ireland know that the tobacco industry, which is in conflict with the Oireachtas because of its failure to appear before the Joint Committee on Health and Children, has briefed retail organisations on methods of lobbying Deputies to weaken the Bill. I would like the Minister to clarify if he has any information on that. I have met retailers and I would hate to think that they had been briefed by those who will not attend meetings of the joint committee.

ASH Ireland is anxious to make Deputies aware of the link between the tobacco industry and retailers. Many retail premises have been refurbished by associates of the tobacco industry, at practically no charge, in return for affording prime shelf space to tobacco products. There is substantial evidence to suggest that most retailers are happy to sell tobacco products to children. Retailers have told me that they will have problems with this Bill's proposal that tobacco should be stored in a part of a shop where it is not visible. It would be better for retailers if they could store tobacco somewhere close at hand, rather than having to leave the till unattended to go to another part of the shop. It was suggested that part of the shop counter, screened from children and other customers, could be used for storage purposes. This would meet both the objectives of the Bill and the concerns of retailers. I would welcome the Minister's opinion on the idea.

The Minister for Health and Children said that this Bill provides for the establishment of the Tobacco Control Agency and for the charging of a fee by the agency for registration. Will the Minister confirm that the registration fee will be a once-off payment and can he outline what the fee will be? I agree that cigarettes should not be sold in packets of less than 20, which was a recommendation of my report. I fully agree with this Bill's prohibition of the sale of confectionery resembling cigarettes, a product which is normally intended for children. It is perverse that such a product should be available. The Minister said that the agency may require manufacturers to provide information relating to the composition of tobacco products and that testing of tobacco products may also be required. I welcome these proposals, although perhaps the "may" should be "shall". The agency should be given every possible power to carry out these controls.

During the passing of this Bill, the House should have the opportunity to deal with some of the concerns I have mentioned and I hope the Minister will address them. The Joint Committee on Health and Children should be allowed deal with this Bill as it sees fit on Committee Stage. The population of this country is over 3.8 million and I would not be surprised if the next census reveals the population to be four million. If the Irish population was equal to that of France, Irish people would collectively die 13 million years younger than the people of France do at present. That may seem like a peculiar statistic, but I have chosen it to highlight that two important factors, smoking and drinking, are killing the Irish people before their time. I urge the Minister to take strong steps to deal with these issues, not only by prohibiting, but by putting in place a pro-active strategy. Earlier, and also in my report, I mentioned two possible strategies, an anti-smoking strategy and a fight against the drinks industry.

It is perverse that our national game of hurling should be sponsored by Guinness, a company in my constituency. Many people are grateful for the employment given by Guinness, but I make no apology for saying that Guinness has gone over the top in promoting its links with hurling. Full-page advertisements have appeared in newspapers on the days of big hurling matches, suggesting that Guinness is good for everything from the cure to the celebration. It is completely over the top. The Minister said his Department is sponsoring a snooker tournament with a heavy anti-smoking promotion, but consistency is not evident in the fact that a drinks company is allowed to sponsor our national game. There is something seriously wrong as alcohol does as much damage as tobacco, if not more.

I will try to strengthen this Bill by tabling amendments on Committee Stage. I hope the Minister will consider the points I have made and I ask him to introduce specific regulations in relation to pubs. It may be not be practical to ban smoking in pubs overnight, but we should try to phase it in over a period of time.

It can be done.

I would like to see it specifically set out.

I am afraid I have to go to the Seanad to deal with Committee Stage of the Twenty-fifth Amendment of the Constitution (Protection of Human Life in Pregnancy) Bill. My departure has nothing to do with the fact that Deputy McManus is about to speak. The Minister of State, Deputy Moffatt, will listen to the points she has to make.

That is fine. I hope Senators give the Minister a hard time.

Is the Minister going to a party?

No, I am not. I will be in the Seanad until midnight.

In welcoming this Bill, I have to say it has been signalled so often by the Minister that many people outside the House are surprised that it has not already been passed. The Minister's announcements about smoking have become part of the ritual of Ash Wednesday, so it is something of a relief that the Bill is now before us.

Before we consider the provisions of the Bill, it is important to set out the context within which this debate is taking place. Smoking-related illnesses account for 500,000 deaths in Europe every year, 7,000 of whom die in Ireland. It is estimated that 85% of smokers started to smoke before the age of 18. It is important that we remember that the deaths of thousands of citizens are premature and preventable. If such a large amount of people died from any other cause, the Oireachtas would deem it a crisis of major proportions. Addiction to tobacco continues to be ignored and the measures taken to tackle the problem are minimal.

While anti-smoking publicity campaigns have limited benefit, it is clear that the simple measure of increasing the price of cigarettes is effective and reaches those most in need of attention. The price of cigarettes is a public health issue which could have been taken on board by the Government in last week's budget, but the opportunity was not taken. Young people need to be protected from the risk of getting hooked on cigarettes. There is clear evidence that a significant increase in the price of tobacco would have a much greater impact on smokers than a series of small, phased increases. The Minister for Finance announced a small increase that will do nothing to deter young people from smoking. The budget amounted to another missed opportunity and another rejection by the Minister of Finance of the Minister for Health and Children.

ASH Ireland has argued trenchantly for an increase of 2 on a packet of 20 cigarettes and in 1999, Dr. Luke Clancy asked for an increase of £1. This shows that the recent 10p increase is too slim and will not make a blind bit of difference. ASH Ireland has pointed out that taxation of tobacco products has a unique role to play in the development of a price policy aimed at discouraging consumption. The influence of price on consumption is important, as there are three main effects when the price of tobacco increases, namely, a reduction in consumption, particularly among young people, a lowering of morbidity levels in the population as a whole and an increase in Government revenue.

The fact that smoking levels have increased in recent years is worrying, but I am particularly worried by the increased use of tobacco by women and the alarming increase in the amount of children and young people taking up the habit. We know that teenagers are least responsive to health messages and most receptive to price levels. Research shows that young people starting to smoke are particularly susceptible to price disincentives. The World Bank Group has produced a report on the economics of tobacco control which endorses the view that price levels can and do influence consumer behaviour when it comes to smoking. The report says that scores of studies have shown that increased taxes reduce the number of smokers and the number of smoking-related deaths.

It also points out that price increases induce some smokers to quit and prevent others from becoming regular or persistent smokers. They also reduce the number of former smokers who return to smoking cigarettes and reduce the consumption among continuing smokers. It further points out that children and adolescents are more responsive to changes in the price of consumer goods than adults.

Debate adjourned.
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