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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 26 Feb 2002

Vol. 549 No. 3

Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, 2002: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I am pleased to bring my sixth Social Welfare Bill before the House. This is the second of two Bills before the House to implement the record £850 million increased social welfare package in budget 2002. Deputies will recall that a separate Bill was enacted in December last to give effect to the substantial increases in weekly social welfare payments from the beginning of January and to PRSI changes from 1 March next. This Bill implements a number of key improvements in social welfare schemes such as increases in child benefit and improvements for carers, as announced in the budget and includes a range of other measures.

I am proud to say that during its period in office this Government has more than fulfilled its commitments on social inclusion made to the people in our programme for Government. Over this period, unemployment has been reduced to one of the lowest levels in the EU. Almost 100,000 people have left the live register. Despite this, there has been a massive increase in spending on social welfare from £4.5 billion in 1997 to more than £7.4 billion, €9.2 billion, this year – an increase of almost two-thirds in five years.

There have been substantial increases in child benefit rates to more than treble what was being paid in 1997 and substantial real increases in social welfare pensions with old age contributory pensioners now receiving €147.30, £116, per week compared to £78 in 1997. There have been significant improvements for carers with the result that there are now more than 19,500 carers receiving a carer's payment compared to 9,000 in 1997 as well as the introduction of new family services to protect the family and support the stability of family life.

As Members will already have considered it in detail, I will focus on a number of key provisions. Child benefit is a universal payment made directly to families. As such, it is the most efficient and effective way in which the Government can channel help to children. Before we came into office expenditure on child benefit was £397 million annually. The increases announced in Budget 2002 and provided for in Section 2 of this Bill bring investment in 2002 to €1.44 billion, £1.14 billion approximately, almost three times the 1997 figure.

The monthly rate for the first two children is being increased by €31.80, £25.04, per month and the monthly rate for the third and subsequent child is being increased by €38.10, £30.01, per month. These increases bring the monthly rates to €117.60, £92.60, and €147.30, £116.01, respectively. From April next a family with three children will receive €382.50, £301.24, compared to £221 at present – an increase of €101.70, £80, 36% per month. These substantial increases fulfil the Government's commitment set out in the Programme for Prosperity and Fairness. The move towards £100 for the third and subsequent children will be fully implemented from April next. Since 1997, the monthly rates of child benefit have increased threefold from £30 per month to £92.50 per month in the lower rate and from £39 to £116 in the higher rate of payment. In 1997 the child benefit increase for a family with three children was £7 per month; last year and this year the same family will get an increase of £80 per month in each year.

In the past two budgets alone child benefit increased by £50 overall, 118% for each of the first two children and by £60 overall, 107% for the third and all subsequent children. If returned to office, we will continue to give record increases in child benefit.

These increases of £25 and £30 compare starkly with the £1 and £5 increase given by Deputy Quinn as Minister for Finance in the last rainbow government.

What happened in 1985?

Shame on Deputy Broughan and all the Deputies on the opposite side of the House.

I hope I am not included.

The Deputy may get an opportunity to be first in favour of something for a change. The Bill brings forward the effective date for the 2002 increase to April next. However, the first pay-day in May is the earliest date from which it is possible for my Department to pay the increased rates. The majority of child benefit payments are made by means of books of payable orders which run from June to May. The new books from June next will contain orders at the increased rate in the normal course. The increase for April and May has, therefore, to be paid separately and May is the earliest date from which it is administratively possible to make this payment to these families.

What a sell out, I do not believe it.

If Deputy Hayes had accepted my invitation to go to the social affairs committee to hear my officials speak on the logistics of the delivery of these payments, he might have understood it. He did not do them the courtesy of turning up to the meeting.

Will the Deputies afford the Minister the courtesy of being heard without interruption. I have no doubt the Minister will afford the same courtesy to the Deputies in their turn.

The Minister enjoys a debate.

As I said earlier, if all the Deputies, particularly Deputy Hayes had taken up our invitation to hear what my officials had to say in regard to the practicality of the delivery of the record increases, he would have got the information from my officials rather than from me. I remind those Deputies who criticise us that last year we brought the effective payment date forward by three months, from September to June 2001 and this year we are again bringing it forward by a further two months. I mentioned earlier the increase of £1 and £5, given by Deputy Quinn in 1997. I remind those Deputies that these miserly increases provided by the rainbow government were announced in December 1996 but not paid until September 1997 – a full 10 months later. So do not criticise this Government.

We did not try to buy the public.

I am also introducing changes in the arrangements for entitlement to child dependent increases payable with short-term social welfare payments such as disability benefit and unemployment benefit. At present such increases cease to be payable once the child reaches his or her 18th birthday. Section 7 provides that from April next, where the child is receiving full-time education, these increases will continue to paid untiI the following 30 June. This is a first step in implementing the commitment in the programme for prosperity and fairness towards increasing the age limit to 22 years in line with the current arrangements for long-term payments.

This Government, over successive budgets, has introduced measures to develop the types of services and supports which provide practical assistance to this country's carers. As a result of changes introduced over the past five budgets, the number of carers receiving carer's allowance and carer's benefit has more than doubled from 9,700 to more than 19,000 and, expenditure has increased by more than 180%.

In this Bill we are continuing to honour our commitments supporting the valuable work undertaken by carers. In previous budgets I promised to move towards the stage whereby all carers, whose joint family income is at average industrial earnings, will qualify for carer's allowance at the maximum rate.

The Minister let them down.

Deputy, please allow the Minister.

Deputy Broughan keeps interrupting, but his party in office did little or nothing for the carers. His party's record is abysmal and now it is promising the sun, moon and stars. The so-called socialists are promising things that even Fine Gael, to be fair to it, is not promising this year.

In line with this commitment, I have again increased the disregards so that from April a couple can have a joint income disregard of €382 per week. This measure will increase the payments to 2,300 carers and ensure that an estimated 3,400 additional carers will qualify for a payment. This measure will be implemented by way of regulations with effect from April next.

One of the many measures I introduced in 1999 was a new annual respite care grant, payable to all carers in receipt of carer's allowance and to those who care for recipients of a constant attendance or prescribed relative's allowance. Section 3 of the Bill provides for a further enhancement of this payment through an increase in the amount of the grant from £400 to €635, or £500. In addition, carers caring for more than one care recipient will be entitled to a double respite care grant of €1,270, £1,000. These increases will become effec tive in June 2002, which is when the grant is next due.

The health strategy, which was recently launched by my colleague, the Minister for Health and Children, also bears out our commitment to improving services for older people, people with disabilities and their carers. This document proposes to reform existing arrangements, including the carer's allowance, to introduce an integrated care subvention scheme which maximises support for home care. The Department of Health and Children is working with my Department to develop proposals in this area. In addition, the strategy proposes that a co-ordinated action plan to meet the needs of ageing and older people be developed by the Department of Health and Children in conjunction with my Department, the Department of Public Enterprise and the Department of the Environment and Local Government. The strategy puts forward a number of other proposals relating to care planning, greater availability of short-term respite care and the development of primary care services, such as domiciliary care and day-care services. I look forward to playing a part in this integrated approach to developing better services for carers and the people for whom they care.

In late 2000 I initiated a study into long-term care funding, in both the private and public sectors, with a view to developing a strategy for future action. The study will examine the strategic issues involved in financing long-term care and will assess alternative financing and funding approaches and their feasibility. The study will encompass the financing of personal long-term care needs in the community and in institutional care, and the potential of the private sector or a combined public-private sector approach to developing new initiatives. Again, we have adopted a cross-cutting approach with the study being undertaken in consultation with the Departments of Health and Children and Finance, with which policy proposals arising from the report will be developed. I expect that the report to be published shortly after Easter.

Section 4 of the Bill updates the rate of widowed parent grant in primary legislation which was increased by regulations from £1,000 to €2,500, or £1,968, with effect from budget day, 5 December last. Sections 5 and 6 give effect to two other budget improvements aimed at assisting people who returned to the workforce but were subsequently forced to reapply for their original social welfare payments. Section 5 provides for the linking of disability benefit claims of five years' duration or more for up to 13 weeks in relation to periods of incapacity for work. This measure will ensure that people who return to employment following a prolonged illness and find after a short time that they are unable to continue with it can reapply for disability benefit without the need to satisfy the conditions for requalification.

Section 6 disregards periods spent on pre-retirement allowance for the purpose of linking two claims to unemployment assistance and for linking two claims to pre-retirement allowance, provided they occur within 52 weeks. Cases have arisen where people on pre-retirement allowance have resumed employment, but subsequently became unemployed. Under existing arrangements they must claim unemployment assistance and serve three waiting days before receiving payment. To avoid this disincentive it is now intended to allow such people to resume claiming pre-retirement allowance where the period spent in employment is less than 52 weeks.

Section 9 changes the qualifying conditions for entitlement to maternity and adoptive benefits by self-employed people. The main effect of the changes is to allow self-employed women greater flexibility in satisfying the PRSI contribution conditions for the benefits concerned and to bring them more into line with those applicable to employees.

Where is the paid parental leave the Minister promised? That is another broken promise.

Section 11 deals with the PRSI arrangements for the proposed personal retirement savings accounts – PRSAs – being introduced under the Pensions Bill, currently before the Seanad, and for other personal pension plans. The PRSAs will be a low-cost, easy-access, long-term personal investment account designed to allow people to save for their retirement in a flexible manner. It is proposed that payments toward such pensions will be treated like contributions made to existing occupational pensions for PRSI purposes, that is they will be exempt from PRSI. Where payments to such pensions are made through the payroll system, the necessary exemptions will be provided for under regulations governing the PAYE system. Section 11 deals with cases where the premium payments are made outside the payroll system. It provides for a refund of the PRSI contributions deducted from such payments over the course of a tax year.

Section 12 provides for the introduction of a public service identity to enhance the effectiveness of the personal public service number as a public service identifier. In the action programme for the Government, we promised to modernise public services to make them more relevant to the citizen and to improve access to public services by providing them electronically. This is a key element of our e-government strategy. Our aim is to put the customer first, rather than the supplier of the service, and to integrate services to make access to them as easy as possible. People want to be able to contact public services in the manner most appropriate to their needs, whether in person, by phone or letter or, increasingly, by going online. They want to be able to transact their business seamlessly without having to go from one agency to another repeating the same information.

To achieve this the Government has approved a new model, known as the public service broker, for the delivery of public services electronically. The broker is being developed by the Reach agency, which operates under the aegis of my Department and it will co-ordinate access to the full range of public services in a variety of ways, 24 hours a day, seven days a week. The building blocks for this new service were put in place through legislation I brought before this House in 1998. That legislation provided for the personal public service number as a public service identifier and as a framework for the sharing of information between agencies for specified services. I am proud to say that these arrangements have proven very effective in delivering social services to the public.

Section 12 introduces a further building block for this process with the introduction of a public service identity to act as a unique and secure identifier for public service customers. From the customer's point of view, the public service identity will be a speedy and efficient method of establishing who they are for the purposes of accessing and dealing with public service agencies. It will also mean that their identity can be better protected from inadvertent disclosure, theft or misuse by other persons. Section 12 defines the elements of the identity which will include, inter alia, the person's name, address, date of birth, sex, nationality and his or her PPS number. Where this data is collected from customers in their dealings with public service agencies, it will be used to maintain their identity in the event of a change, such as a new address. In addition, it is proposed that personal data collected at birth registration will also be used for this purpose. My Department will be responsible for managing access by public service agencies to a person's public service identity as part of its management of the existing PPS database. This measure will lead to improved administrative efficiency and effectiveness across all public service agencies, reduce bureaucracy and begin the process of eliminating red tape.

Section 14 strengthens the powers of the Revenue Commissioners in relation to the collection of PRSI contributions. It allows the Revenue Commissioners to offset repayment of taxes against outstanding liabilities for PRSI and extends the provisions of the Taxes Acts regarding publication of the names of tax defaulters where the settlement is greater than €12,700 to PRSI contributions.

Section 15 provides for an amendment to the Charities Acts, removing the financial limit attached to the use of the cy pres doctrine. In the White Paper on supporting voluntary activity, published in September 2000, the Government announced that responsibility for charity regulatory matters and the Commissioners of Charitable Donations and Bequests would transfer from the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform to my Department. This transfer of responsibilities was effected last July. The White Paper also recognised the need for a more modern legal framework for the charity sector and stated the Government's commitment to ensuring the introduction of comprehensive legislation on regulation of charities and charitable fundraising. The work of reviewing the legislation, currently under way in my Department, will be accompanied by broad public consultation on the appropriate regulatory framework and the nature and extent of the legislative reform required.

Pending completion of this process of reform, I take this opportunity to address a matter which is of considerable concern to many charities. The Charities Acts allow the Commissioners to frame so-called "cy pres” schemes, which allow the original objectives of a charity to be altered, usually because these objectives can no longer be carried out. This may arise in the case of funds left to an orphanage which no longer exists. In such circumstances the Commissioners could use the cy pres provisions to divert these funds to the nearest contemporary use, such as the children's ward of a local hospital. This is a very valuable service for charities and is provided free of charge by the Commissioners. However, there is currently a monetary limit of £250,000 on cases in which the Commissioners have discretion to alter charitable provisions. In cases above this limit charities are obliged to take the matter to the High Court and bear the considerable costs that can be associated with this course of action. This proposal will increase the powers of the commissioners by abolishing the current monetary limit on their determination of such applications and in doing so will provide a valuable service to all charities. Resulting savings can be directed towards charitable purposes rather than legal fees which could significantly deplete such transfers.

Parts IV and VIII of the Schedule to the Bill amends the Births, Deaths and Marriages Acts to facilitate the initial implementation of a new computerised system of registering life events. Civil registration touches on each and every one of us at important stages in our lives, beginning with the registration of our births and ending when our deaths are registered. In between those events, civil registration affects us during our lives, both directly, as in the case of getting married, or indirectly when certificates are required for many of the services that are available in our society such as enrolling a child in school, getting a passport, taking up employment or claiming a social welfare payment.

Due to the importance of civil registration and recognising the changing needs of customers, the Government gave approval for expenditure of some £7.3 million on a programme to modernise the Civil Registration Service. While there has been little change to the basic registration procedures since 1864, there have been many changes in our society, major developments in technology and increased expectations by citizens in how public services should be delivered.

My Department, in conjunction with the Department of Health and Children, has been engaged in the review of the entire registration system, including registration law. The review also examined the structure of registration on a national basis to identify the changes needed to capitalise on the use of modern computer technology to capture registration information in an electronic format at the point of registration. The objective is to implement a modern and customer focused service geared to the needs of the 21st century. The modernisation of the registration service will benefit all citizens by providing increased flexibility, in accessing and delivering the service.

It is intended to publish a comprehensive civil registration Bill later this year which will provide a framework for new administrative structures for the General Registrar Office the introduction of new registers of divorce and civil nullity and changes in the procedures for registering the events – births, stillbirths, adoptions, marriages and deaths.

Why did the Minister not introduce the full Bill?

There are approximately 104,000 events registered each year – 52,000 births; 500 stillbirths; 16,000 marriages; 31,000 deaths; 500 adoptions; 2,000 re-registrations; and 2,000 amendments. In addition, 400,000 certificates are produced and 1.2 million searches-inquiries are carried out each year.

The Registration of Births and Deaths Acts, 1863 and 1996, and the Marriages Acts, 1844 and 1863, provide for the manner in which births, deaths and marriages may be registered and for the maintenance of a permanent record of vital events by An t-Árd Chláraitheoir. These Acts also set out the manner in which the public may access the records and obtain certified copies of individual records. The Schedule to the Bill provides for the amendment of the registration Acts to facilitate the introduction later this year of the electronic registration of births and deaths which will represent the first phase of the modernisation programme.

The Bill also includes provisions to allow for the capture and storing in electronic format of all registration records created since 1845, about 20 million records in all. The electronic capture of historical data is of fundamental importance to the success of the modernisation programme. Currently, a person can get a certificate only in the district in which the event was registered, or from the GRO. When the records are computerised it will be possible to get a certificate at any registrar's office around the country for any event registered in the State. For example, at present if one were born in Donegal and lived in Cork, one would have to write or call to the registrar in Donegal or to the GRO for a birth certificate. When the records are computerised one will be able to call to the local registrar in Cork for such a certificate.

Tomorrow the Taoiseach and I will launch "Building an Inclusive Society", a document which reaffirms this Government's commitment to social inclusion.

It is a bit late.

It is a document which signals the route we wish to take in the years ahead in our efforts to effectively eliminate poverty in this country. It also reflects on the significant progress we have made in reducing poverty and social exclusion over the years since the national anti-poverty strategy was launched.

Deputy Broughan is mumbling over there.

I am not. The Minister's social inclusion is five years too late.

The fact is the increases we delivered in the last budget are in line with the targets set in the benchmarking group which were issued recently. Therefore, the Deputy can stop his mumbling.

It took the Minister five years.

Building an Inclusive Society, the revised national anti-poverty strategy, is the culmination of a year's work in this area. The process involved a review of the methodology underlying the strategy as well as a review and revision, where appropriate, of existing targets. In addition, new targets in the areas of child poverty, women's poverty, older people, housing-accommodation and health are also included.

After the economic progress we have seen in the past few years, it was deemed necessary, in the light of the substantial achievement of the original targets, to reinvigorate our policies on social inclusion. This required a root and branch review of the national anti-poverty strategy in consultation with the social partners.

Working groups were established under various themes to facilitate the review process. The reports of the working groups were compiled into a framework document from which the new strategy has drawn extensively. The results will allow us to refocus our efforts to eliminate poverty and the revised NAPS represents the best possible plan to do so.

It is a balanced and thorough assessment of our current economic and social situation, recognising the problems that remain and setting targets and policy actions to address these. It reinforces the belief that cross-cutting problems require cross-cutting solutions. Our commitment to strengthening the institutional mechanisms which support the NAPS will help to ensure these solutions can be implemented effectively.

I hope the House has benefited from this outline of the key provisions of the Bill. I look forward to the debate on it and commend it to the House.

As usual, the Minister likes to portray himself and the Government to the House and to the people as a gigantic tooth fairy going up and down the country handing out huge sums of money to people, but what he has forgotten is that this money belongs to the Irish people. It is not his money. It does not belong to the Fianna Fáil Party. We have come through an unprecedented period of economic growth in recent years, of which all Governments should be rightly proud. The fundamental question we must ask ourselves in the context of this and every other Bill dealing with the area of social exclusion is whether we have created a fairer society. That is the question we will address as we draw closer to the general election. When that question is put to the people, their answer will be that we have not got a fairer society as we enter the new millennium than that which existed in 1997. That is the acid test we must put to the people in due course but we will leave that to another day.

After nearly five years in office thankfully this is the last Social Welfare Bill this Administration will present to the House.

Hear, hear. The Minister is history.

How can the Deputy say such things and believe them?

Despite the more balanced approach taken to social welfare spending this year, the overall spending programme of the Government from 1998 to 2002 clearly demonstrates there is a fundamental bias at the heart of the Government in favour of the better off and wealthy in society.

I do not want to live in a country where people on modest incomes cannot afford to buy a house. I do not want to live in a country which corrals poverty into well-defined geographical urban and rural areas. I do not want to live in a country where the individual counts for more than the family, yet this is the reality. This Government has put more money into the pockets of many people in this society but has failed to bring about a fairer society in the past five years. It has had an unprecedented opportunity to transform public services so that the most vulnerable are protected. As the housing list multiplies and the two-tier nature of our health system becomes more evident, the Ireland of 2002 is a greedier and disintegrating place in which to rear a family thanks to the actions of this Government. Life has become harder rather than easier for tens of thousands of families.

Despite the efforts of the Minister, Deputy Dermot Ahern—

The Deputy's party wanted to throw them out of their houses and the Labour Party wanted to withdraw the child benefit from them.

A Cheann Comhairle, this is outrageous. The Minister's spin-doctors are spinning a pack of lies based on some question. I am the spokesperson for the Labour Party and I am very unhappy with the Minister's levels of child benefit.

Deputy Broughan, you will have 30 minutes to go into it.

I apologise to Deputy Hayes.

It is all right. I was just coming to a part of my speech more complimentary of the Minister.

I will stay quiet then.

Despite the efforts of the Minister, Deputy Ahern, to deal with the ever growing income gap between rich and poor, he knows and we know that the policymakers who hold most sway around the Cabinet table are the Ministers, Deputies McCreevy and Harney. It is their obsession with an unfair tax policy, which has allowed public services to fall behind, with social spending propping up the bottom of the league table of our EU partners. Unfortunately, Boston has won out in ideological, economic and social terms in the past five years. What of the opportunities the Government had in 1997 when it was handed an economy that was the envy of Europe? No other Government in the history of the State has been in a position to root out poverty. Unfortunately, we have had five wasted years.

The Bill will make little difference to poor people who have to struggle to make ends meet.

What about child benefit?

That struggle was accurately described in the analysis carried out before the budget by the Society of St. Vincent de Paul. It is a struggle where many families do not have adequate incomes to provide healthy food options each week and which sees more than 50,000 households without proper heating systems. Is it not amazing that, in today's wealthy society, these basic requirements are still regarded as a luxury for thousands of people?

I understand the Government will tomorrow publish the next phase of the national anti-poverty strategy, first adopted by the rainbow Government in 1997. Setting out a vision for the next five years, when this Administration has wasted the past five years, does not hold out much hope for people struggling to survive. The chance to make a difference was when the economy was flush with money. Many will see tomorrow's announcement as a cynical attempt to find favour with those who have been let down in recent years.

I am the first to recognise that poverty is more than just the issue of income. However, without a proper basic income linked to real income power within the economy, poverty will flourish. That is why it is vital that the majority recommendation of the social welfare benchmarking group be at the heart of the proposal and the project to be announced by the Minister and the Taoiseach tomorrow. The next phase of the national anti-poverty strategy will be worthless unless a commitment is made to move the lowest rate of social welfare significantly in the direction of 30% of gross average industrial earnings by 2007 at the latest.

In the course of his remarks, the Minister referred to the increase in social welfare for this year and, in part, to last year. The commitment the all-party Oireachtas committee wants is not for one or two years but over a period whereby those on the lowest incomes can see a real increase in their income share. We must ensure that is part of the strategy. We know of the implacable opposition of the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment to the report when it was first produced. That is clearly documented in their officials' reports which set out the assessment of the Department of Finance. Unless something dramatic has changed since then and there is a move in the direction of the all-party committee recommendation made some months ago following a motion put by me and other colleagues, the national anti-poverty strategy will not be worth its salt. Tomorrow we will see the contents of the Minister's announcement. I expect that recommendation to be a central feature of the national anti-poverty strategy. If it is, I will welcome it. If not, I will condemn the Government for failing to implement a strategy which I know the Minister and his officials support. Otherwise, we would not have seen officials sign up to the report when it was first produced.

Despite the Minister's assertion that the record – his word, not mine – increase in social welfare benefits will help fight poverty, the latest information from the incomplete household budget survey highlights the extent of the widening income gap in society. It shows that the disposable income of the lowest 10% of households increased by only 33% compared to 62% for the highest 10% of households. Also, when the income of pensioners is considered, it shows that 38% of pensioners live in the lowest 20% of households in terms of income compared to 30% five years earlier. Poorer households are not keeping pace with average earnings. While we have seen significant reductions in consistent poverty, something of which we should be proud and which I am the first to recognise, on which I congratulate the Government and the previous Administration, the real problem is relative income poverty which has grown significantly in recent years. It is not good enough to say it is a function of employment. Taxation and social welfare policies are central if something significant is to be done about relative income poverty.

Poverty is wider than income. In many key areas of public policy, the gap between rich and poor has grown in the past five years. We have a two-tier health system, more than 120,000 people are unable to obtain any form of social housing, the lack of child care for poorer families prevents access to employment, too many poorer communities have become no-go areas for the Garda, carers are treated with contempt and public transport locks out many from participating in wider society. The real record of the Government and of the Minister responsible for developing an anti-poverty strategy is one of failure in the past five years.

I want to shine a light on an Ireland the Government refuses to see. Ministers turn their backs and walk away from this reality. Tonight, tomorrow night, next week and in the weeks ahead almost 5,000 people will sleep in doorways, on park benches and under bridges in cities and towns throughout the country.

The Deputy wanted to add to it. He wanted to throw people out of their homes.

We should not proceed in this manner.

No, I did not. There is a fundamental distinction between helping communities fight anti-social activity and ensuring there is shelter for everyone.

The Deputy penalised parents whose children misbehaved.

Let us have an orderly debate.

I was penalising those families to whom the Minister was not prepared to stand up.

It was a disgraceful and despicable policy.

The same policy is already part of legislation that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform brought through the House.

I say shame on you.

Order, please.

I do not know why the Minister attacks a policy that is part of the Children Act and similar legislation which a Minister of his Government brought through the House.

Of the 5,000 homeless people, almost 2,000 are mentally ill. As a result of their mental illness, their lives are confused and chaotic. They are among the most vulnerable people in our community, yet they have been abandoned by the State. Their abandonment is highlighted by an unbelievable procedure which is straight from a novel by Kafka. On the one hand, they cannot be officially classified as homeless by health boards unless they live in a hostel for three months, while on the other hand, they are not entitled to a place in a hostel unless they are classified as homeless.

It is the story of people who are homeless which, more than any other, exposes the hypocrisy of the Government when it suggests that poverty has been a priority of its period in office. All the reports and the fine aspirations we have had to endure cannot explain the abject failure of the Government to provide the most basic right of all, the right to shelter. No anti-poverty strategy can explain why people in a rich country have to go without a home.

I cannot let this opportunity pass without referring to the elaborate advertising campaign that has been launched by the Minister in the past six months. He fails to understand the fundamental distinction between giving information to clients of his Department, "customers" as he calls them, and the naked abuse of public funds for his own political ends. We all agree members of the public have a right to know their entitlements, and many of us in Opposition inform them of decisions taken by the House, regardless of whether we agree with them.

They use taxpayers' money to do so.

Order, please.

That comes to all political parties.

They also bleat on as if they were responsible for the increases when, in fact, they voted against them.

Order, please. I would ask—

I pay for my material to be produced and I deliver it myself.

The Opposition parties voted against the increases.

I do not have the luxury the Minister has of putting his hand into the coffers of his Department for this purpose.

Will the Deputy give way?

Order, please.

I took some solace from the fact that James Dillon promoted a campaign in 1949 using the slogan "Kill the old hen" to increase the productivity of the hen population. He appended his name to the advertisements. There is a good precedent for what has been done.

He was trying to become leader of Fine Gael at the time.

That information comes from one of the Fine Gael Party's acolytes.

I have read the biography by the distinguished Member of the other House. That campaign followed the economic war of the Government of Mr. de Valera which brought about the end of the poultry industry in the country. Mr. Dillon may have had a point in doing that in war-like times but we do not live in such times now.

He used his own name.

We have changed in recent years. The Minister has abused his position and public funds in such a partisan way as we come closer to an election. Next he will put bumper stickers on his ministerial car between now and next May. This entire episode should be brought to an end, as should the playing around with the commencement dates for the increases under some schemes. I refer specifically to the debate which took place in this House and in the committee last December. The Minister is on record on 6 December 2001 as saying:

The effective date of payment for the child benefit will go from September in 1997 to be effective from April in 2002, the earliest date from which it was administratively possible to introduce these increases.

In reply to a question from me in the Select Committee on Family, Community and Social Affairs on Wednesday, 12 December, he replied in page 230 as follows:

The reason for this legislation is to ensure payments are made quickly. Child benefit and other increases will not take effect until 1 April and, thus, can be taken under next year's Social Welfare Bill.

I then put it to him that this would require legislation, to which he replied as follows:

Yes . . . the payments will not be paid until 1 April and the budget dictated that.

There is no mention of May. In his Second Stage contribution—

Will the Deputy give way?

The Minister will have his time to respond.

Will the Deputy give way?

It is not in order. The requests to give way are very exceptional.

I gave way earlier and the Minister had egg on his face in regard to the poultry industry. I now respectfully suggest he can respond in his 15 minutes. The Minister did not mention May.

It was always the case and it was indicated in the fact sheet.

The Minister did not mention May to the House or to the select committee. He did not mention May at all.

I did, all the time.

What are we faced with now? We are now faced with a Minister who, in a shabby way is bringing about this new commencement date for child benefit in the first week of May when we will be fighting an election. If ever there was an example of an abuse of power it is this. He did not get it from the boots of his former leader to whom he aspired. There was no mention of May in the House or in the select committee, yet May is the new commencement date for child benefit. He had his Valentine's Day love-bombing to a significant number of social welfare claimants just a few weeks ago. There is his May day pay-out on child benefit. We have seen gross overspending on advertising for his own ends. Where will this end?

They are already thanking the Government for the excellent increases.

We would not do ourselves a service in this House as Opposition Deputies if we did not point out this fact. The Minister thinks he will get away with this but the people will see through this kind of shabby deal. His strategy document makes a commitment to ensure the early delivery of payments under all the schemes operated by his Department. Here is an example where he told the House last December he would make the payments in April but, suddenly, a few months prior to the election, he decides to transfer payments to May to ensure Fianna Fáil and others get the maximum hit for the measure. That is not the way to conduct public policy or deliver payments. It is against the strategy of his own Department and I suspect Deputy Broughan and I will return to this issue on Committee Stage.

It is a scandal that in just two months of this year more money has been spent by the Minister on advertising than throughout the entire 12 month period of 1998.

The increase in child benefit rates is welcome and will over time provide the basis for a proper rate of child support for all children. The target set out over 2002-03 is only catching up with progress that should have been made earlier in the lifetime of this Administration. In 1997, 17% or approximately one in six Irish children were living in severe or consistent poverty. Though this rate has been falling in recent years and is now estimated to have dropped to one in eight, Ireland still has one of the highest rates of child poverty in Europe. We need to address the issue of child poverty not just from the perspective of income but from the perspective of many other related areas of public policy. The welcome increase in child benefit does not target increased expenditure on children who live in poorer families. This Bill and the 2001 Social Welfare Bill have done nothing to target additional support to families living on social welfare. This side of the House has repeatedly requested the Government to reform the existing child dependant allowance scheme. The only way to target and provide a financial cushion to children from poorer backgrounds is to significantly increase child dependant allowances and to standardise the rates as a priority payment. It is disgraceful that no progress has been made in this regard.

Not enough is being done to help poorer communities provide child care facilities at a subsidised cost so that a parent or parents can take up employment. The small increase in the back-to-school clothing and footwear allowance scheme does not address the considerable costs involved in sending children to school. The difficulty involved in sending poorer children to college has not been addressed during the lifetime of this Government. Equally, the expansion of breakfast clubs has been at a snail's pace and this initiative is recognised as one of the more effective anti-poverty measures which the Government can bring about. In health, as in education, the past five years have seen a further deterioration in the ability of poorer communities to access decent health care strategies. This is particularly the case when children are considered.

Despite what the Minister for Health and Children told the House last week, the policy of the Government in respect of medical card entitlements following the increase in social welfare payments has led to widespread confusion among the general public. I often wonder does the Minister for Social, Community and Family Affairs speak to his colleagues, Deputies Martin or McCreevy. The lack of communication became evident over the Christmas period as we all discovered that some social welfare recipients were set to lose their medical cards because their increased social welfare payments outstripped the new income limits for medical cards. I want to give examples of this, which I understand were first exposed just last week at Cabinet.

The Deputy is wrong.

The Minister should desist as he will have a right to reply.

Following that, the Minister for Health and Children hurriedly sent out a memo to chief executives in various health boards informing them of this. For instance, prior to 1 January 2002, the contributory pension payment to a widow or widower aged 66 to 69 was €129.51 and the medical card income limit exemption for a single person, living alone, aged between 66 and 69, was €138.40. Therefore, that person qualified for a medical card. Since 1 January, as a result of the social welfare changes, the payment increased to €144 but the income limit threshold for the medical card was €144. The same applies to invalidity pension, disability allowances and unemployment benefit. There was absolutely no communication between the Minister's Department and the Department of Health and Children. Therefore, for a period of at least three months people wondered whether the increased social welfare payment would mean they would lose the secondary benefit of a medical card.

People in my constituency, and I suspect in other constituencies, were asking this question. Suddenly the Government realised there was a particular problem and, following a high level meeting, either at Cabinet or somewhere else, it decided it would have to square off the problem. That is an example of the lack of co-ordination on issues of poverty and social exclusion on which a Cabinet sub-committee is working on a daily basis. When the gaffe was discovered, all and sundry went to ground and an embarrassing memo was hurriedly sent to all health boards. This episode highlights the complete lack of co-ordination surrounding issues that affect poverty. What discussions had the Minister for Social, Community and Family Affairs with the Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Martin, about this? Was there no early warning system within the Minister's Department that could have alerted his officials to this discrepancy? If some of the 78 press advisers employed by the Government were helping to co-ordinate policy instead of carrying out a Stazi-like monitoring of the media, we would all be in a better position.

The Deputy is being unfair to the civil servants.

The spin doctors.

I am talking about the spin doctors, not the civil servants.

They were all political appointees.

Order, please.

I am not sure whether it was the reference to spin doctors or Stazi-like that irked the Minister. An answer must be had to the question of how many social welfare recipients will loose their medical cards because of the increase in their social welfare payments?

I want to point to another lack of co-ordination, which I pointed out on 10 January last. The Minister is aware that—

What about the money the Deputy was seeking for widows?

Is the Minister referring to those over or under 66, because he claims credit for the ones under 66 as well? The Minister is aware that, as a way of compensating for tax individualisation, the Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, introduced the home carers tax credit some years ago. It was a way of compensating one-income households as against two-income households. It was a tax credit that could be given where a spouse was at home looking after a family relation or friend. It allowed that person to work for a short period of time in any week, up to a maximum income limit of £5,000, as it then was, while still being able to claim the home carers tax credit.

For the purposes of income, social welfare rates are regarded as income, admitting that this excludes carer's allowance and carer's benefit. Every other pound or euro of social welfare payment is regarded as income. Thousands of people who are currently getting the home carers tax credit – the husband or wife, depending on who is the principal income earner in the household – will lose it because the increases in social welfare rates have not been matched by an increase in the income threshold for the home carers tax credit. My party has tabled specific amendments to the Finance Bill today in regard to this issue. The Minister for Finance has not taken them on board, despite the fact that he gave me a commitment in December that he would consider the issue. I speak of another example of a lack of co-ordination between the Minister, who increases social welfare, and the Minister for Finance, who is responsible for another area of policy that delivers small increases to people's incomes. We will return to that matter.

With regard to the provisions in the Bill, I welcome unreservedly the respite carer's grant increase. It is right and proper. However, I do not believe the problem concerns grants but finding respite care beds for people. The Minister knows that as much as any of us in the House.

I also welcome the widowed parent grant. That was a good measure, for which I compliment the Minister. I am not overtly negative just for the sake of it. I have repeatedly encountered widows who have not been aware of the availability of this grant. The take-up on this grant is not as high as it should be. We have to address it by way of some form of additional—

More publicity.

This is an important issue. I recognise that something has been done on this side. I have come across a large number of people who have been unaware of this grant. We need to couple it with the bereavement grant to make it more readily available.

We will have a chance on Committee Stage of looking at Part 3 of the Bill. I echo what Deputy Broughan said in his response to the Minister earlier. We were promised the Civil Registration Bill. It now seems that some of the provisions the Minister is bringing forward in the Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill are directly taken from that Bill.

The Minister is covering himself.

That could well be a positive thing – we will have to look into it.

The Deputy is trying to get in before the election.

One of the issues I have raised continually is the amount of time it takes to get a child benefit payment. I should declare an interest in this regard. When my wife and I applied in late November, I wondered how long it would take before we were paid, and we have not been paid yet. A problem exists in terms of speedy payments of child benefit. If this section ensures that there is a much easier way to initiate the child benefit payments from maternity wards all the way through to the registration office – from my reading of it, it will – it is to be welcomed.

This Bill is important not because of what it says but because of what it does not say. My party and I have argued consistently that the focus on income power should be directed at those who need it most. Apart from the issue of income, in terms of a number of public services that are affecting people in this country, we have not seen a fairer society. I will be calling for substantial amendments to this Bill. I know the normal course for Social Welfare Bills makes it virtually impossible for the Minister to accept amendments from this side of the House. We will do our best to point out the deficiencies that exist in this Bill and the failure on the part of the Government, over five years, to spend the wealth of the Celtic tiger in a fair and equitable manner.

Is that a big tongue I see in the Deputy's cheek?

The Minister would know all about that.

I welcome several elements of the Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, 2002, which were discussed in the House today. Many would ask why we needed this second Bill and why we could not have had, in the normal course of events, a comprehensive Social Welfare Bill both to increase rates of payment and to reform some aspects of the social welfare code, which requires reformation.

The Bill forms a part of the cynical and unnecessary manipulation of the social welfare changes by the outgoing Government and the outgoing Minister. This has been highlighted in the letter I quoted earlier to the Dáil, concerning County Carlow and other parts of the country, in which the Minister, Deputy Dermot Ahern, addressed all his customers. It is a wonder he did not address them by simply saying "Dear constituent, . . ." and make it—

They were not all my constituents.

—a straightforward and clear political letter. The Government knew for over three years that the process of bringing back social welfare payments and aligning the tax year and the calendar social welfare year was well in train. A Government that stayed in power for so long could surely have organised affairs last autumn so we could have had an early budget. We did not—

It would have made no difference.

We did not need those special books in February and April, which would have allowed the Minister to give the Taoiseach a number of election windows, if necessary, if the Government had finally collapsed.

The Deputy is cynical.

Yes, because many people on social welfare feel very cynical about it. They believe that they have been manipulated crudely in this regard.

Another question concerns the first cheque in the book, which arrived a few weeks ago. To what extent are the people who received that entitled to interest on the number of weeks during which it was held from 1 January?

Hear, hear.

What about when Deputy Broughan was in office?

A distinguished journalist, Vincent Brown, said: "If it was any other group of citizens and they were told that they were entitled to a payment from 1 January, they would be looking for the interest payment on it." Certainly, my constituents say to me that if they owed a bill to a Department, the Revenue Commissioners or whatever, it would have to be paid back with interest. It seems the Minister has opened up a can of worms in the sense that he could have adopted a straightforward approach last year. He did not do so because the Minister for Finance overruled him, as he always does. With his fellow Progressive Democrats-Fianna Fáiler, Deputy Harney, the Minister for Finance overruled the Minister and did not allow him to have an early budget or facilitate social welfare recipients. He insisted that payments would have to be backdated by special arrangement early in 2002. The same was done to the child benefit increase. It appeared to many that child benefit was also to be backdated to 1 January. That impression was given to constituents and media commentators.

The Deputy does not listen.

The Minister told us in the House.

We do not know whether to believe departmental officials or the Minister's spin doctors.

The increase was always to be paid in April.

These spin doctors release attacking statements in the Minister's name on a variety of subjects, many of which have nothing to do with social, community or family affairs. In this instance, the spin doctors got it badly wrong.

The Deputy must be stinging.

The Minister often reminds us how he brought social welfare payments back by a number of weeks. The social partners agreed in the national development plan that we would move to a comprehensive tax and social welfare year from 1 January 2002. I believe it was a Government, of which the former Taoiseach, Deputy Charles Haughey, was leader, which pushed a number of social welfare benefits to the latest possible date in the operational year in order that the impact on the Department of Finance would be as small as possible in the calendar year.

It is unfortunate that the Bill is being debated during a period of cynical electioneering by the Government. It is unfortunate that, for this reason, we are unable to discuss many of its elements in a calm and rational manner, as we could have done had the Minister acted along the lines I advised.

The Minister is one of the longest serving Ministers for Social Welfare or Social, Community and Family Affairs in the history of the State.

He has described his Department as Angola.

He has introduced six Bills. I will evaluate his record. When the Labour Party, or Democratic Left, was in charge of the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs some major innovations were put in place. The Social Welfare Commission and the Combat Poverty Agency were established while the national anti-poverty strategy was initiated by Deputy De Rossa.

That was navel gazing. The Deputy's party did nothing for the people. It did not deliver any money to them.

Former Deputy Barry Desmond and the late Deputy Frank Cluskey had very distinguished records. They extended the work of the Department during the years when the Labour Party and Democrat Left were in government.

The House and the public will find it hard to remember a major initiative taken by the Minister during the past five years—

Advertising.

—besides advertising himself. He has taken no major initiative which will impact on our people or be remembered as Dermot Ahern's achievement.

The payment of pensions to people who worked pre-1953.

They will all be dead before they get it.

This Administration has been lethargic and lacklustre.

The introduction of the euro has impacted on social welfare recipients and their families. The Government has not put in place a system of joined up government. Departments do not consult each other or work closely together. The Government had no plan of action for the introduction of the euro, probably one of the most important issues in the history of the Irish nation. A changeover board was appointed and the manufacture and distribution of the coinage and notes was succesful, but no action was taken regarding the impact of the new currency, particularly on low income families. Througout his period in office the Minister has been a grotesque failure with regard to poverty proofing of Government actions. This was seen clearly in budget 2002, when only a page and a half of basic poverty proofing was presented by the Minister for Finance, but there was no major analysis of the impact of the budget on the poorer sections of society.

It was my experience throughout 2001 that there was massive inflation in several areas, particularly the retail grocery trade. Basic grocery items increased significantly in price, particulary in the grocery retail chains, but no one appeared to be watching this. My colleague, Deputy Rabbitte, repeatedly recommended that the Government take a supervisory role and, in desperation, even called for a price freeze. As he pointed out, the other 14 countries were carefully monitoring prices. Our country was in the unique situation that our old currency unit was larger than the new one. This is the reason our wallets are now full of what some of my constituents call a pile of washers. Throughout last year there was serious inflation which had a negative impact on the poorest people. Newspapers such as The Irish Times monitored prices for a week or two before and after the introduction of the euro and found no change, but the change was happening throughout last year.

In addition, there has been massive inflation in a range of goods. I compliment the Consumers Association of Ireland, the Irish Independent and Sunday Independent which have highlighted what they rightly call a euro rip-off in a range of goods, including insurance, medical care and dispensing machines. Business people, out to make a quick buck, have surreptitiously increased prices by 10 or 20 cents on a range of goods. The effect of the €10 increase in social welfare payments has already been completely eroded and this is only late February.

The Deputy has a hard neck.

As I told the Taoiseach a few weeks ago, the miserable increase of €10 has already been wiped out. There has been significant and deliberate price inflation under the guise of the introduction of the euro.

A responsible Government would have closely monitored this situation and, if necessary, imposed a price freeze. We should have had a price freeze for several months beginning on 1 January, but the Minister and his colleagues did nothing about this problem. The work of the Vincentian Partnership and other studies of the income and expenditure of low income families show that much of the increase given in the budget has been evaporated in the introduction of the euro and by the Government's failure to invigilate it properly.

The Minister said earlier that the Minister of State, Deputy Tom Kitt, has been given the task of examining what happened. This is a case of shutting the stable door after the horse has bolted. What will the Minister of State tell us? He could have told us six months ago that every other equivalent Minister in the other 14 governments in Europe was trying to ensure that the rip-off that happened in rip-off Ireland under this rip-off Government would not happen. It need not have happened but it did. The net result is that this Bill and its predecessor have been largely negated by the grotesque inflation that has occurred across a range of goods.

It is regrettable this matter was not taken more seriously by the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs. The changeover was one of the great and significant changes in the life of this nation and, given the experience that is said to have happened 30 years ago with the introduction of decimalisation, we could have expected this problem. However, this is a lethargic, lacklustre Government. It is a time serving Government which just tries to get from day to day without making a significant attempt to improve people's lives.

The enduring legacy of this Minister will be that he presided over the biggest growth in the gap between rich and poor in any society in Europe over the past five years. The level of relative income poverty in a large section of the community continued to grow and the gap between the top two and bottom two or three deciles expanded dramatically during his term of office. That will be his enduring legacy.

Funny, the people do not think that.

It is said that all political careers end in failure. This Minister's career as Minister for Social, Community and Family Affairs is ending in failure and this will be the unfortunate legacy which the next Government will have to remedy.

The Deputy should be in the Palladium. He is a joker.

I am not telling the Minister this. I am relying on the last presentation by the Combat Poverty Agency in October 2001.

What about the ESRI?

The highest levels of income inequality in the European Union are seen in Ireland, the United Kingdom, Portugal and Spain. Ireland has one of the four most unequal societies in the EU. That is based on one of the studies by ESRI and the National University of Ireland in Maynooth. A few years ago, in the middle of the Minister's term of office, the bottom 10% of the population enjoyed less than 2% of the total disposable income whereas the top 10% consumed 26%, over a quarter, of total disposable income. The top 50% of the population had 77% of total income while the bottom 50% had only 23%. The Minister has played a role in that. He is significantly responsible for the growth in inequality.

A few weeks ago interesting figures were released by EUROSTAT which showed Ireland bottom of league of the 15 member states in terms of the amount of money spent on social protection. It is the lowest per capita per income in the EU.

You already gave me the story.

Tell the truth.

I will tell any truth. There are other countries—

It is not all age related.

Deputy Broughan should be allowed to continue without interruption. If the Deputy addressed his remarks through the Chair, he might not provoke interruptions.

That is what I tried to do, a Leas-Cheann Chomhairle. Let us take the example of Germany. It is facing a general election and the conservatives have put forward a new candidate, Herr Stoiber, to take on Herr Schröder. The debate there is about whether a person should get a 70% pension. It is not a debate about 25%, 27% or even the 30% this Minister will not consider, but whether people should get 65% or 70%. That is the level of social protection in Germany under a Labour and Green Party Government.

Are they the final figures?

Yes, they are arguing about 65% or 70% while we are arguing about 25%. We are not prepared to give people 25%.

What is their unemployment figure?

We are at the bottom of the league—

For the record, we are at 32%.

Allow Deputy Broughan to continue without interruption.

The Deputy is fulminating with conviction.

We are at the bottom of the league in the EU in regard to social protection. That is the Minister's deplorable outgoing record. He is like the manager of a football team in the bottom half of the first division – he will almost certainly be relegated to these benches. He has long realised this. The statistics bear it out. At European level—

The Opposition is a joke.

—we are bottom of the league in terms of spending on social protection. That is the legacy. The Minister spoke about €9 billion earlier but in terms of a GDP of approximately €110 billion, it is a tiny level of social spending compared to other EU countries.

We have the youngest and most employed population in Europe.

Throughout the Minister's period of office, income inequality has grown and every piece of research graphically indicates this. In the 1970s and 1980s there was a decline in absolute inequality. Certainly, the two Governments in which the Labour Party and Fine Gael played a part presided over the introduction of significant new social measures. However, that was not sustained and certainly was not sustained under this Administration. The Minister's overall legacy will be, unfortunately, a major growth in the gap between rich and poor in this society.

It was Seán Lemass who said a rising tide lifts all boats. However, this clearly did not happen in the era of the Celtic tiger under this Government. The growth of inequality in social cohesion, security issues, local crime rates and even in terms of economic growth has been deplorable. There have been many fine studies in recent years of the desperate struggle of families to live on low income. Earlier my colleague referred to the study carried out by the Vincentian Partnership for Justice called "One Long Struggle – A Study of Low Income Families". The clear conclusion of the study is that the reason for the poverty of poor families struggling to exist on miserable rates of social welfare is not their inability to manage but the levels and rates of social welfare which have been set by this Government in the richest era of our history.

The Deputy is not serious.

That is the fundamental conclusion.

The Deputy's party only gave a £1 increase in child benefit as opposed to £25.

The Minister should face the music; he will have to face it in a few weeks.

I am getting out of here. I cannot stay to listen to this.

Deputy Broughan without interruption.

A range of recent studies, including the fine study by the Vincentian Partnership for Justice, clearly show that our social welfare rates are fundamentally inadequate for a large segment of families in terms of having an adequate life. Look at the rates in the legislation with regard to unemployment assistance, supplementary welfare allowance, pre-retirement and one-parent family payments. These categories of social welfare recipient are paid the princely sum of €118.80 per week on which some recipients are expected to support a number of dependants. The Minister correctly asks what did my outfit do when in government. Since my first contribution on the Social Welfare Bill nine years ago I have consistently said social welfare rates are a total disgrace. I have given the Minister some commendation for the improvements in recent years, particularly last year when he was under pressure from the social partners and a reasonable increase was provided for.

The head of a family is expected to live on €118.80 per week while the adult dependant allowance is €78.80 per week in categories such as unemployment assistance, SWA, PRETA and one-parent family allowance. All the payments provided for under the social welfare code are absolutely deplorable. Carer's allowance is €122.50 per week; prisoner's wife's allowance, €118.80; non-contributory pension, €134; carer's benefit, €132; disability benefit, €118.80; and invalidity pension, €123.30. Those incomes are still grossly inadequate. This fundamental issue has not been addressed by the Minister during his tenure. The rates of payment for adult dependants are insulting.

The Minister promised to bring adult depend ant payments into line with primary payments, a promise on which he has not acted. He attempted to move towards a 70% rate, but the basic adult dependant rate is €78.80, an inadequate income, as has been pointed out in every study conducted in this area. Child dependant allowances are also incredibly low, notwithstanding the recent increases in child benefit. Throughout the Minister's tenure life for many families has been one long desperate struggle to survive, as the report from the Vincentians states.

Since we are conducting an end of term review of the Minister's performance, I will refer to perhaps the one bright spot, which was that he met his target of increasing the old age pension to £100 per week, for which he deserves commendation, but he has failed to achieve adequate income levels through the other increases he has provided for. He has failed to address the constant struggle of the families to which I referred as they try to survive on a weekly basis. They must often juggle with debt. There has been a total lack of provision of credit facilities in this area.

It is a shocking indictment of the Minister that he has not been innovative in terms of legislation. He could have addressed a plethora of issues. Throughout his time in office there has been a list of Bills sponsored by his Department, one of the most significant of which was the money advice and budgeting service Bill which, with a host of others, will not be implemented until the next Administration takes office.

The Minister's most graphic failure has been his inability to cope with income adequacy issues. He told us that he will launch a plan for social inclusion tomorrow with the Taoiseach, which will include a number of election promises, but over the past five years his approach to the national anti-poverty strategy has lacked energy and determination and he has not addressed some of the key issues involved. Like Deputy Hayes, I hope the Taoiseach and the Minister will make a commitment to minimum income standards and refer to the report from the benchmarking committee as we wait to ascertain whether the Government is serious about introducing such standards.

I will have an opportunity on Committee Stage to consider a number of amendments. The increases in child benefit are welcome, but the rates of child dependant allowance are deplorably low. The increase in the respite care grant is also welcome, but the Minister will still be considered a failure by carers because he has not addressed the fundamental issue of the means test for carer's allowance. The reason a number of representatives of carers and other people with disabilities will run in the general election is because they are deeply unhappy with what the Government has delivered over the past five years.

I wish to share time with Deputy Pat Carey.

I would like to discuss the legislation in a calm and rational manner, unlike the previous speaker and Deputy Hayes, who were very reluctant to bring forward proposals. I was surprised at Deputy Hayes because he is one of the younger and brighter Fine Gael Members and did not bring forward a single proposition regarding how Fine Gael would deal with these issues in office. The party has made some outlandish proposals in terms of expenditure in this area in recent times. They were not costed and if the party was given the opportunity to implement them, there is no doubt the social budget would have to be severely curtailed. The public is entitled to hear about Fine Gael's proposals before the general election.

The legislation contains a number of constructive proposals, which address areas that have not been touched for many years, including the registration of births, marriages and deaths. It is no harm to update the procedures in this regard in order that electronic records are kept and additional personnel appointed to deal with delays being experienced by members of the public. I encourage the Minister to decentralise the offices dealing with the registration of births, marriages and deaths when he introduces the new enhanced procedures in order to make such certificates more freely available. I cannot understand the reason people cannot obtain such certificates in their local post offices. The Minister should also examine the problems relating to long and short certificates and the confusion created in this regard. Perhaps he will address these anomalies, which have existed for years, in this legislation.

I would like to acknowledge the Minister's achievements since he took office. Any calm and rational assessment of his performance would point out he has been an outstanding success and introduced a wide variety of innovative and novel changes which have been very beneficial to those for whom he has responsibility. If the people in Labour and Fine Gael do not believe this, all they will have to do is await the verdict of the people. Throughout the country there are people on welfare payments, elderly people and carers who fully acknowledge and appreciate not only the substantial increases in payments that have been made by the Minister, but acknowledge and appreciate all the work done in extending services, modernising a system that was to a large extent archaic and forging ahead at a time when it was possible to do so because of the economic climate we are experiencing.

Regardless of the economic climate, without a Minister in this Department who is innovative, forward looking and constructive in his approach to these issues, no advances would occur. In any rational calm assessment, whether relating to the increases in the widowed parent's payment grant, child benefit or the carers allowance, one must recognise substantial change has taken place. This has been acknowledged by the people who have been very loud in their praise of the work in this Department in recent years.

I find it strange that Fine Gael in particular would criticise the provision of information to the public about welfare entitlements and benefits. If there is a single area where there is a necessity for more information, leaflets and communication rather than less, it is in this one. On today's Order Paper there are about 30 parliamentary questions from various Deputies dealing with various aspects of the social welfare budget because there is a necessity to impart information to people who depend on these allowances and who look to the Department and the Minister in particular for guidance and information about these benefits.

Modernising the structures in the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs has been a great achievement. People may have forgotten that I was Minister for Social Welfare for a while. It was a very short period and although it was a difficult time from a financial point of view, it was a most enjoyable experience. It was a Department that was very much behind the times in communicating with the public. This has been transformed and a large measure of credit must go to the political head of the Department but also to the officials who responded to the demands of the public for more information, communication and literature about the various schemes available. For the first time since the foundation of the State, with the development of internet communication and websites, there is now a very good system of information available to people who require it. Those of us who have been in the House for some time know that we receive more queries about welfare entitlements, benefits, social welfare payments, etc., than we do relating to any other Department.

I want to impress on the Minister the desirability of having closer liaison between the Minister for Education and Science and him in relation to the extension, especially to mature students, of some of the novel schemes that the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs has brought forward in recent years. That Department has introduced a number of innovative schemes to enable students to continue their education, especially to get mature students to go back to college to get further qualifications. The way to eliminate the poverty trap is through more investment in education. This is acknowledged both here and internationally. The more dialogue there is between the two Ministers and their Departments, the better chance we will have of getting more young people and mature students into education. In the long-term, this is key to tackling the poverty and deprivation that many people have suffered through lack of educational opportunity and qualification. The social welfare budget should embrace issues other than just the payment of carer's allowances, unemployment benefits, disability pensions, etc. There are fundamental issues such as education in which this Department can have a big influence.

The Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs could also influence other Depart ments like the Department of Environment and Local Government. There are many elderly people who live in isolated rural areas that do not have basic sanitary services or a decent house in which to live and this needs to be tackled. Access to some of these houses is a problem. In the western part of my constituency, there are a number of elderly people living in isolated rural houses where not only are the houses of an inferior quality but the roads to them are almost impassable. This needs to be dealt with by Departments other than the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs. However, this all relates to having a better standard of life and a better environment, in which people can live, work and retire. The Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs in liaison with the Departments of Education and Science and Environment and Local Government and some of the local authorities can make a meaningful contribution to the development of services, especially for elderly people living in isolated areas.

I will commend some people who work in the community. I express my appreciation of the work of Clare Care. I also compliment Fr. Sean Healy of CORI for the work he is doing. CORI does not always agree with the policies proposed by this Department, but everybody must acknowledge the contribution made by people like Fr. Sean Healy in the development of community welfare and social services in recent years. I commend the Bill to the House and I thank the Minister for his contribution to this area since his appointment.

In the evaluation of the record of a Government at the end of five very successful years, it would be foolish to think that politics would not raise its head and some of the issues would not become political footballs. Normally I expect to hear Deputy Broughan, who is now absent, fulminating rather fiercely on issues relating to social welfare. However his contribution this evening was spectacularly restrained. I must conclude that he is quite happy with what has been done.

If we are at the end of a review, it is only fair to place on record the achievement of this Government. Like other speakers, I pay tribute to the Minister for being very enlightened and innovative. I also pay tribute to his officials who have been efficient, courteous and at all times supportive of the work, which we try to do as public representatives. I have the honour of working with some of the Minister's officials in the Finglas Cabra Partnership, the local drugs task forces and other local fora. I find them extremely supportive and enlightened.

When the rainbow government was in power, it increased old age contributory pensions by just 9.9%. The present Government has increased them by 48.7%. When inflation is taken into account, the rainbow government increased old age contributory pensions by just 4% and we have increased them by 23.9%. The widow or widower's pension was increased by just 10.2% under the rainbow government. The present Government has increased it by 36.6%. Unemployment and disability benefit was increased by just 10% under the rainbow government. The present Government has increased it by 38.6%. Old age non-contributory pensions were increased under the rainbow government by 10%. The present Government has increased them by 85.3%. Long-term unemployment assistance was increased under the rainbow government by 10.7% and the present Government has increased it by 36%. The rainbow government increased short-term unemployment assistance by 14.6% and the present Government increased it by 43.1%. The measure of any government's concern for its community is how well it treats its most vulnerable citizens. The Government has gone a long way towards achieving the goals we set when in opposition. Targets have been set and achieved in most cases.

Child benefit increases are at a record high level, which is as it should be as it is important to support families. In the absence of widely available good quality child care it is important to provide families with opportunities to access available child care. It is rich to hear some Opposition Members say that child benefit payments should be brought forward to May. I would like them to be brought forward to January. Deputy De Rossa announced increases in his last budget in December 1996 when he was Minister for Social Welfare, but they did not take effect until the following September, ten months later.

The target of £100 for old age pensions was ambitious at the time, but exceeded by the Government, which is as it should be. It is our duty to support those who worked hard in difficult circumstances to make the nation what it is. It is the obligation of everyone in all parties to ensure payments to the elderly are at least at their current level. When Fianna Fáil returns to government after the next general election it will continue to give major increases in the area of care and support for the elderly. That will also be the case for medical cards which were introduced for those over 70 years of age.

I am proud of the fact that I made a contribution at our parliamentary party to the introduction of the pre-1953 pension. The Minister took a risk with his own officials, but was enlightened and brave to do so. It redressed a wrong which had continued for a number of years. It was wrong that people who had worked prior to 1953 – they are all in their later years now – were deprived of adequate pension entitlements. This has been redressed by the Minister. I am sure there are more up-to-date figures available, but the last time I asked the Minister a question about this issue I was told that the Department had identified 13,500 pro rata old age contributory-retirement pensioners who could qualify for the pre-1953 old age contributory pension at a higher rate than their existing rate of pension. I remember debating the issue at our parliamen tary party meeting when the Minister assured us it could be introduced, but would be costly. He said it could cost approximately £6 million. His officials will probably confirm that figure is now closer to £20 million. I am pleased to note that people I know living in the United Kingdom and elsewhere throughout the world can qualify for an Irish based pension on the grounds they worked here in insurable employment prior to 1953.

On taking office the Government changed the name of the Department to the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs. Many thought that was a gimmick at the time. However, the provision of services by the Department is like a three legged stool in that one without the other would be a lop-sided service. I am satisfied that social welfare improvements, such as those in child benefit, pensions and carer's allowance, underpin the service in the social welfare area.

An unsung part of the Department's work was adverted to, namely, the community dimension. I see the valuable work which groups such as the Community Action Project in Ballymun, the Finglas South Community Development Project and the Finglas West Community Development Project do to energise, inform and alert people and communities about their entitlements and the direction in which they should go. They are providing a tremendous service, as are the money advice bureaus. The Minister provided £200,000 for the Finglas money advice bureau before Christmas to defray its mortgage on its premises and carry out improvements. That service, which is part of a network involving the Department, the credit unions, St. Vincent de Paul, FÁS, etc., is invaluable. Many communities, such as those in which I work, would not manage without it.

I pay tribute to the Department for the enlightened way it has promoted the return to education programmes. It would leave the Department of Education and Science standing in the way it has been creative and innovative in promoting its schemes. Thousands have returned to education and got their junior and leaving certificate and university degrees. I am delighted to have met a number of people who are lecturing at university level and teaching at second level as a result of the intervention of the Department in vocational training.

I welcome the introduction of Comhairle, the citizen information service. People need to have access to points of information. Comhairle and organisations such as the Finglas citizen information centre provide a service which is badly needed. Some think it will make Deputies redundant, but I do not believe that. It will help to ensure the people who come to us are clearer in their demands and more focused on what they require.

I am pleased to commend the Minister at the end of a successful five year period in office. I thank him for the work he has done. As was said elsewhere, much has been done, but more needs to be done.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important legislation. The Bill affects a large number of both young and old people. I welcome many of its changes. The Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs has given support to community groups which have done a tremendous job, particularly for the elderly by bringing them out for meals, etc. I welcome the role the Department has played in this. I welcome many other aspects of what the Minister has done over the past five years.

I take umbrage at the Minister over the lack of support for farming, an issue I have raised with him on a number of occasions. Departmental officials have heard me speak on numerous occasions about farm assist and the damage it has done to the farming community. My party and I wanted family income supplement to be extended to farming groups, small shopkeepers and small private industries. That would have ensured everyone was on a level playing pitch. However, there seems to be a view in Government that farm accounts cannot be trusted. Perhaps when one remembers the recent stories about the activity of some accountants – I can think of a former Taoiseach who did not keep his accounts well – one will realise the reason there is mistrust about farm accounts.

It is unfair that farmers are not treated in the same way as everyone else. I urge the Minister, even at this late stage, to reconsider the position. Farmers are as entitled as small shopkeepers and other small business holders to claim family income supplement. Singling out farmers is discriminatory.

Up to 40,000 farmers marched through the streets of Dublin in protest and one of the guarantees they received – which was designed to keep them quiet – was that the farm assist scheme would revolutionise the system of supports to small farmers. What has happened? Very few additional farmers obtained payments under the scheme and some lost out. I fully appreciate the reasons for that. Some were transferred from disability benefit to farm assist payments because it was slightly beneficial, while others were transferred from widows or widowers pensions. However, there was only a minor increase in the total number of payments. As a result, massive numbers of people have had to abandon farming. The figures will show that there has not ever been such a move away from farming.

Young people are no longer prepared to enter farming because they realise there are no real supports on which to rely if hard times occur. Four agricultural colleges have closed down during the lifetime of the Government. There is no doubt that the suggestion by a group established by the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development, Deputy Walsh, that there will be no more than 20,000 full-time farmers by 2010 will become a reality. That is one of the commitments the Government made which will actually come to pass. Farming will become a thing of the past because no worthwhile safety net was put in place. Safety nets were put in place for others, but not for farmers.

During my time as a member of the Joint Committee on Family, Community and Social Affairs, I was glad to be involved in ensuring that some level of pension would be paid to those who did not have ten years' worth of stamps paid following the introduction of PRSI for the self-employed in 1988. We received agreement from the Minister that these people would be paid pensions on a pro rata basis. However, when the matter finally came before the House for finalisation, it emerged that only a half pension would be paid to those who had paid PRSI for five years or more. Is it fair that someone who has paid ten years worth of stamps should be paid a half pension? I accept that these people may not have been working full-time for ten years after 1988, but many of them paid the full ten years worth of stamps. They were glad to receive some form of payment, but just because they were born two or three days on the wrong side of 5 April they lost out and received no recognition for the other five years worth of stamps they paid. At this late stage I beg that this matter be reconsidered and that these people should be paid pensions in respect of the sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth years in respect of which they paid stamps.

While I am on the subject of elderly farmers and old age pensions, I received a telephone call today from a farmer in my constituency whose animals were taken away by the Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development and slaughtered at Henshaws. The man in question did not even know where they were going or what was going to happen to them. He trusted the Department of Agriculture, Food and Rural Development. This old age pensioner has in his possession a cheque for £1,500 which is not worth anything to him. He has had no promise from the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development, whose officials removed his animals, when or if he will be paid. If we are to be sympathetic towards people such as the man to whom I refer and if we want to ensure the survival of rural areas, we must ensure that they are treated with courtesy, decency and honesty.

I welcome the change in child benefit payments. It is approximately four years since my party's leader, Deputy Noonan, our then spokesperson on finance, suggested that the only way of dealing with child care problems would be to dramatically increase the level of child benefit payments. Such an increase has been granted this year and we welcome that fact. However, a large number of child care places have been lost because of a lack of co-ordination between the Departments of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Social, Community and Family Affairs, Education and Science and others. There is a need to reconsider the position in this area. Female partners in couples on low and middle incomes are finding it difficult to remain in work because of a lack of affordable child care. Action must be taken in that regard.

The Minister spoke at length about carers. I appreciate that changes have been made in the carer's allowance in recent years. It was not recognised for a long period that these people needed support and much remains to be done. If there is not sufficient money available to provide support to all carers, more serious consideration should be given to the cases of those who are in real need. I was approached by a home carer recently who informed me about a woman for whom she cares whose daughter-in-law must provide care on a 24 hour basis. Her husband works in an ordinary job and works overtime to try to maintain the family. As a result, they are disqualified from receiving carer's allowance. It is sad that someone who provides 24 hour care receives no recognition. This woman can only travel to town to shop when her husband is at home.

I will comment on the situation of people who were obliged to travel abroad in the past in search of work who are entitled to free schemes, etc., if they are on a pension from the UK, Germany or some other country. I came across an anomaly the other day involving a person with a UK pension who has been living here for several years who is not entitled to claim living alone allowance. That is unfair. The woman in question was informed that because she was not receiving any payments from the Department of Social, Community and Family Affairs, she was not entitled to the £6 living alone allowance. She was obliged to leave Ireland in the 1950s because there was no work here for her and she is costing the State nothing now. I urge the Minister to ensure that the position is rectified. I do not believe that, under the Bill, the living alone allowance is available to the person in question who is living on her bare pension. That should not be the case. This woman has no other income or means and simply because she is not entitled to apply for an Irish pension she cannot obtain the living alone allowance.

The position of widows and widowers has improved in that either is now entitled to obtain a pension. I welcome the increase in the dependant allowance that can be made as a once-off gesture, after death, to the surviving spouse. However, a major problem continues to obtain because widows are still linked to carers. If a widow is in receipt of a contributory pension, either on foot of her own contributions or those of her spouse, there is nothing to stop her from taking a full-time or part-time job. However, if she remains at home to care for one of her in-laws, for example, she is not entitled to claim an allowance. There is a law which says that if a person is a carer and is in receipt of social welfare payments, no allowance can be paid. That is something which a Government claiming to be so generous in relation to social welfare must take into account and must make sure is available. I welcome one change made during the course of this year whereby, if a husband or wife dies some weeks before 5 June and the other partner is a carer, that person will get the respite grant. I appreciate the courtesy of the Minister and his officials when I raised that matter and I hope it will apply on a permanent basis. I am aware of a situation in which two ladies were caring for two gentlemen, one a spouse and the other a neighbour, and both died on the one day. The neighbour carer got the £400 respite grant, as it was then, but the widow who really needed it was transferred to the widow's pension and would not have got the respite grant. I am glad the Department's response was generous and I hope that will be carried through in the regulations for this year.

The Minister and his backbenchers have highlighted the great increase in the amounts of money paid in recent years but they failed to recognise the costs. The cost of housing has increased dramatically during that period, as has the cost of rented accommodation for people on social welfare. That is a major problem. As Deputy Daly has already said, many elderly people in rural areas are still without toilet facilities. While the means to deal with the problem are available, it often takes so long to put it into operation that the person has died in the meantime. A much more co-ordinated effort is needed in that regard. While the problem does not rest directly with the social welfare people, it is indirectly a social welfare problem. There is often extra cost as a result of people not being housed properly and not having carers at an earlier date. The lack of bus services in many rural areas is another issue which needs serious attention. There is a major problem of loneliness which puts great pressure on people to go into homes for the elderly when that is not the best solution for them.

I particularly noted Deputy Daly's comments on education. The education grants for people coming off social welfare are beneficial. However, for those who have not ever been on social welfare, but whose families have been on it, the education grants are entirely unsatisfactory. In the case of a single mother or a family on disability benefit who are trying to educate a son or daughter at a third level college in Dublin or elsewhere, the only grant available is in the region of €2,000 and a small increase was given last year. This needs to be completely reviewed. In my Constituency of Cavan-Monaghan, there is one of the highest levels of drop-out from third level education and that is partly because people cannot afford to continue. That forces people into the dole queues. In the event of a downturn in the economy, as is now the case, those without a CV showing an adequate level of education find it much harder to get employment. The Minister for Social, Community and Family Affairs and his Government colleagues must look more closely at that situation. A low level of participation in third level education leads to many problems for families.

I will turn to another issue which the Leas-Cheann Comhairle may say is not the responsi bility of the Minister of State, Deputy Moffatt, but it is relevant to the situation in Cavan. I refer to problems in relation to medical cards, which were available to approximately 37% of the population when this Government took office. Prior to the introduction of medical cards for over 70s, that figure had dropped dramatically because the means test has not been increased to take account of increases in income and social welfare rates. The Minister for Health and Children said the increase in social welfare rates would not cut off people from the medical card system and that, if they were cut off, they could re-apply. However, the reality is that a person with an income of £101, or less than €130, is not entitled to a medical card. A person on an income of around £200, with a spouse and three children, is not entitled to a medical card. This is a major problem, especially in rural Ireland, including the constituency I represent. A person who has not got a medical card cannot get a bus ticket for free travel. That is just one of the benefits linked to the medical card, without which people are forced into a poverty trap and enormous pressure is placed on families. I would have expected the Minister for Social, Community and Family Affairs to see this difficulty and try to deal with it. It is absolutely essential to have that situation rectified.

In general terms, I pay tribute to the officials in the social welfare system. There have been great advances and there is now a much more courteous and helpful attitude towards people seeking social welfare services. It was disappointing that it took such a long drawn out process to resolve the industrial dispute in Letterkenny, which caused great problems for people awaiting their entitlements, including child benefit. I urge the Government to ensure that the appeals service works better. I know of a person who has had to wait for months on end to have an appeal heard in relation to the farm assist scheme. People who are living in poverty need to have their cases dealt with promptly. I urge the Government to provide sufficient personnel to ensure that the appeals system operates properly. While I welcome many elements of this year's budget, we have still a long way to go in eliminating poverty traps. I look forward to the opportunity which parties on this side of the House will have after the general election to rectify those problems.

I wish to share time with Deputy Cecilia Keaveney. The Bill under discussion provides for increases in child benefit, improvements in respite care grant, extending payment of child dependant allowances for certain children of recipients of short-term social welfare payments and changes in linking arrangements for claims to disability benefit, unemployment assistance and pre-retirement allowance. The Bill also provides for a number of miscellaneous changes to the social welfare code. As the 28th Dáil draws to a conclusion, it is appropriate to reflect on what has been achieved by Fianna Fáil in Government. In the 1997 general election campaign, Fianna Fáil put social inclusion at the top of its agenda. We have delivered on our commitments in that regard across a wide range of Departments.

Debate adjourned.
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