I will call on the Deputies who tabled questions to the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the order in which they submitted their questions to the Ceann Comhairle's office.
Private Notice Questions. - Foreign Conflicts.
Acting Chairman
asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in view of the continuing Israeli military operation in the Palestinian territories, which is reported to have led to the deaths of several hundred Palestinians, indeed, a massacre in Jenin, and a major humanitarian crisis as a result of the occupation and destruction of civilian infrastructure, his plans for Ireland, through the UN and the EU, to promote new initiatives that would bring an end to the Israeli occupation and the suicide bombings by Palestinian groups, especially having regard to the reported failure of the Powell mission to make progress and if he will make a statement on the matter.
asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will use his influence, through the UN and the European Union, with the Israeli and Palestinian authorities, to bring about a concentration of attention on the current situation in the Middle East with a view to bringing about a cessation of hostilities forthwith to allow meaningful negotiations to take place; if he will also make contact with the authorities in the US in an effort to further concentrate on peace initiatives in an effort to avert further bloodshed and if he will make a statement on the matter.
I apologise for the Minister for Foreign Affairs who has another engagement at this time and I hope the House will accept my efforts to stand in on this important matter.
The situation in the Middle East remains a cause of grave concern. It has grown steadily worse in recent weeks and the reports now emerging from the Jenin refugee camp are harrowing in the extreme. The truth of what happened in Jenin must be established. The withdrawal of Israeli forces from Jenin and the announcement by the Israeli Prime Minister that further withdrawals will be made in the next few days may give some hope of a respite. In our view, there should be an immediate and total withdrawal from all the Palestinian administered areas. It must be clear to all that neither side can achieve its aims through violence. The only solution will be achieved by negotiation and will have to take account of the legitimate interests of both parties. Peace cannot be imposed, either by the stronger party or from outside. Any such attempt is doomed to failure.
The recent visit to the region of the US Secretary of State, Colin Powell, did not achieve the results we had hoped for. Nevertheless it represents a very serious engagement by the US Administration in the search for peace. It is clear that American engagement at that level is an indispensable condition for success. The US continues to be actively engaged on the ground with the parties. We shall continue to support the efforts of the US Government and those of the other members of the international quartet, that is, Russia, the EU and the UN. The statement by the members of the quartet after their meeting in Madrid at the start of Secretary Powell's mission on 10 April set out clearly the shared views of the international community as to the way forward towards resolution of this conflict.
The Israeli Government should withdraw its forces without further delay, while the Palestinian Authority must make a 100% effort to end terrorism, particularly suicide bombings. It is essential to recommence negotiations leading to a resolution of all outstanding issues and a permanent solution which will allow the Palestinians a viable, democratic and fully independent state and allow Israel to live securely within internationally recognised borders.
A number of initiatives are under consideration, including the idea of an international conference. I should say, of course, that no party can dictate who may or may not attend such a conference or insist on other unrealistic conditions being met before a conference is held. It is clear that the parties require the support of the international community to move towards a final settlement. The members of the quartet and peace minded states in the region would be logi cal participants in the conference. Any conference must aim at a comprehensive and permanent solution and have a clear plan how to get there.
Further international assistance is available to the parties in the form of monitors. It has long been the view of Ireland and our EU partners that an independent third party mechanism could be of benefit to both parties. The Government has decided that Ireland will make personnel available for such a monitoring mechanism if its establishment is endorsed by the UN.
The Government has also responded to the emergency appeal from the UN agency charged with the welfare of Palestinian refugees by allocating an additional €700,000 to its emergency programmes to provide shelter and health care to those most affected by the conflict. Other assistance from Ireland Aid to the Palestinians this year will amount to about €4 million.
On Monday of next week the Minister for Foreign Affairs will attend a meeting of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership in Valencia where he will again make our views known to both Israel and the Palestinians and consult with other interested states. The question of the Middle East is under discussion in the UN Security Council today and Ireland is actively engaged with members of the Council and other relevant delegations.
Might I ask the Minister of State some very direct questions? At the meeting in Valencia will Ireland seek the cancellation of the European Union-Israel association agreement? Is it the Government's position that an immediate United Nations led investigation into the abuses at the refugee camp at Jenin should be facilitated forthwith and in that regard, what is the Government's position on the refusal by the Israeli Authorities to allow Professor Pounder, the only qualified forensic scientist in the area at present, access to the camp at Jenin to assess the manner in which people were massacred? Will he state whether the Government has expressed an opinion to the Israeli Authorities on their refusal to allow a visit, led by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, to the area? What is the Government's intention? Will these matters be raised at the Valencia meeting and will we get a statement on them from the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen?
The Deputy asked about the termination of the Irish-Israeli—
The association agreement.
—association agreement. Any unilateral or precipitant action of that nature, while it might engender some headline, would not be in the interest of the overall negotiations.
No one is suggesting that it would be a unilateral action.
I know that but, as I outlined, it is very important that we do this and act in conjunction with our partners within the EU and within our role in the UN. It would not be helpful in any way if Ireland was to take unilateral action outside of moving in consort with our partners—
I am afraid my question is being distorted here.
—as has been the Irish position.
I asked about the Council meeting in Valencia. At the meeting in Madrid, there was consideration given to possible EU action. I never mentioned unilateral action; I mentioned action by the European Union. Before the Madrid meeting I asked that Ireland take an initiative in relation to sanctions, by which I meant the cancellation of the association agreement and related scientific, military and other agreements.
I also asked what they are going to do at next week's meeting. I asked very specific questions. Will the Minister come out of that meeting without an independent investigation teams looking at the manner in which children and women were put to death and, furthermore, in which the infrastructure was bulldozed with half-buried bodies in it? Ireland and Europe are looking on at the European Union issuing fiddly statements while at the same time not supporting a UN investigation team and not addressing the 40% trade which the European Union has with Israel. That is the question and that is what I want answered.
In all fairness, I would not like anybody to think that concern for this matter only lies with the Deputy or on that side of the House.
No one suggested that. He should answer the questions.
That is the point which the Deputy has gone on to make in some detail. I want to emphasise—
I have said the Government is inactive.
—that the Government is every bit as concerned with what has occurred in the Middle East in the past few days.
Then they should do something about it.
Of course we are doing something about it.
Is it on the agenda next week or not?
The Deputy and I shouting at each other will not achieve anything and I am giving him—
I was asking him a question. Is it on the agenda next week or not?
It does not arise.
It does arise.
The issue which the Deputy has raised does not arise on the agenda next week.
There is an association agreement on the agenda, the one with Algeria. He should read the agenda.
The meeting next week takes place between the 12 members of the EU and the 12 Mediterranean states. The question of seeking a suspension of the EU level association does not arise.
It should arise. That is my point.
The Deputy asked me a direct question and I have given him a straight and direct answer.
He will now tell me the Government is do nothing on the other questions as well.
No. On the second question, of course it is the Government's view that all qualified international observers should be admitted. There is no question about that—
Why was Professor Pounder not admitted then?
—and that is the Irish view.
What about a UN investigation team?
That is under consideration at present.
What about Mary Robinson's visit?
Yes. As the Deputy well knows, that decision has been taken within the UN and we, as members of the UN, support it.
Is the Government seeking to impose it?
Of course we are, in all legitimate fora, as we have done particularly since we took up membership of the Security Council.
Did the Government tell the Israeli Authorities that it objects to their blocking of her visit?
I think our view is clear, both internationally and nationally.
I think she should be allowed to visit.
And so do we. I cannot be clearer than that.
He could.
I hope the Minister is conscious of the analogous situation which exists, given Ireland's experience in relation to a similar type of conflict. We all recognise and accept that where tradition, history, politics and religion are combined, they usually make a very potent cocktail. I had the experience and the honour of addressing the Euro-Med conference about a year ago. Given the Irish experience, what we have seen happening so far in the Middle East and the potential for really serious, major conflict to take off, will the Minister, at the conference to which my colleague, Deputy Michael D. Higgins, referred, take initiatives that will help concentrate the minds of both parties involved to use all the information at their disposal, both from the EU and UN, to bring about a cessation of the violence so at least some rationale will emerge by which wiser counsel will prevail and which will enable the crisis to be brought under control before it is too late?
I am happy to answer the Deputy's question and further clarify for Deputy Michael Higgins that the Irish Government has approached the Israeli Government directly to let Mary Robinson in. I am happy to put that on the record and am sorry for not doing so initially.
I thank the Minister of State.
Deputy Durkan's point was well made, and I reiterate it. In all the fora in which the Government is involved, through the EU and UN, every effort is being made by the Government to ensure that a resolution in the Middle East is brought about in the context of the Israelis and Palestinians.
We have stated publicly that violent conflict between both countries will not achieve an outcome. The only things that will lead to a positive resolution are dialogue, a cessation of all violence and a withdrawal by the Israelis from the Palestinian administered areas. Equally, there must be an end to the acts of terrorism on the part of the other side, particularly suicide bombings.
This country has been to the forefront in all the fora in past weeks. I have just confirmed for Deputy Michael D. Higgins that the Government has been in direct contact with the Israeli Government to seek access for Mary Robinson, the UN High Commissioner.
With regard to the EU influence, the experience of Srebrenica some years ago and the reluctance of the EU to take any initiative, will the Minister assure the House that there will be no repetition and that the EU, en bloc, will not stand idly by and allow hostilities to continue with obvious consequences? Will the Minister assure us that he will take an initiative which will help to concentrate the minds of those involved and which will focus public attention on the central issue, namely a cessation of violence to allow peace initiatives to take place?
I do not think there is a more powerful quartet in the world engaged in this matter than the four bodies of which I spoke – the US Government, Russia, the EU and the UN. It issued a statement after its meeting on 10 April in Madrid which was unified with regard to what was happening between Israel and Palestine. The Irish Government, which is very much part and parcel of it, was very much supportive of that.
The Deputy knows that it is not possible for some incredible or otherwise unilateral action to be taken by Ireland. We act in consort with our partners at the highest possible level. The quartet is a powerful combination of the international community working together in a very direct way with regard to what it has asked both Israel and Palestine to do. I have been explicit with regard to that in the House this evening. That is the way forward to end the present difficulties.
I will address a few points made by the Minister of State. When the quartet, by which we mean the EU, the United States, Russia and the UN, met in Madrid, it was in expectation of there being a shift from military strategy towards diplomacy. Given that Havier Solana and the Presidency of the EU were refused access to Chairman Arafat, does the Minister of State not agree that was a humiliation for the European Union? I used the word "humiliation".
My next point is very specific. The purpose of the professor of forensic medicine at Dundee University, Professor Derrick Pounder, seeking access to the Jenin camp is that the bodies might be released to their families to be buried, that we might know the circumstances of the killings and the numbers. Of course, there is a need for humanitarian law. Are the Minster and the Government satisfied that the comprehensive breach of international law and the Geneva Convention – the fourth convention in relation to civilians – by the Israeli authorities is a serious cancellation of the guarantees given in the association agreement Israel had with the EU?
My interest in this is very simple. How long does Ireland propose to go on accepting the breaches of international law in respect of all of these matters? For example, in reply to my argument the Minister of State said nobody was asking Ireland to do something unilaterally. We are simply asking the Minster of State to bring a message from this House to the meeting that will take place in Valencia. We want Ireland's presence on the Security Council to be shown publicly to be working in favour of international law by condemning its breaches.
We want an unequivocal statement at the Valencia meeting that there has been a breach of international law. How can anyone justify Israel's refusal to give access, for example, to the humanitarian agencies and ambulances to bring relief to people and the refusal to allow access to dead bodies for several days? How can that be acceptable? This is not a matter for quiet diplomacy. What people want is visible public action and statements on these breaches of international law.
The Deputy may be assured that as far as the Irish Government is concerned, our Minister for Foreign Affairs will be putting forward all of our views at the meeting in Valencia regarding all the matters the Deputy has raised. That goes without saying. I thought that I had made that absolutely clear in what I said earlier.
With regard to the visit the Deputy mentioned by Havier Solana, as partners in the EU of course we would want to support decisions to gain access. It may not be helpful for me to stand here and say if it was a "humiliation". It was certainly a great disappointment. One can strike a subjective view and go further if one wants. However, my point is that I do not want to negate in any way those future roles. The EU must show that it is a powerful institution operating in harmony with its members to get this message across. Of that there is no doubt.
If there is another proposal for an international conference, we will support it. I take the Deputy's point on the expectations when the quartet met. As he knows, the statement was made in support of the mission that the Secretary of State for the United States was undertaking at the time by going to the Middle East. That has not been as successful as everybody hoped at the time. However, that is not to say that we must not work towards a resolution. I know the Deputy subscribes to that view.
The Minister's statement says several times in several paragraphs that we remain supportive of the new US initiative. The new US initiative has failed. What people who support the right of the Palestinians and Israelis to live in peace are asking for is an observable, separate EU initiative. This, unfortunately, is getting buried because the general perception is that the United States, for example, allowed much of what I described to take place for about two weeks before announcing that the Powell visit was going ahead. This is what independent observers are telling me.
To continue that theme, does the Minister of State accept that it appears the quartet, which is probably the most influential in the world, has failed and that that gives carte blanche to the ongoing conflict?
No.
Unfortunately, that is the reality because there has not been a cessation of violence. Will the Minister accept that if the current violence continues, rather than living together the people in the region will die together? The rest of the world can no longer simply look on and wring their hands. If they have influence they should use it. The Minister for Foreign Affairs must use his considerable influence in the European Union and, through the United Nations and with the Americans, bring about a cessation of violence. It should be possible to do that in the first instance.
First, to answer Deputy Higgins's question, as I speak the UN Security Council is meeting to discuss these matters – I am not sure if it has yet concluded. Direct action is being taken as we speak. Second, Secretary of State Powell said that while he is disappointed with progress to date, he will continue his current efforts. Those of us in this country know that when we run up against failure, we do not give up, and that is the position of the Government. Deputy Durkan is not in dispute with me, nor is Deputy Higgins who has made his points well, and they can be assured that we will use whatever influence is available to us through the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Department. We are playing a full role in all the fora available to us to end the violence in the Middle East, which is appalling the world. It is of no benefit to me to start apportioning blame. We want both sides in this conflict to cease violence. We want the Israelis to withdraw from the Palestinian administered areas and we want the Palestinians to stop suicide bombings. It would be a major step if we could achieve those two objectives. We have said that publicly and I repeated it tonight on behalf of the Minister. We continue to do that even as we speak through our ambassador at the UN today.
The Minister speaks for us all when he says he wants the suicide bombings to end. The reason we want the Israelis to operate within international law is that their actions currently will not stop the suicide bombings but will ensure their continuance.
I have noticed the decline in status of the Geneva Convention in our diplomatic statements and the scant references to international law. What assurances can the Minister of State give the House that international law and the Geneva Convention are being respected in relation to the siege of Bethlehem, for example, the right of those under siege to get food, water and medicines? We are required, as a Parliament, to address the issue but what transcends all of us are the principles of international law. How long do we intend to look on and see international law, not just UN resolutions, being flagrantly violated?
The Secretary General, Kofi Annan, has suggested a UN presence in the region but that has been rejected. Access to President Arafat is rejected. The siege at Bethlehem continues and the international legal side of that is in tatters. Will the Government issue a statement that has to the forefront an international legal dimension and in particular reference to the Geneva Convention? Will that be contained in the statement following the Irish participation in the meeting in Valencia?
I take the Deputy's point but as far as the Irish Government is concerned, there is no question of setting aside either the Geneva Convention or any aspect of international law. That must be the bedrock on which we move forward and there can be no circumstances in which the Government would look at it in any other way.
The siege of Bethlehem clearly contravenes the Geneva Convention.
The Deputy is right when he says that matters have occurred in the past two weeks that warrant serious investigation but the priority of all of us at this stage is to stop the violence. We must see an end to the current murder and mayhem. That is the focus but it in no way negates the Government's adherence to international law and the Geneva Convention.
In view of the fact that all efforts to bring about a climate whereby some negotiation can take place appear to have failed, has the Government, through the Minister for Foreign Affairs and in conjunction with the EU and the UN, focused on a fall-back position which might be adhered to in the event of an initiative not coming forward which would bring about a cessation of violence in the short-term, having particular regard to previous experience in the Middle East, particularly in relation to refugee camps?
With regard to Secretary of State Powell's return to the United States, he said he remains committed to this process. I should have said that he has left a very high level team behind him, much higher than was present before he got to the region. In that regard, serious engagement is continuing at the highest levels. We all wish that greater progress had been made and that the negotiations in the past few days would have produced an immediate resolution, but we know from experience here that is not the end of the process. The world cannot give up on this issue at international level.
To answer the second part of the Deputy's question, it is not a case of having a plan A or B. Every possible effort is being made through whatever forum is available to this country. Ireland has acted directly in speaking to the Israeli Government and getting access for the High Commissioner, Mary Robinson. We are acting directly with our EU partners. We are on the Security Council. We are at the forefront of all these matters. It is an evolving process but the end game must be to end the violence immediately. That is the approach of the international community as well as Ireland and we will support whatever measures, through whatever forum, to ensure that happens.
Will we initiate them?
Written Answers follow Adjournment Debate.