Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 19 Jun 2002

Vol. 553 No. 3

Adjournment Debate. - Declaration on Neutrality.

Mr. Sargent: Ba mhaith liom mo chuid ama a roinnt leis an Teachta Aengus Ó Snodaigh.

The matter of the forthcoming Seville Summit should have been raised at Taoiseach's Question Time today as I had tabled six questions. However, they were withdrawn without my permission and I am left to address the Dáil at the end of business. Meanwhile, the Taoiseach dodges and weaves around EU capitals like a hapless Neville Chamberlain, waving a declaration on neutrality which has not come before the Dáil. In the name of the people, I demand to see the wording of this declaration. After all, we know that it will make no difference to the Government's future behaviour in relation to the ongoing militarisation of the European Union.

Ireland's involvement in the EU Rapid Reaction Force, which was never approved by the people, was cited by many "No" voters as the reason they rejected the Nice treaty, yet when the Taoiseach comes back from Seville the Government will still be involved in the Rapid Reaction Force. The Government, through the Rapid Reaction Force, will still have no problem with forming what Prime Minister Blair has stated is a strategic partnership with NATO, a military alliance based on nuclear weapons. The Government will still have no problem with the fact that some Rapid Reaction Force operations will be planned at NATO's supreme headquarters in Europe and under NATO command, nor will it see any problem with allowing US troops and military aircraft to use Shannon Airport en route to a war zone such as Afghanistan, or with allowing the US Airforce to conduct military training exercises out of Shannon Airport and across the Irish countryside, as it did earlier this month. Already, NATO and US Congressional reports are referring to us as "former neutrals" in the European Union. The Government could have sought a protocol, similar to the one included by Denmark in the Amsterdam treaty. Such a protocol would have been legally binding. A declaration is meaningless. This declaration will fool no one, least of all Irish voters.

There are other vital decisions being taken at Seville, particularly in terms of immigration policy. We have had no accountability before the Dáil on these issues either. The Government wonders why the people voted "No" to the Nice treaty the first time, yet we know that the lack of democratic accountability was a major issue. The lack of accountability of EU institutions and the Government to Irish citizens is still obviously alive and well in this new Administration. The Government's arrogant behaviour is a major reason the majority of the people will vote "No" again to the Nice treaty.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh: Ceann de na ceachtanna a múinimid do páistí óga ná nuair a deirtear "No", is "No" atá i gceist. Is trua nach dtuigeann an Rialtas an ceacht seo. Ní hé sin an t-aon masla ar an daonlathas atá déanta ag an Rialtas. Masla eile ná go bhfuil an Taoiseach ag dul timpeall na hEorpa ag lorg tacaíocht ó tíortha eile do doiciméad nach bhfaca muidne atá togha ag an phobal. The declaration will come before this House next week. By the look of things, everybody else in Europe will have seen it, everybody except those on the Opposition benches in this House.

This was the only state to hold a referendum on the Nice treaty, the only state to consult the people and by the look if it, the only state to reject the people's view. If they had not rejected the wishes of the people, we would not be time-wasting in this House next week, nor would we be wasting time for two weeks in September, or by holding another referendum in October. If the Government was serious about neutrality, why did it not adopt Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin's Bill on neutrality, as put before this House? It was proposed at the time as the Twenty-fifth Amendment of the Constitution Bill. Had the Government adopted this Bill we could have a proper referendum on neutrality in October.

Minister for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Cowen)

I am glad to have this opportunity to clarify to the House the Government's approach to the declarations we are seeking at Seville – the national declaration by Ireland and the related declaration by the European Council. I emphasise that the texts of the declarations fully reflect the views expressed in the second report of the chairman of the National Forum on Europe. The forum was established as part of the Government's response to the concerns of the people raised in last summer's referendum on the Nice treaty. Chairman Hayes, in his second report, underlined the importance of assurances that the Nice treaty did not imply a departure from our traditional policy of neutrality—

Mr. Boyle: On a point of order, that is not true. The Minister should not mislead the House.

Mr. Cowen: As I was saying before I was rudely interrupted, Chairman Maurice Hayes stated we had no plans to enter a military alliance or participate in the development of a European army and would not do so without the approval of the Irish people—

Mr. Boyle: That is not true.

An Ceann Comhairle: I am reluctant to ask the Deputy to leave the House. However, there are very strict procedures which must be observed for this debate.

Mr. Cowen: There is no plan to change the basis on which Irish troops participate in peacekeeping and conflict operations. Each and every one of these points is being dealt with by the declarations.

The national declaration will reaffirm, beyond any reasonable doubt, that the Treaty of Nice poses no threat to our traditional policy of military neutrality. In so doing it will confirm that Ireland is not party to any mutual defence commitment and that we are not party to any plans to develop a European army. It will also reaffirm that we will take our own sovereign decision on whether Irish troops should participate in humanitarian or crisis management tasks mounted by the European Union, based on the triple lock of UN endorsement, Government decision and Dáil approval. Moreover, the national declaration will also make it clear that Ireland will not adopt any decision taken by the European Council to move to a common defence or ratify any future treaty which would involve a departure from our traditional policy of military neutrality unless it has first been approved by the people in a referendum.

In the European Council declaration we will be asking our partners to confirm that the understandings in the national declaration are shared by all 15 EU member states. This includes Sweden, Finland and Austria, which are every bit as attached to their policy of non-alignment or military neutrality as we are. The declarations have a formal status and authority. Should people decide that the State may ratify the Nice treaty our national declaration will be lodged with our instrument of ratification.

The Deputy asks the reason the wording is not being placed before the Dáil prior to the summit. The Taoiseach and I have been as transparent as possible on the Government's approach to the declarations. However, there has been a need for discussion with our EU partners. As well as con sultations with the Spanish Presidency, the Taoiseach discussed the matter with the Prime Ministers of Finland and Sweden last week and today he is having talks in Rome and Vienna with the Prime Minister of Italy and the Chancellor of Austria. For obvious reasons it has not been possible to reveal the texts of the declarations until negotiations on them have been concluded with our EU partners in Seville.

The declarations are being adopted on the authority of the Government which is responsible under the Constitution for the exercise of the executive power of the State in the field of foreign relations. Next Tuesday there will be a full discussion in the House on the outcome of the European Council being held in Seville. I can confirm that, when the declarations are agreed and adopted by the European Council, what will be waved to those who oppose the Treaty of Nice will be the legal texts that form the basis upon which successive Governments have preserved and maintained our policy of military neutrality. The clarity of the declarations will expose, for once and for all, the dishonesty of those who continue to seek to tell the people that they have a different meaning. That is what will be waved back—

Mr. J. Higgins: That is not true.

Mr. Cowen: I will not be shouted down.

Mr. J. Higgins: The Minister will not be shouted down, but he will be answered.

Mr. Cowen: What will be waved back will be the legal texts of the successive treaties, from the Single European Act to the Maastricht and Amsterdam treaties, all of which were adopted. The Nice treaty is yet to be ratified.

The reason we will have a second referendum is that a central policy platform of the Government prior to the general election was that, if re-elected, we would have a referendum. We have obtained that increased democratic mandate – that legitimacy is there for all to see and the people will retain the unfettered right to decide what they want to do. It is the duty of any responsible Government where its international interests are involved to put that question and to ask the people to reflect on it.

(Interruptions.)

Mr. Cowen: I assure Deputy Boyle that what will be waved back at him will be the confirmed and unanimous interpretation of all who negotiated the treaties – the full interpretation, understanding and political commitment of all member states as to what precisely are our obligations and what are the safeguards that have been negotiated by successive Governments in maintaining our policy of neutrality. That will be something with which those opposite will have to deal when we return.