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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 29 Jan 2003

Vol. 560 No. 1

Commencement of Dáil: Statements.

Tá áthas orm tús a chur leis an díospóireacht seo, nuair atáimid at tosú seisiúin nua sa Dáil and bliain nua freisin. Ar dtús, I acknowledge your impartiality, a Cheann Comhairle, as Chair of the House. My position as Chief Whip means I spend a considerable amount of time here. It is an education few people get to share. It is also an education in parliamentary skills. I would like to pay tribute at the beginning of this session to the impartiality in judgment and fairness that you, a Cheann Comhairle, and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle exercise during debates here.

Our role as a parliamentary democracy is one which is very important to us and the people of this country because the right to free political expression has strong resonance in our history. It is a right that countless generations of past patriot have fought for. We are privileged to live in a generation where it is a central tenet of our democracy. The freedom we have as elected representatives to plan, implement and debate here in the Dáil the policies intended to safeguard and transform our nation is one that should never be taken for granted.

Our national Parliament is a concourse of ideas, the stage of our national debate and the corporeal expression of the national will. What we do in this House, indeed what we are doing now, is an important and timely initiative in offering Members of the House a chance to take stock of what has been achieved, to review progress and set out our legislative priorities for the session ahead. This commencement debate will give us all a platform to debate the direction of Government, to place our views on record and to put forward suggestions in a constructive fashion. It is a new initiative which I believe can be built on and developed over the coming sessions.

The task of Government is about getting the job done. Our task is to implement the key pledges on which every Member on this side of the House was elected when the Irish people renewed and strengthened the mandate of the Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. Our policy platform has been endorsed as a blueprint for our future.

The mandate of the sovereign people is a great honour. It brings with it a great responsibility for public service. An Agreed Programme for Government sets out what we want to achieve. It is not an à la carte menu. It is not something we can just dip in and out of as taste or appetite might dictate. The Government is keenly aware of our solemn obligation to the people of Ireland to implement the programme in its entirety. The legislative agenda I set out today builds on what we have accomplished as a Government since the Taoiseach, Deputy Ahern, formed his first Administration in 1997.

Over the past five and a half years, the social and economic policies generated by the Government have been responsible for the creation of 380,000 new jobs, the highest minimum wage in Europe, over 90% of which is entirely free from tax, almost 420,000 removed from the tax net, a cut in long-term unemployment by 80%, the most generous social welfare improvements since the establishment of the welfare state with minimum rates of payments up by 43%, record increases in pensions, with the old age contributory pensions up by 60%. The monthly rate of child benefit trebled; the Government introduced €5 billion in personal tax reductions, weighted heavily in favour of the less well-off; there was a 147% increase in health spending and a 77% increase in education spending. These are just the highlights, but the list could go on and on. We do not have reason to be complacent, but we can take a justified pride in our country's progress since 1997. We see our achievements to date as a foundation on which to build even more ambitiously for the future. In the six months since the formation of the current Government, it has continued to work steadily, building on what has already been achieved.

In implementing the commitments of An Agreed Programme for Government, the Government is progressing the most ambitious legislative agenda in the history of the State. The programme sets out a strong framework for all major aspects of Government activity. It is divided into five major parts and contains 477 specific pledges. Since the Government took office on 6 June 2002, 18 Bills have been published, 12 Bills have been enacted into law and 34 Bills are currently before the Oireachtas. It is anticipated that a further 17 Bills will be published in the life of the current Dáil session. Every Member has received a copy of the Government's legislative programme and the schedule for progression.

The State has its roots in the republican ethos of cherishing all the children of the nation equally. At the heart of An Agreed Programme for Government is a commitment to people with disabilities. The Government is committed to building service provision and legislative frameworks which enable people with disabilities to fulfil their potential. In particular, the Government is resolved to meet the special education needs of every child.

The Minister of State can actually keep a straight face.

It is the Government's firm belief that a person with a disability has the same right as a person who does not have a disability to avail of and benefit from education.

Was the Minister of State in the Mansion House yesterday?

The Government will publish a Bill relating to the education of persons with disabilities in this session, following an extensive consultation process. The guiding principle of the Bill is to provide the statutory framework within which the education of children and those who have special educational needs because of disability can be guaranteed as of right. The Bill will also establish a national council for education which will have wide-ranging functions in the area of planning, assessment, service delivery and research and policy development.

Adequate housing is central to the health and well-being of families and communities. The Government's record in the housing sector since 1997 is unparalleled.

The Minister of State is right about that.

The year 2002 was another record year for new housing output, surpassing the previous year's record of almost 53,000.

The Government has broken all records.

In line with the commitment in An Agreed Programme for Government, we will continue to implement a multi-stranded approach to addressing housing needs across the spectrum. We will work not only to improve the quantity and quality of houses but to provide a range of housing solutions to meet the needs of tenants. We will publish a Bill in this session containing a full package of reforms in the private rented accommodation sector, arising from the report of the Commission on the Private Rented Residential Sector. The key objective of the Bill will be to move towards achieving a better managed and more professional sector, with improved security of tenure for tenants and greater certainty for both landlords and tenants.

That is a laugh.

Among the measures included in this comprehensive legislation are the establishment of a private residential tenancies board on a statutory basis, to resolve disputes arising in the sector; improved security of tenure for tenants and graduated notice to quit periods, as recommended by the commission; and rent levels to be no greater than the market rate and reviews generally no more frequently than once a year.

As pledged in the programme for Government, a Bill dealing with the proceeds of corruption will be introduced, modelled on the proceeds of crime legislation, to further target white collar crime and corruption. A corruption assets bureau will also be established under the legislation. It is hoped that the Bill will be published in the current session. It will ensure that assets acquired through corruption, or the value of which was enhanced by it, can be frozen by the High Court and ultimately seized by the State. The Bill will ensure that we can tackle white collar crime in the same manner as we have tackled other crime through the Criminal Assets Bureau.

Other legislation that will be published in this session and which will fulfil the promises made in An Agreed Programme for Government include an employment permits Bill, which will provide for a comprehensive, transparent and sound statutory footing in this sphere; a protection of employees (fixed-term contracts) Bill, which will improve employment protection for fixed term contract workers; a local government Bill, which will provide for the abolition of the dual mandate and continue the process of local government reform; and an Abbotstown sports centre authority Bill, which will establish a sports centre authority for the development and management of the Abbotstown project.

This session will also see the introduction into the House of the Finance and Social Welfare Bills, which give effect to the budget day decisions. While not without some pain, the budget was fair and progressive and looks after those who are less well-off. It strikes the right balance between social protection for today's people and today's needs and investment to underpin and secure our economic prospects into the future. In particular, I draw the attention of Deputies to the €10 increase for pensioners; the €8 and €10 increases in child benefit; the €7 increase for widows and widowers under the age of 66, carers and those on the invalidity pension under the age of 65; and the special €11 per week increase for widows and widowers aged 66 and over on a contributory pension.

What about a basic payment?

The budget also allowed for an increase of €100 in the respite care grant, an increase in income disregards for carer's allowance and an increase of €140 in the employee PAYE credit. I look forward to hearing Labour and Fine Gael Deputies explain why they will vote against the provisions I have mentioned, which are far more generous than anything they delivered while in Government. I also look forward to the Deputies opposite addressing their erroneous forecasts in relation to the public finances. During the last session of the Dáil, we heard much hyperbole from the doom and gloom brigade on the Opposition benches.

We were right.

Opposition Deputies told us that we have never had it so bad and that the country was about to plunge into deficit. It gives me immense pleasure to congratulate the Minister for Finance, to whom great credit is due, on the end of year Exchequer surplus of €95 million.

There was a shortfall of €2 billion

It seems that Deputy McCreevy has confounded his critics once again.

He has certainly confounded us.

Last year was not a vintage one in economic terms. As Ireland is one of the most globalised economies in the world, our economy slowed down as the world economy slowed down. Our real difficulties must be put in perspective – we continue to outpace most of our competitors. While difficulties undoubtedly exist, these are far from the worst of times. The Government is charting the country through difficult circumstances with skill and resolve. It is the Opposition's luxury to have a problem for every solution, but the Government's duty is to achieve real and steady progress. We are doing just that in a way that is economically sustainable for Ireland in the long-term. During this session of the Dáil, we will maintain our unwavering commitment to prudent spending, responsible fiscal policies, debt reduction and fair and competitive taxes.

Can the House be assured that the Minister of State does not believe the speech she is reading?

She is a decent person and she does not believe what she is reading.

I assure Deputies that not only do I believe what I am reading, but I am determined that it will be implemented during this term of the Dáil.

Did one of the Grimm brothers write the Minister of State's speech?

It is grim.

The Government will continue to provide strong leadership and to manage this period of uncertainty. Ireland needs to be poised to take best advantage of the inevitable upturn when it comes. Social partnership is a central part of our preparation for the future. We have every reason to remain confident about this country's prospects, as per capita GDP surpasses the European average, the national debt is the second lowest in the EU and the employment rate compares favourably to our EU partners. These achievements have been built on the foundations of social partnership. We have kept our discipline for more than 15 years through national agreements.

Will the Minister tell that to a homeless person who has to sleep on our streets or a person with a disability who does not receive care?

No, but I will tell it to those who are involved in social partnership. It is the best way forward for the country as it involves a collective effort. The country has been transformed by social partnership and that process will continue. Great credit is due to the Taoiseach, officials, the social partners and others who have continued to make great efforts in this regard at a time when the plenary session of this House was adjourned.

A positive development in Northern Ireland is the Government's great political goal in the coming weeks. I know that it is an important priority for the Taoiseach. In recent weeks and months the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs have been working intensively with the Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, to bring stability to the political process and consolidate the Good Friday Agreement. Naturally, the happenings there will have a bearing on the debates that take place during this session.

This is also the case with issues of international peace and security. Ireland has a well-earned reputation as a peace-loving nation and this Government views it as important that we continue to contribute solutions to global problems and play an active role in promoting peace, democracy and human rights in the world. Our Ireland Aid programme will play a full part in countering the growing global divide between rich and poor and help tackle poverty, inequality and exclusion. We discussed earlier, and will discuss again later, the prospect of war. While it is a huge concern, the war is not inevitable and we have a role to play in making every effort to avoid hostilities. The Government will continue the work it began in the past two years on the UN Security Council to promote peace.

We believe Security Council Resolution 1441 represents a road map to a peaceful settlement. The Minister for Foreign Affairs has consistently made it clear that the Government's position is based on the conviction that all who believe in an international order based on justice and law have to stand up for the authority of the Security Council and for compliance with the decisions it takes, and with the resolutions it adopts on behalf of the UN members. In the period ahead there will undoubtedly be much debate and many developments. In this House we will continue to monitor changing and unfolding events and will be open and flexible to having debates and to allocating time for Members to air their views on the international situation should the need arise.

As we embark on a new Dáil session, it is fair to say that all of us in this Chamber have an onerous responsibility. We were elected to do a job and to take responsibility for shaping the Ireland we want for ourselves, our communities and future generations. We are an island nation, small in size, with fewer than five million in population, but huge in history and potential for the future. That potential is at last being realised. As Members of Dáil Éireann, we are at the centre of change in our country. We are called upon to mediate the competing aspirations and demands of our community. Our challenge is to shape the aspirations of our people into a credible plan for our future. I am especially proud to be a member of a Government that is making a difference in the daily lives of Irish families and communities. The vision of the Government is to build a fair society on an island at peace with itself. The work of this Dáil session will be driven towards reaching this objective because, as we have set out, this is our ambition for our country, this is our mandate from the people, and this is our pledge.

I have the utmost admiration for the Minister of State opposite and I know she is a serious-minded person, but I sympathise with her for having to come into the House and deliver that oration, knowing in her heart that it is not serious, that it does not address the issues, that it is not even aspirational, let alone inspirational. It is not her fault, but the one Bill that is missing from the current proposals is one that would ensure access for the public to the services, supposedly provided by the State, that they are now denied. We could go through a whole list of these. One thing the Government achieved was winning the general election. The slogan was "A lot done, more to do." That could now be changed to "Damage done, worse to come" because things have got completely out of hand.

Let us look at access to services. Remember that we have had five years of unprecedented growth, development and wealth creation. At the end of that, we are seeing a curtailment of services in virtually every Department, some of which seem to have disappeared altogether, and it now appears that the Government is preparing for the next election by cutting off finances in every direction so that it can release them in four or five years' time. That used to be the practice of Fianna Fáil in the past, but we had moved away from that. There was general recognition among all the parties in the House that it was necessary to have some continuity and consistency and that it was better for the economy to be that way.

There is a crisis in education. It encompasses the size of classes at both primary and secondary level, the degree to which children with special needs can gain access to education, notwithstanding what the Minister said about a second attempt at a disabilities Bill, and school accommodation. Travelling through my constituency the other day, I saw two trucks carrying prefabs for a school, which is about all they will get for the next four years. It is clear that the Government is saving up for the next general election. All the schools, of which I am aware, to which Deputy Stagg referred will either receive nothing or be fobbed off with various developmental stages over the next three to four years. The Minister has no intention of providing anything for them.

A crisis exists in agriculture and there is no plan for the short, medium or long-term. The Minister goes to Brussels and opposes everything, and then we hobble on to the next crisis and the ones after that. There is no forward planning, nothing in anticipation of the WTO or the competition that will arise from that, and disaster will be the consequence. That is why the agricultural community is protesting. Its members are uneasy about the future and do not know what it holds because the Minister has not made any plans.

Let us look at what has happened in the fisheries industry. I had to laugh at Christmas when I saw a Minister of State from Donegal coming forward to speak out on behalf of the fishermen and their families. It is up to the Government to deal with it, notwithstanding the fact that the CFP has proceeded in a particular direction. It is within the remit of the Government to seek to improve matters and to pursue these issues with our European counterparts in an effort to protect the interests of our citizens.

I cannot understand why the Minister referred to housing. Last week I experienced something I had never experienced before in my political lifetime. I had to ring the Garda to see if it would arrest a person on some pretext or other because he had nowhere else to go. He is a single male, of a certain age, on the street at night with no place to go, no hostel or rented accommodation. There is no town, city or village at present that does not have homeless people. There are more homeless people in the city of Dublin than there are in the city of London, which has ten times the population of our capital city. I cannot understand what has gone wrong. The Minister mentioned legislation dealing with private rented accommodation. What will that do about providing extra houses? Nothing. The market dictates everything. Once a year is enough for rents to go up because they will go up enough to create the same problem that exists at present.

I cannot understand how anybody, or any Government, can claim credit after five years for the awful housing situation, not only for applicants for local authority houses but for first-time buyers. Not only are our houses the most expensive in western Europe but we have some of the most expensive in the world. That has never been known anywhere. I do not know what is happening. I cannot understand why the Government does not recognise this. Tax incentives and breaks have been created for people to build houses, but no effort has been made to ensure that they were ultimately available to first-time buyers. That is the snag in all the legislation, and that should be obvious to the Government. In the current market, investors are buying houses as soon as they are built and they are then let at high rents. The people who need homes, including those on middle income, will never get them. People travel 60, 70 or 80 miles a day from Longford and further afield to my constituency and this city because they cannot afford a house anywhere else.

An access to services Bill in the area of health services would be a great advantage to consumers. Never has more money been hurled, or intervention made, by a Government for any service than by this one on health. The reform of the Eastern Health Board just two years ago introduced a huge number of administrators who were given new jobs. This was supposed to help the delivery of health services but those services have instead become more remote from the people, more expensive and ultimately non-existent. Anyone who has experienced access to hospitals at first hand must have come to the conclusion that the service was better and more efficient 25 years ago and I cannot understand why the Government has been unable to recognise this. We now export patients to Northern Ireland, the UK and France, yet we are supposed to be providing our own health service. It is falling down around the Government. Much has been done but I am concerned about what will be done because, to date, nothing has happened. What is particularly problematic is that this comes, not after five years of zero growth, deprivation or poverty, but after five years of unprecedented growth and wealth.

The Government has spoken about waste management and the protection of the environment for some years but it has done nothing. In this context, we have heard much talk about flooding and drainage, yet nothing has been done in terms of proposed legislation. We hear about the alleviation of pollution, yet grants that might have helped have been withdrawn.

I cannot understand the extent to which the rule of law has broken down under the management of this Government over the past five years. The homicide rate is now on a par with that of New York. Ten years ago, the rate of homicides in New York was about six or seven times that in Ireland but, this year, we may well overtake New York in the rates of unlawful killing. Last year, 82 people were killed in New York; we are rapidly approaching that figure now in Ireland and may well exceed it. Hardly a night passes without a fatal shooting, stabbing or beating somewhere in the country. People are afraid to leave their homes and youngsters are afraid to go out at night to socialise. The Minister and his predecessor have been in office for five and a half years and have looked Caesar-like at what is happening around them without making any concrete suggestions about how to deal with it.

The saddest part is that the Minister of State – for whom I have the greatest sympathy – is forced to come into the House and read out a list of so-called achievements on her colleagues' behalf. I know she is a compassionate person and did this out of compassion but I can assure her that their record is deplorable. In the history of the State, there has never been a group of people in Government who managed to talk so much for so long, have so much money at their disposal, make so many promises of a wild and expansive nature but deliver so little at the end. I have no doubt that the intention is to run to the next general election and save as much money as possible. They will cut health services and spending in justice and housing and will go to the country again with those savings. The mothers of Ireland will receive arrears in a lump sum in the middle of the election campaign and there will not be a sports ground in the country that will not receive a grant in excess of €1 million or more.

The Government has expressed its annoyance at certain things – the Taoiseach was humiliated recently when the Government jet would not start. Imagine the humiliation when Mr. Blair and the German Chancellor took off in their sleek machines at the first attempt while the Irish delegation had to jump start the jet or, worse still, the Taoiseach had to take an ordinary commercial flight and leave it to the lads to push the jet.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Deputy has one minute remaining.

I do not think one minute is sufficient to describe the full extent of the damage done to the economy in the past five years but I will do my best. I am glad to see the Government is to purchase another faster, sleeker jet and that, when abroad, the Irish delegation will never again be humiliated as they have been by having to slum it with the rest of the populace.

A lot of damage done and worse to come. I hope that, by the time of the next general election, the outgoing Government does not attempt to repeat the performance of the past five and a half years because on this occasion, the members of the public will be ready. If they are not it will be our fault. I wish the Minister of State well. I assure her that she will get plenty of constructive opposition from Fine Gael and the other Opposition parties but we will prosecute the Government and hold it accountable. We will do so regularly because that is our job and I hope the public will come to recognise that what we have been saying is true and that the only people who pay in the end are the consumers – the people of Ireland.

In this commencement debate of a new parliamentary session and in this new calendar year, the Taoiseach ought to commit to requiring the Dáil to sit for a duration more in line with other parliaments. During his tenure as Taoiseach, Deputy Ahern has contrived for the Dáil to sit for the minimum periods possible and the number of sitting days for 2002 was especially lamentable. The tradition of returning towards the last days of January derives from when the budget was published at the end of January. What is the excuse for continuing as if the budget day had not changed? The schedule of Dáil sittings is fixed by the Government, not by the Whips or the Opposition. The Taoiseach would prefer that the Dáil not meet at all and that, unhindered, he could get on with his interminable schedule of openings, launches, international visits, soft interviews and stage-managed sound bites as well as the serious work. The problem is that this style of leadership is diminishing the Dáil and, more importantly, public confidence in and respect for it.

During 2002 further damage was done by the decision to delay the appointment of the parliamentary committees until the end of the year because it was not expedient from the point of view of internal Fianna Fáil Party considerations. It was a rocky period for the Taoiseach as the more naive backbenchers were taken aback by the breath-taking abandon with which the Government parties shelved their election promises. To hold out the promise of committee chairmanship was a useful weapon to stifle revolt.

Excuses about the election of a new Seanad do not wash. Why, for example, was the Committee of Public Accounts not appointed last June, given the volume of work to be done? There are no Members of the Seanad on that committee and the backlog of issues was allowed to accumulate deliberately. A functioning, competent public accounts committee can effectively police public spending from a value for money standpoint and expose waste inefficiency and indifferent management. Yet, it was put into abeyance for six months. Why?

Unfortunately, the Government seems intent on continuing as it started. Piecemeal, minimal reforms of Dáil procedure are gradually introduced depending on whether they are judged to be to the advantage of the Government. The settled policy is to sanitise Dáil procedures to the extent that all spontaneity is stifled and Government backbenchers do not even have to show up for the Order of Business nowadays. Public confidence in Dáil Éireann will continue to diminish if it is not seen as a functioning, relevant forum where the Government makes itself amenable and the procedures are such that it can be held to account by the Opposition.

A calculation is made concerning how many parliamentary questions are likely to be reached on any given day. Then the remaining questions on the schedule are, where necessary, the subject of vague, abridged, obfuscating replies designed, if not to conceal, not to reveal information to the questioning Deputy. This attitude has given birth to tribunals that have provided information, transparency and entertainment, but which have also been very costly. Deputy John Bruton has remarked that if a Deputy wants to keep his views secret, the place to detail them is in the Dáil Chamber. Certainly, the last place in Ireland that the Taoiseach or one of his Ministers would choose to announce a policy initiative would be Dáil Éireann. A parliamentary question can be replied to misleadingly on the same day as the true position is being unveiled at a ministerial press conference by an army of taxpayer-funded spin doctors. It is all calculated to downplay the role of Parliament and boost the image of the Executive and the great populist leader.

At the outset of a new Dáil session it is appropriate to put down this marker about real Dáil reform, to ask the Taoiseach and his Ministers to show some respect for Dáil Éireann and to begin by limiting the number of 12 hour days and extending the number of sitting days.

Throughout this session and the rest of the year, the impact of the Government's ill-judged and unsound economic policies will become increasingly clear. It is now well established that Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats, seeking to return to office at any price, perpetrated a massive fraud on the people. The litany of broken promises goes on and on. In the dog days of Christmas week the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform finally conceded that he will not deliver the 2,000 extra gardaí he promised the people. Just last week, the Minister for Education and Science finally came clean on Fianna Fáil's electoral promises to provide a decent schools building programme. Again, the promises were completely empty and fraudulent, deliberately calculated to win pockets of votes in marginal constituencies.

Let me give an example from my constituency, which is replicated throughout the country. In Kingswood on 26 April, just before general election day, my newest colleague in Fianna Fáil stated the following in respect of St. Killian's primary schools: "I recently raised the matter with the Minister for Education and Science, Dr. Michael Woods." That will not do a lot of good for anyone, as his colleagues in Fianna Fáil know.

Unless they are in CORI.

He continued as follows: "I viewed this matter as so important that I also raised it with the Taoiseach Bertie Ahern." The Taoiseach stated the following to the humble councillor, as he then was, who raised this matter with him: "I am pleased to inform you that approval has been given to go to tender which, as you know, has been outstanding for some time." That is what was stated in the circular put around to win valuable marginal votes. Of course, nothing has happened and the schools are not on the schedule. It was a lie and it was replicated several times throughout the country.

How can Deputy Hanafin keep a straight face?

Nowhere are the lies and deceit of the Government more evident than in the health sector. Before the election, a health strategy was launched with extraordinary pomp and ceremony. Once the Government's re-election was secure, the health strategy, like the reputation of the Minister, Deputy Martin, was shredded in favour of an onslaught of cuts and increases in health, VHI, and hospital and drugs charges. The only thing that has not gone up is the desperately low income level needed to qualify for a medical card. While a single person with an income of over €138 per week cannot get a medical card, retired judges, bankers and retired Taoisigh can simply fill out a form and get one. The Government could not even get its sums right in the disastrous handling of the over-70s issue.

Meanwhile, our accident and emergency departments are overloaded and our disability services are underfunded. I could not believe that the Minister came in here this evening and appealed to our republican ethos to demonstrate her commitment to the disabled. Given the protest that she must have seen outside the Mansion House yesterday it is incredible that she could come in here and make a commitment like that and about equality of educational opportunity. She should tell that to Jamie Sinnott and his mother.

That the Government parties have behaved dishonestly is now well known. Apart from the dishonesty of their economic policy, it is also unfair and unsound. The Government manages the economy not in the interests of the people but in the interests of its own political survival. It squeezed public expenditure in the aftermath of the 1997 election to build up an electoral slush fund, as Deputy Durkan has just said. Then it cut taxes for the rich and splurged on public expenditure in advance of the general election. No thought was given to either structural reform or value for money. In doing so, it pushed up inflation and dealt a severe blow to our competitiveness, with not a whisper of concern from the Tánaiste and Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment until after the election. We are now seeing the direct result of redundancies, which have doubled in the past two years, and inflation, which will certainly be over 5% this year. Working families pay the price for this mismanagement and suffer the consequences of the rising figures on the live register.

Now the stop-start cycle has begun all over again. The cuts impose hardship while the war chest is already being amassed for the next election. Again, working families pay the price in higher bills and poorer services. It need not have been like this. In 2002 the Government recorded a current budget surplus of €5.4 billion. A sum of €5,400 million more was taken in than paid out on the day-to-day running of the State. Because the Government is ideologically opposed to public services, it is squeezing the current budget to support capital spending. Its objection to borrowing for capital purposes makes no sense in good times and is even more foolhardy during a downturn. By abandoning the national development plan the Government is causing long-term damage to our economy. What foreign country wants to invest in a country that does not have decent infrastructure?

The Taoiseach and the Tánaiste, who delighted in running around the country announcing new jobs in times of boom, now have nothing to say to working families who are facing redundancy and short time work. If they do not have the confidence to invest in the economy, how can they expect others to have it?

Public services are being squeezed continuously. A current budget surplus of €5.4 billion existed, yet we learned this week that severely mentally and physically handicapped people in St. Mary's in Drumcar are living in conditions that are an affront in a civilised country. Working families bear the strain of this Government's failures and of its abuse of power. They bear it in the form of rising prices, higher charges and stealth taxes while dealing with crises in education, health, housing and child care. This Government has made promise after promise to address child care, but nothing of substance is ever done and nothing will be done.

The Government does not want to take responsibility for anything, but is happy to lay the blame for every problem at the door of a so-called international recession. It wants to go back to the days of the poor mouth when every problem was met with a shrug of the shoulders and the comment "Ah sure, we are a poor country". Ireland is not a poor country; it is, in fact, one of the richest in the world with the second highest GDP per capita in the EU. We are not, by any stretch of the imagination, at risk of returning to the dark days of the 1980s as the Taoiseach regularly attempts to suggest. We have the second lowest debt-GDP ratio of any EU country. We are not poor, but we are poorly governed. We suffer from a poverty of aspiration and a paucity of governmental competence. Blaming the international recession for every ill when we have a current budget surplus of €5.4 billion is simply another example of a dishonest Government which will not deal with issues affecting ordinary working families.

We commence a new parliamentary session with the world on the brink of a war which is to be launched by the United States of America against Iraq. There is nothing in the preliminary report of the United Nations arms inspectors that justifies the headlong dash to a war that could, according to the UN's own estimates, lead to over 500,000 direct or indirect casualties, the outbreak of disease and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians. In light of the reports of the UN's Dr. Blix, it is essential that the inspectors be given all the time necessary to fully discharge the mandate provided to them by the Security Council. It is not possible to develop or test weapons of mass destruction while the UN inspectors are in the country. Ireland should join with France and Germany, the latter of which is about to take up the presidency of the UN Security Council, in their efforts to secure a peaceful settlement of this dispute. Instead, the Government is dissembling and making things up as it goes along, hoping that something will turn up. It gives information only when it is unavoidable and changes that information depending on which Minister is speaking.

In two months of work, the inspectors have found no evidence of weapons of mass destruction and Dr. Blix has told the Security Council that, on the whole, Iraq has co-operated rather well in the process. While some of the criticisms of the Iraqi authorities made by Dr. Blix are significant and while pressure must continue to be exerted on Baghdad to co-operate, these do not constitute grounds for war. I draw the attention of the House to the statement by Dr. Blix in which he said that the 1991 to 1998 inspectorate achieved results. Dr. Blix stated that the disarmament achieved by his predecessors was greater than that achieved by allied bombing during the Gulf War. Given the manner in which the US and British military is proceeding, there are real concerns that it was always the intention to proceed to war regardless of the findings of the inspectors and irrespective of whether further military action is sanctioned by the Security Council. US disengagement from events in Palestine and its approach to the more unpredictable regime in North Korea is more than a hint that this war is about oil and the strategic interests of the United States. No democratic country has gone to war in recent times other than in direct response to an act of aggression. Launching a massive war over a possible threat from another country will create a very dangerous precedent indeed. Furthermore, as it is put in the current edition of the American journal Foreign Affairs, the United States of America risks alienating those it is most likely to need as its 21st century allies.

Even though ours is a small country, we must do all we can to ensure that a disaster is averted. The Government should cease to be silent in respect of the drift towards war and join with others in campaigning for a peaceful settlement. Instead, it is complicit in the warmongering. This is evident in the revelation this morning by the Minister for Transport, Deputy Brennan, that he has given US civilian aircraft permission to transport military equipment through Shannon Airport in direct contradiction of the legal and political position adopted by some of his colleagues. It is another aspect of the Government's desire to be closer to Boston than Berlin, as is the Taoiseach's action to have a vital Dáil debate on this issue postponed. The Government says there has been no change in policy and that all Governments have provided facilities at Shannon Airport for US troops in transit to and from the United States of America. This is true, of course, but the circumstances have changed. Facilities which can properly be made available to a friendly nation at a time of peace may not be appropriate when the nation appears to be embarked on a course of belligerent military action without the approval of the Security Council of the United Nations.

The Irish public is not being told the truth about the full use of Shannon Airport. Figures given out by the Department of Transport suggest that just seven civilian aircraft carrying weapons or munitions were given permission to land at Shannon Airport in the first three weeks of this month, but that a further 19 were given permission last week. This suggests that there has been either an astonishing increase in the number of such aircraft using the airport or that the law and the requirement to seek sanction was being widely ignored. It emphasises the need for some system of inspection and verification of these aircraft at Shannon.

I draw the attention of the House to the conflict within the Government with regard to the application of section 3(1)(vii) of the Defence Act, 1954, which explicitly states that no person shall, save with the consent in writing of the Minister, enter or land in the State while wearing a foreign military uniform. Deputy Michael D. Higgins tabled a question on this issue before Christmas and was told by the Minister for Defence that the provisions of section 3(1)(vii) of the Defence Act had not been exercised by him in the period in question. On the other hand, I received a letter from the Taoiseach yesterday which told me that the requirements of section 3(1)(vii) of the Defence Act regarding the wearing of uniforms are being complied with fully. The US authorities have been given express permission which allows their military personnel to wear their uniforms in the transit areas of Irish airports. Who is telling the truth, the Minister for Defence or the Taoiseach?

I wish to share my time with Deputies Cowley, Ó Caoláin and Boyle, with two and a half minutes for the former and the remaining ten minutes to be shared by the latter two.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I wish everyone in the Dáil well in 2003, which I hope is a better year than 2002, the year of the cuts. Earlier, I listened carefully as the Minister spoke about the republican ethos of the State in cherishing all the children of the nation equally. Tell that to the thousands of children who live in poverty, to the children with disabilities who are on waiting lists and to the 38% of the poorest families who feel completely excluded. These families are so disillusioned that they do not vote in elections. We need a republican ethos in this House, but it has to be a radical, civic form of republicanism which protects the poor and the less well off, otherwise we are dealing with empty words.

We need only look at the figures published over the last few days which demonstrate the lack of disability services, including the lack of support services at St. John of Gods, County Louth, for 250 adults with intellectual disabilities. There are 1,711 families which need full-time residential service, 861 families in need of a day care service and 1,014 who need some form of respite service. Waiting lists for St. Michael's House catalogue 344 people with intellectual disabilities, three of whose elderly parents are terminally ill. If the Government is serious about disabilities, it will introduce a supplementary budget of €20 million to deal with the crisis and emergency cases. The Taoiseach stated that there were only four groups involved in the protest at the Mansion House yesterday. Many parents from Dublin, Cork and Limerick who gave much time and incurred much expense to be there took great offence at these dismissive remarks, particularly those on the waiting lists. I call on the Taoiseach to withdraw those remarks and to apologise to the 1,711 families on the waiting lists for full-time residential services and to the 861 families who need a day-care service. His remarks had nothing to do with civic republicanism and the equal cherishing of all children.

On the question of corruption, I will strongly support the proceeds of corruption legislation, which is modelled on other crime legislation. This is a progressive step, but once again, I ask that all confiscated finances and wealth be put back into the poorest communities.

With regard to the North, we must all work hard to ensure the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and to tackle sectarianism, which is destroying this country, particularly in the Six Counties. The peace process is like the Irish football team, it belongs to us all and we all have a duty to move it forward each day by demanding equality and an end to injustice. I look forward to helping in a small way to building a new and inclusive Ireland.

The time for talking is long gone and now is the time for action. A plethora of reports on the health services points fingers but ultimately amounts to nothing. Actions speak louder than words and in this regard the national health strategy has done nothing but increase expectations. It has made no major improvement to the health services. As a doctor working at the coalface of health, I do not want to see today's problems become crises prior to the next general election.

The Government has overseen the demise of the Celtic tiger. At this stage it does not even tread in parts of my county. In west and north Mayo, where Asahi, Warners and Babygrow have closed and where Bellacorick is due to close, the census of population predicts that by the end of this century not a living soul will remain in the region. Decentralisation, special tax designation status and infrastructure is urgently needed in the region if it is to survive. Today in Ballinrobe, 16 jobs have been lost due to the closure of Ablecrest Limited, leaving 16 families devastated. I urge the Government to act immediately with the IDA to secure a replacement industry for the town. Sixteen jobs may not be a great number, but it is huge for Ballinrobe and will create great hardship.

Ballina hospital is without any X-ray facility since the breakdown of obsolete equipment, which should have been replaced years ago, as demanded by the Western Health Board. A similar situation exists in Mayo General Hospital, the county's main hospital, where no X-ray scanning is possible. This means that the diagnosis of bowel cancer and other illnesses is not possible in Mayo. The Western Health Board has sought this equipment for months, indeed a year. A sum of €140,000 would purchase new digital X-ray equipment for the hospital which could be of use to the 2,500 people who are waiting for the service. At present, the Western Health Board is reduced to looking for a second hand X-ray machine. What kind of health service is that? I demand that the Ballina machine be immediately replaced.

The Government should start with the basics and provide a basic health service and employment opportunities for young people and farmers who must leave the land. It got money on the back of the deprived areas in the west of Ireland, including my county, yet we do not have basic services. We must survive and it is only right that we try to do so. It is not asking much.

The Minister of State delivered a eulogy to an increasingly shabby Government. It treats the business of parliamentary democracy with contempt. This House met on 67 days last year.

There was a general election.

Last year, the 28th Dáil met for 26 days while the 29th Dáil met for 41 days, the same number of days that the Dáil met in 1923, the founding year of the State when a civil war took place. That the Government sanctions meetings of the Dáil on such an infrequent basis negates its claim to have a radical legislative programme. To date it has enacted 12 Bills, nine of which passed through the House on the last week of the previous session with the use of the guillotine and most of which were technical in nature.

The programme presented to the House today is startling in its lack of imagination. The Bills presented do not go near meeting the needs of those seeking the kind of change required in so many areas of Irish life. For example, the decision to reintroduce the Education for Persons with Disabilities Bill with no indication as to when the Disabilities Bill will be reintroduced shows a further contempt of those with disabilities.

That Bill is subject to an ongoing consultation process.

The memorandum for the Education for Persons with Disabilities Bill refers to guaranteeing the needs of people with disability. Has the Government not learned that both Bills fell in the last Dáil because of its unwillingness to recognise the rights of people with disability? The proposed legislation will not address this.

One additional health Bill is proposed in addition to the three already before the House. None deals with the central question of health provision and the lack of equity for people who suffer from a health service that is more sick than many of those in need of it. Where is the innovation and the radicalism? This is a tired Government. It has achieved what it wanted and is content to be back in office without knowing what it wants to do.

The housing Bill is an indication that the Government is only concerned in the environmental area with meeting the needs of property over people. It fails to recognise the problems faced by many in our society. The protection of the environment Bill is indicative of the loose way in which the Government uses language. The Bill is not concerned with the protection of the environment, rather it will be a licensing of pollution Bill, in line with all environmental legislation introduced by the Government.

It is a pretence to suggest that the local government Bill will improve the powers of local government when its only two provisions will be to eliminate the dual mandate, which should not exist and which all Members should give up voluntarily, and to remove the power of people to democratically elect first citizens in their respective local authorities. The legislation does not contain one initiative in terms of improving the power of local government.

The Dáil is reconvening three weeks after the Westminster Parliament returned from its Christmas recess. In that time members of the Government, especially the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Transport, have signed orders without scrutiny or debate in this House on matters that are slowly dragging the country into involvement in a foreign conflagration which the people do not desire and which the world does not need.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Deputy should conclude.

I would value the extra four minutes granted to Deputy Rabbitte, but I will conclude. The Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism will conclude this very short debate on behalf of the Government. He will ignore the fact that the Government will not introduce any significant legislation in this session. While we will get the knock-about debates, the House deserves more than the Cahirciveen chancer routine. We deserve a more significant legislative programme and we need active debate of sufficient length and depth. Unless the Government changes its ways, this will not happen in this session.

James Connolly once said ruling by fooling is a great British art with great Irish fools on which to practise. The Government has taken a leaf from the British book and is attempting to rule the State by fooling the people. However, there are not as many fools as it might like to think. I doubt that so many people have ever been so disappointed and enraged at the performance of a Government so soon after it came to office. What angers people most is that the Government has been engaged in transparent efforts to deceive them, something they find insulting.

As we begin this session the real policies, as against those promised before the general election, are clear. The cuts are beginning to bite. On the eve of the commencement, people with disabilities had to protest outside the Taoiseach's launch of the European year of people with disabilities to highlight the savage cuts in the budget allocated to health boards. For example, the budget for intellectual disability services in 2004 has been cut from €38 million to €13.3 million. This cut has been described by the Federation of Voluntary Bodies and the National Association of Parents and Friends of the Mentally Handicapped of Ireland as bringing us back to the mid-1990s.

As I said previously, these caring agencies and voluntary bodies will not be able to maintain existing services, let alone proceed with badly needed new developments in this area. It will mean longer waiting lists for day care and respite care, and affect the long-term residential care needs of many, as I highlighted to the Taoiseach at the conclusion of the last term of this Dáil. I also highlight the continuing scandal of some 500 people with intellectual disabilities being detained inappropriately in psychiatric insti tutions. There is no provision to address this scandal.

Yesterday, on the eve of the commencement, the community platform representing a host of groups working with the disadvantaged and marginalised in our society pointed out at a press conference that there was nothing in the proposed new partnership agreement to address many pressing social issues. The focus of this Government, the employers and, scandalously, the trade union movement is on pay and appears to be only on pay. That is a failure on their part to address what is essential within any proposed agreement, and that is the pressing social needs of many in our society today. Addressing pay alone will not do that.

While we are talking about the marginalisation of those with particular needs – the intellectually disabled and others – let us look at the reality of this negotiation of a new partnership agreement. This Dáil has been marginalised because an agreement will be negotiated and, presumably, concluded without the elected representatives in this House having any opportunity to have an input, which is another scandal.

The Taoiseach and Tánaiste are elected representatives.

We have seen the deception in the Estimates and the budget; the results have been rolling out since then and especially since the Dáil rose on 18 December last, since which date it has not been possible to hold the Government accountable. After the broken promises to extend the general medical services scheme to an additional 200,000 people and to end waiting lists within two years, we have had more crises in the health services. Accident and emergency units are unable to cope with the number of patients presenting and this is at a time when major changes in training practices are imminent and could lead to the closure of accident and emergency units in a number of additional hospitals throughout the country, not only at Monaghan General Hospital where the hospital has been deemed off call.

I will restate my point because it is crucial. Major changes in training practices are imminent and there are consequences following from that. I asked the Taoiseach on today's Order of Business, with regard to planned and proposed legislation, whether there was any proposal to curtail the scandalous dominance of the representative bodies of the various consultant specialities over the configuration of the delivery of health care services in this State. I cannot get an answer. The referee or full-back on behalf of the Taoiseach prevented a response.

There are many issues on which this Government has failed. Regrettably, within the few minutes I have, I will not be able to address them further. While the Government has abandoned so many of the promises and commitments presented in its pre-election programme, I thought, prior to the arrival of the Ministers for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources and Arts, Sport and Tourism, that it had also abandoned Deputy Hanafin who cut a lonely figure on the Government benches for most of this so-called commencement debate.

I am well able to stand on my own.

Deputy Ó Caoláin talks about deception and people being fooled. His party has been a past master at fooling the people for many decades.

The Minister should not worry about that.

One needed only to look at the Sunday Independent and other newspapers over the weekend to see that the statement “They haven't gone away, you know” is still very pertinent.

If the Minister actually read the newspapers he might learn the truth. Of course, he is not able to see the small print in The Irish Times.

I totally reject what Deputy Ó Caoláin and Members on the other side of the House have said. The truth is bitter.

Yes, and we accept the truth.

The fact is that they haven't gone away, you know.

Why does the Minister believe the Sunday Independent and not other newspapers?

The legislative programme the Government has put in place contains 215 Bills. Our record is second to none, as the Chief Whip has outlined in this debate. I have no doubt that one of the reasons we were re-elected was because of our legislative record. We have serious, thought-out policies and clear priorities. That sets us apart from the parties on the opposite side of the House which focus on spin not substance, crying crisis at every turn, and which have turned histrionics into a political art.

How many spinners has the Government?

The Minister should check the record.

I realise Deputy Costello is just back from his honeymoon but I suggest that he checks the record with regard to some of the pronouncements he has made in recent times. The alternative to this Government is policy on the hoof.

This is like Hans Christian Andersen.

One only has to remember Fine Gael before the last election. I mentioned policy on the hoof; Fine Gael did not know from one day to the next what policy it was going to come out with.

What about people who cannot get into a hospital or get a subvention? What of those on waiting lists?

Even today, Deputy Costello's colleague, Deputy Broughan, had not a bull's notion regarding this Government's policy on broadband, even though he is supposed to be marking me in this brief. He did not seem to be aware that there was no cut with regard to the money going into broadband. I am sure he is delighted to find that, over the next year or so, €60 million of taxpayer's money will be invested in broadband.

The Minister can fool some of the people some of the time but he cannot fool all of the people all of the time.

Neither did Deputy Broughan seem to know about the pilot projects I launched this week with regard to wireless lam or of the policy I am driving with regard to FRIACO. He did not seem to know that in his party's election manifesto there was not one concrete promise regarding broadband infrastructure. The Labour Party did not even launch a communications policy document before the election.

Yes, it did. The Minister is just not aware of it.

The same is true of Fine Gael whose policy is made on the hoof.

What of those in my town who cannot get a disabled person's grant?

When I announced the policy direction with regard to FRIACO and flat rate Internet access, Deputy Coveney, who is not in the House, issued a press release on behalf of Fine Gael condemning the move. The press release was headed "Government must not impose policy on new commission". He opposed my efforts to drive communications policy and my efforts to introduce flat rate Internet access until he read the newspapers the next morning. He then saw that my move was widely welcomed, as it still is. At that stage, Deputy Coveney did a complete about turn and issued a new press release applauding the Minister, headed "Directive on flat rate to be applauded".

He slept on it.

Such a total about turn in 24 hours is the type of policy making that is one of the reasons Fine Gael bit the dust in the last election. Many pieces of legislation in the programme, such as the Housing (Private Rented Sector) Bill, the Education for Persons with Disabilities Bill and the Proceeds of Corruption Bill, are very significant.

There should be a hallucination Bill for lads like the Minister.

Again, I only have to turn to my colleague, who in Opposition and in Government was one of the most prestigious and prolific legislators in the area of crime.

That will be zero tolerance all right.

I congratulate him for that, even though Fine Gael and Labour claim credit for the Criminal Assets Bureau. It was this man, in opposition, who brought forward the draft legislation that prompted them to do something about the problem.

The Minister should sit down. We have heard enough.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I must call the Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism.

That is a pity, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, because I would love to continue. However, I will leave it for another day.

What a Government; it has abolished crime.

First, I extend my warmest congratulations to my friend, Deputy Costello, on his marriage and wish him and his wife every possible happiness in the years ahead.

She is a neighbour of mine.

Well, we cannot all be perfect.

The commencement of a new Dáil session is an appropriate time to take stock, to reflect on what has occurred in the life of the Dáil to date and to set out the Government's intentions into the future. The primary task of this House is to ensure that the people of this country are provided with the legislation necessary to ensure the orderly running of society, the efficient and equitable management of our resources and the means of fairly achieving legitimate democratic goals.

Debate, questions and parliamentary scrutiny are hallmarks of democracy. They are the means by which the people ensure that their taxes are being responsibly spent and by which Government accounts to the people. However, they are not the sole tenets of democracy. Informed choice is the essence of democracy. To make an informed choice the people must know not just where the Government stands but also where the various and often contradictory strands of the Opposition stand.

The legislative programme which the Government has set out for this session is challenging. It builds on the democratic foundations endorsed by the people in the last general election. Then, the largely complementary manifestos put forward by Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats were, to different degrees, endorsed by the Irish people. Post-election negotiations between the two parties resulted in An Agreed Programme for Government and, in turn, were endorsed by this House in its selection of Taoiseach and Ministers.

That programme for Government represents a blueprint for stability and advancement. Its aims are to consolidate the gains made over the past half decade and to prepare the way for future growth and development. Its aim is to safeguard existing levels of employment and to provide real opportunities for expansion.

For the past decade and a half Ireland has pioneered the concept of social partnership which has brought economic peace and spectacular growth. It has resulted in many long-term unemployed securing gainful employment and in advances for many of the disadvantaged in society. It is a process which must be continued for the same reason it was started – to ensure the long-term survival of a vibrant Irish economy and to ensure that the benefits of that economy are shared fairly among all our citizens.

We have heard much in recent days of the desire of the smaller parties to hold the Government to account. This is a legitimate function of Opposition in a democratic state but I am somewhat concerned that the Opposition parties have a blinkered and limited view of their own role. Democracy is about choice. It is about the people being properly informed so as to enable them to make an informed choice. In order to make a choice the people have to know where the Opposition stands. Criticism of the Government is but one part of the role of Opposition. Postulating viable alternative policies and actions is the other part. For the past five and half years we have had an admittedly fractured Opposition—

We have a fractured Government as well.

—which is high on criticism, often spectacularly ill considered criticism, and low on alternatives. This may continue but if it does it serves both the Opposition and the people of Ireland poorly.

The Fine Gael Party under the leadership of Deputy Enda Kenny has undergone a period of introspection or, as Deputy Hogan more colourfully put it, of navel gazing.

No, it was Deputy Kenny who said that. Art gives licence but not that much licence.

In the aftermath of an election when both its policies and its leadership were decisively rejected by the Irish people, this is not surprising. Deputy Kenny has said this period of introspection is now at an end. Time will tell if he is right but it would be wrong to think that last weekend's gathering represented the end of the process for Fine Gael.

I like that. The Minister will find out in due course.

If they are to function as a real Opposition party it will be necessary for the members of their parliamentary party to avert their gaze from their navels and focus on their hearts. If today each member of the Fine Gael parliamentary party were asked to state what the party stood for and enunciate what policies it would pursue in Government each would give a different answer. Not alone do people on the Government benches not know what Fine Gael stands for, people on the streets do not know either.

At least we stand for something as opposed to what the Government has achieved in the past five years.

This is not because what Fine Gael stands for is a secret. It is because modern Fine Gael does not stand for anything.

The Minister used to stand for zero tolerance.

Fine Gael is a movement without a cause. Aimlessly it floats backwards and forwards on the treacherously alluring tide of populism, mistaking opportunism for initiative and confusing existence with substance. At one time in the earth's history it was believed that dinosaurs would always exist because dinosaurs had always existed.

The Minister must be telling his own story.

History has shown that this belief is untrue. Time may show that it is also untrue for political parties.

The other fallacy which pervades the flawed view of the role of an Opposition is that it is the role of the Opposition to ask but never answer questions. In a democracy people have a right to information. They have a right to information about the Government, about Government policies and about Government intentions.

That is correct, and they have a right to know before an election what will be done and to expect it to be done after the election.

However, they also have a right to information about the Opposition, what it has been and is doing and what alternatives it proposes. In short, the people have a right to know who the Opposition are and what, if anything, they stand for. They have a right to know how much the Opposition's policies would cost to implement and how they should be funded.

In this regard at least the Labour Party, under the leadership of Deputy Rabbitte, has been focused and consistent. It is a party irrevocably wedded to a policy of borrowing. Many in this House and more among the electorate consider this to be a recipe for economic catastrophe and social impoverishment. It was a policy which was fully utilised by the last full-term Government in which the Labour Party participated, the ill-fated coalition of 1982-87. There, the policy of borrowing was so pervasive and its implementation so profligate that the national debt was doubled in the lifetime of a single term Government, a feat never achieved before and, I hope, never to be repeated in the future.

No lesson appears to have been learned by the new leadership of Labour from the calamitous mistakes of its past.

Does the Minister remember 1977? That was real borrowing.

On any issue, be it health, education, social welfare or finance, the Labour Party approach is consistent. The answer is yes, now what is the question.

Labour is a party either unable or unwilling to take hard decisions. It is a party bereft of practical vision, unable to ascribe priorities to its ambitions.

Tell us about Taca.

It wants everything and wants it now. This policy does not work for tantrum throwing four year olds and it will not work for Ireland.

This is art. It is appropriate that the Minister for art is saying this to the House.

He is certainly creative.

Labour, if it wants to be taken seriously as an Opposition party and as a potential component in Government, is going to have to enter the era of responsible opposition. The challenge I pose to those on the Opposition benches for this coming Dáil term is to engage in responsible Opposition, to be honest with themselves and with the people, to spell out their alternative policies and when they would implement them and to state loudly, clearly and without equivocation what their policies would cost and how they would be funded.

There is no magic attaching to the management of the public finances, only prudence. Every penny spent must be raised by taxation, saved elsewhere or borrowed. It is time the do-it-all and do-it-now Opposition became a responsible Opposition—

Would it be possible for the Government to become responsible? What about responsible Government?

—and spelled out for the Irish people the precise tax rises, the precise service cuts or the precise amount of borrowing required to fund their daily policy mantra of do-it-all and do-it-now.

If the Opposition rises to this challenge, democracy in Ireland will be more transparent and the people will have the information to make real and informed choices about the composition of any alternative Government.

It is a proper function of Opposition to ask questions. It is also their democratic duty to answer them. Deputy Rabbitte would have us believe that his ambition for this Dáil session is to usurp Deputy Kenny's position as Leader of the Opposition.

The Minister can do better than that.

Deputy Rabbitte seeks to establish himself as a great inquisitor, seldom rising to his feet in the House without a bag of question marks to be hung at the end of sentences, paragraphs or pages. He is a man much given to demanding answers.

Could Listowel Writers' Week not inspire the Minister to do better than this?

At the outset of his tribunal, Mr. Justice Flood wrote to public representatives who held office in Dublin local authorities during the time covered by his terms of reference, inquiring into whether they had received payments. Deputy Rabbitte was a member of a Dublin local authority during the relevant time period.

The Minister is a historian too.

Did he at that stage inform the tribunal that he had received, retained and returned money to a lobbyist or did he do as Mr. Haughey is alleged to have done and deny receiving any such payments?

The Minister should tell us about Mr. Haughey, the whole story.

Deputy Rabbitte should take the initiative and inform the public of his response. It is a legitimate inquiry to be made of a leader of a political party. A simple syllable will suffice, "yes" if he informed the tribunal and "no" if he did not. I await his response.

I also await the response to my call for responsible opposition. I await hearing in debate, questions and documents the individual policies of Opposition parties. I await hearing how they will be funded and when they will be implemented and I await hearing their priorities. From now on, the hitherto universal Opposition call of do-it-all and do-it-now will be met with the refrain of, "Tell us how and tell us how now". Penny by penny, tax rise by tax rise, service cut by service cut, the Opposition must be forced to engage with reality. I challenge the Opposition for the duration of this Dáil term to compile a schedule of the expenditure it proposes and the reductions it opposes. At Easter let the Department of Finance measure the magnitude of the tax increase necessary to fund its fantasies. I await its response. This Dáil session has the capacity to be provoking and challenging.

As it is now 7 o'clock we must move on.

I intend to make it so, not just for the Government. I am rather surprised to see Fine Gael call for fewer TDs. I would have thought it had lost enough in the election.

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