Enda Kenny
Question:1 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments in the Northern Ireland peace process; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [27070/02]
Ceisteanna – Questions. - Northern Ireland Issues.
Enda Kenny
Question:2 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the political parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [27071/02]
Enda Kenny
Question:3 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the British Government; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [27072/02]
Enda Kenny
Question:4 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [27073/02]
Enda Kenny
Question:5 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when the Forum on Peace and Reconciliation will next meet; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [27085/02]
Joe Higgins
Question:6 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent contacts with the parties in Northern Ireland. [27109/02]
Joe Higgins
Question:7 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [27110/02]
Joe Higgins
Question:8 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the British Prime Minister. [27113/02]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:9 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach his most recent contacts with the political parties in Northern Ireland and the British Government regard ing the situation in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1234/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:10 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1235/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:11 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach his plans to participate directly in the talks taking place between the two Governments and the political parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1236/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:12 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments within Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1237/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:13 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach his views on whether Assembly elections in Northern Ireland should be held on schedule in May 2003; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1238/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:14 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach the recent contacts he has had with the political parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1284/03]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:15 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on developments in the peace process; his role in them; and the discussions he has had with the British Prime Minister. [1509/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:16 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach the outcome of his meeting on 23 January 2003 with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1580/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:17 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach the outcome of his meeting on 23 January 2003 with the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, David Trimble; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1581/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:18 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach the outcome of his meeting on 21 January 2003 with the leader of Sinn Féin, Mr. Gerry Adams; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1582/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:19 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach the outcome of his meeting on 23 January 2003 with the leader of the SDLP, Mr. Mark Durkan; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1583/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:20 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting in Dublin on 21 January 2003 with Sinn Féin; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1587/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:21 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting in London on 22 January 2003 with the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1588/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:22 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach his views on whether the talks can resolve the current impasse in the peace process in the North; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1665/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:23 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach his views on whether the current impasse in the peace process in the North can be resolved sufficiently in time to allow Assembly polls to go ahead in May 2003; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1666/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:24 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach his views on whether his discussions with British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, have proved significant in the search for a breakthrough to the current peace process impasse; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1667/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:25 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach his views on whether his discussions with First Minister, David Trimble, have proved significant in the search for a breakthrough to the current peace process impasse; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1668/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:26 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach his views on whether his discussions with SDLP leader, Mark Durkan, have proved significant in the search for a breakthrough to the current peace process impasse; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1669/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:27 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1697/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:28 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the matters discussed and conclusions reached at his recent meeting with the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1698/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:29 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach when he expects to meet the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1701/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:30 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments in the Northern Ireland peace process. [1702/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:31 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach the discussions he has had with Prime Minister Blair concerning the possibility of war in Iraq; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2421/03]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 31, inclusive, together.
Together with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, I had separate meetings in London last Thursday week with the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, David Trimble, and Prime Minister Blair which focused on Northern Ireland. The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, was also present at the meeting with the Prime Minister. Earlier that week I met the Sinn Féin and SDLP leaderships. Over recent weeks both Governments and the pro-Agreement parties have been discussing how we can re-establish trust and confidence in the process and make the necessary progress to restore devolved government in Northern Ireland.
Both Prime Minister Blair and I are fully determined to achieve progress on key outstanding issues. While a great deal of work has been ongoing since before Christmas, there is a clear necessity to quicken the pace if we are to bring about a restoration of the devolved Administration in Northern Ireland in advance of the elections on 1 May. From the various contacts I have had, I know that everyone involved in this process is fully aware of the value of the prize that we wish to secure and consolidate. This is a challenge that not only must be faced by the two Governments but requires a collective effort by everyone who supports and subscribes to the Agreement and its principles. Enormous progress has been made because of the Agreement and nobody wishes to place this at risk.
While I acknowledge the very substantial contribution made by the IRA ceasefires and acts of decommissioning, the political realities are that the continued operations of paramilitary organisations, both republican and loyalist, have created a crisis of confidence which must be addressed. Paramilitary organisations must complete the transition to democratic and peaceful means. Activities including intelligence gathering, targeting, training, arms procurement, punishment attacks and other criminal activities must end.
However, reducing concerns to a single issue is not helpful and will not allow us to solve the current situation in a way which will ensure stability and trust in the future. I am therefore convinced that we must aim high and bring about an outcome which sees acts of completion on all sides. We must move beyond the stop-start incremental approach which is no longer sufficient to sustain the process. I know this will not be easy but I believe it is possible and I certainly believe it is worth the maximum engagement and effort of the two Governments and the parties over the coming weeks. To achieve the necessary breakthrough, we must all fulfil our obligations and complete the implementation of all outstanding aspects of the Agreement.
The commitment of both Governments to the Good Friday Agreement remains firm and resolute. Renegotiation of the Agreement is not, and cannot, be an option. Round table talks recommenced last week. These meetings are chaired on our side by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Brian Cowen and Minister of State, Deputy Tom Kitt. Apart from offering a forum in which the pro-Agreement parties can meet, these round table talks and implementation group meetings are addressing a number of issues including, for example, in the areas of paramilitarism, human rights, equality, the Irish language, policing and demilitarisation. While the Ulster Unionist Party did not attend, the talks were useful and productive. Prime Minister Blair and I will hold a series of bilateral meetings with the parties in Hillsborough on Wednesday next, 12 February. This will not be in round-table format but we will be taking the opportunity to discuss with the parties both Governments' thinking and approach in the period ahead.
Five years after the Agreement, the people of this island appreciate the benefits of the Agreement and have a legitimate expectation that their political leaders should now finish the job of implementing it. We have that opportunity in the next few months and, despite the inevitable electoral pressures and internal political constraints, we need to seize it by regaining the sense of hope, optimism and courage that gave us the Good Friday Agreement in the first place.
The conflict within loyalism and the activities of loyalist paramilitaries are a cause of deep concern and recent horrific murders and punishment attacks once again underline the need for strong and effective action by the Police Service of Northern Ireland. I welcome the recent successes of the service in taking on loyalist paramilitaries and the approach being taken by the Chief Constable, Hugh Orde.
The Forum for Peace and Reconciliation is an independent body with an independent chairman and secretariat. The agenda and work programme are a matter for the forum itself and neither I nor my office has any responsibility for these issues. As such, it would be inappropriate for me to report on progress to date within the forum, or to comment on its day to day operation. However, I very much appreciate the contribution being made by the forum at this time and I thank the members of both Houses of the Oireachtas, all of the members of the forum and all those who have contributed to its proceedings for their contributions to date.
Arising from the Taoiseach's meeting with the British Prime Minister, were any conclusions arrived at or agreements reached between them as to the areas which need attention and where, in the Taoiseach's own words, the pace must be quickened in order to achieve finality in this regard? What is the Government's view with regard to the 1 May elections? Recently, I took the opportunity to bring a number of newly elected Deputies and Senators to Northern Ireland to visit enclaves on either side of the divide to gain an appreciation of the situation. My view is that the elections should still take place on 1 May.
I note a suggestion in an article by somebody close to David Trimble that if matters are agreed before then, those matters will need to be tested. In that context, is there any leeway for postponing the elections beyond 1 May, or has the Government given consideration to that? If, on the one hand, there is a clear response from the Unionist pro-Agreement parties as to what they can do and have done and, on the other hand, from the republican movement as to what it has done, can do and might be prepared to do, have the Taoiseach and the Government with Mr. Blair given consideration in that context to the possibility of postponement? When I met Mr. Trimble he suggested in the course of the conversation that if an invasion of Iraq took place, backed by Britain and the US, the emphasis would obviously be deflected from the Northern Ireland situation to fields elsewhere. Perhaps the Taoiseach will comment on that.
In reply to Deputy Kenny's first question, that goes back to the issues that were in our joint statement in mid-October, first in the Prime Minister's statement and then in a follow-up joint statement we made a day or two afterwards. That followed conclusions of meetings we had in the preceding weeks and the difficulties we ran into after the events of Stormont. Those issues, which centred around the discussions at that stage, related to a position where we would see the conclusion of paramilitary organisations and we would address the other outstanding issues, which are demilitarisation and the move to a situation of normalisation in Northern Ireland.
There is a large agenda still to be dealt with on that issue. On the policing Bill, which was published on 5 November and is going through the House of Commons, there are a number of amendments, which by and large come from the progress that we made at the Weston Park talks and the commitments that were given at that stage, particularly to the SDLP. That legislation is moving through the legislative process.
There are a number of other outstanding issues such as human rights and the participation in community activities in Northern Ireland. They still are the key issues – as I continually state, I do not think there is one issue – and if we are to make progress, all these issues must be dealt with together.
My reply to Deputy Kenny's second question is simple. I hold the view that 1 May is the date of the election. It is the end of a five-year term after democratically and freely held elections. I acknowledge there have been difficulties and there has been a stop-start process in regard to the institutions, but I do not see any way we can change the date of a democratic election and I have not listened to arguments about it. Like Deputy Kenny, I have heard points of view about it but they are not ones that would help the peace process in any way.
I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. I share his view that the elections should be held on 1 May, as was originally envisaged. That means that the pace must be quickened in respect of the outstanding issues. If the Assembly is to be re-assembled in order for it to be dissolved, that must take place by 21 March so that the elections take place within the six-week period.
I understand that the Taoiseach is to meet Mr. Richard Haass, the US envoy, this evening. It appears as if Mr. Haass will be resigning his position in so far as his involvement with this country, particularly Northern Ireland, is concerned. I thank Mr. Haass for his efforts. I am sure the House shares my view that the Taoiseach should convey to him, and to the American President and the American people, our sympathy on the loss of the seven astronauts in the Columbia tragedy last weekend, and indeed to the people of Israel and India who also had astronauts on board.
Does the Taoiseach intend to raise with Mr. Haass the issue of the disruptions of activities at Shannon? Does he intend to ask Mr. Haass whether allegations that one of those involved in these activities is a member of the Continuity IRA can be confirmed?
We are moving outside the substance of the 31 questions concerned.
Yes, but Mr. Haass is the special envoy on Northern Ireland. Obviously he is leaving his position—
The questions deal with Northern Ireland.
In that context, the White House, through Mr. Haass, has confirmed that they will continue to support all efforts to bring the Good Friday Agreement to a conclusion and full implementation. Does the Taoiseach expect that Mr. Haass, on behalf of the American Presidency, will give concrete details of what will be included in that continued support?
I will be meeting Ambassador Haass later this evening. He has been very diligent. He visits regularly, about every two months, and keeps in contact at all times, sometimes weekly. He has been most helpful. I will ask Ambassador Haass to convey to President Bush our condolences on the tragic loss of the space shuttle, Columbia, last Saturday. I have already expressed them publicly.
The Government is extremely grateful to President Bush and his Administration for their continued support of engagement with the peace process and I am glad Ambassador Haass will continue to assist us for the foreseeable future. We have seen the press reports but Ambassador Haass, in preparing for his visit today, assured us that he will be with us for several months. I will get a more complete picture in that regard later today. He will certainly be with us through this particular engagement up to the end of March. We are pleased about that because he has been extremely helpful in meeting people here, in Northern Ireland, in the UK and the US and in keeping in touch with various groups on Capitol Hill.
I believe he can be helpful to us over the next number of weeks. He has a good grip on the situation and knows the arguments. He has dealt with issues in all parts of the world and has great experience. In my view he quickly got to grips with the various arguments and angles and has the trust of all the parties in the peace process. They communicate with him regularly in confidence, in bilateral discussions and in discussions with the United States. He can be extremely helpful in trying to put pressure on us, the British Government and on the parties in the North and he has confirmed that he will be available for whatever time we need him between now and the end of March.
Is the Taoiseach aware of how difficult life is and of the tension and fear engendered in many Protestant working class communities as a result of the murderous feud among loyalist paramilitaries? Is he aware of the revulsion and disgust among the majority of ordinary people, particularly in the Protestant population, at these activities? Is it not a failure of the peace process that many years later it has not succeeded in empowering ordinary people in their communities to have a normal life and control over their communities without paramilitary thugs imposing a reign of terror on them? The Good Friday Agreement institutionalises sectarian division in its structures and therefore cannot tackle sectarianism. However, if it cannot guarantee within either of the communities a peaceful life for ordinary people, what is the future for the Agreement and those communities?
The Taoiseach did not reply to Question No. 31, in the name of Deputy Sargent. Did the Taoiseach discuss the imminent war on Iraq with Prime Minister Blair? If so, what did he say to Mr. Blair? Did he ask Mr. Blair why he was acting as a virtual foreign minister at large for the Bush Administration in drumming up support for an imminent attack on Iraq? What did the Taoiseach say about the Government's position in the event of the United States, with or without Britain's support, launching an attack on Iraq against the wishes of a majority in the United Nations? Will the Taoiseach agree that his pointed refusal last week, and that of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, to rule out the withdrawal of the use of the facilities at Shannon in the event of a unilateral attack is an encouragement to Mr. Blair and Mr. Bush to launch such an attack? What did the Taoiseach say and what discussions took place with Mr. Blair on this question? Would the Taoiseach agree that his own pointed refusal last week, and that of his Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, to rule out the withdrawal of the use of the facilities at Shannon in the event of a unilateral attack is an encouragement to Mr. Blair and Mr. Bush to launch such an attack? I want to know specifically what the Taoiseach said and what discussions took place with Mr. Blair on this question.
I would hope that the Good Friday Agreement has helped over the past number of years to demonstrate to the entire community how it can build trust and confidence. There have, as Deputy Higgins stated, been many difficulties. Many loyalist communities in deprived areas are having great difficulty coming to terms with the political and social change necessary. They continually point out to me in discussions that they are looking for community political leadership that will allow them to take control of their own areas and destinies. They are very anxious to do that. We, in this part of the island, must do all we can to encourage them and give whatever practical assistance we can. I am very grateful to the many community, political and cultural organisations that are doing that with loyalist communities and assisting the process of normalisation.
As Deputy Higgins said, however, there are still a number of violent people in these communities who, as we all know, are engaged in very dangerous actions against each other. Some are linked to loyalist paramilitary groups, some to criminal groups and drug trafficking groups. I have always emphasised – and did so again during the recent atrocities – that this activity involves just a small percentage of the people in these communities. Loyalist communities have their own distinctive tradition. We should respect that and try to work with them. I have had meetings with David Ervine and others in the past few weeks to discuss these issues. I met a number of loyalist representatives prior to Christmas.
We try to keep in touch about community activities in particular, about how our statutory agencies can assist them and how they can at least look at some of the ideas we have implemented that might be of help to them. Members of our statutory agencies here have helped these communities by exchanging information with them. In some of these communities, however, we must acknowledge that difficult feuds have been taking place, on and off, for the last few years and are making life extremely difficult for people. The tragic events of last weekend merely fuel these difficulties. I have been keeping in touch with representatives of the loyalist community and will continue to do so. There is a great deal of pressure in these areas at the moment, however, and a great deal of pressure on many of the individuals who have played a very helpful role in the peace process over the past number of years.
We can only hope that the Police Service of Northern Ireland can get on top of these activities, and I admire what Chief Constable Hugh Orde is doing to try to deal with the difficulties in these communities. The essential point is that we realise that these difficulties – some sectarian and some not – are creating enormous problems, and we must try to help the loyalist community as much we can and do nothing to make life more difficult than it already is for them.
Regarding Question No. 31, the meeting referred to was a lengthy one on the subject of Northern Ireland, which I attended with Ministers and officials. As always, I spent a short period of time talking to the British Prime Minister about other issues. This was a private tête-à-tête, but I would have restated what I have already stated in this House – that we believe in going down the UN route in dealing with this issue. The Prime Minister is well aware of my views on that as we were members of the UN Security Council last year.
First, I associate my party with the condolences tendered by Deputy Kenny and the Taoiseach in respect of the tragedy involving the space shuttle Columbia at the weekend.
Taken on the round, will the Taoiseach outline to the House his best assessment, based on the meetings he has had, of the prospects of the Executive being put back in place by mid-March? What is his assessment of the minimum required from the IRA to permit this happening? What do the Taoiseach and Prime Minister Blair mean when they speak of "acts of completion"? Do some of those acts of completion fall to the Irish Government to implement?
Is the Taoiseach aware of concerns among some of the parties in Northern Ireland that the twin track approach of the two Governments seems to give primacy to two parties to the Agreement, namely, the UUP and Sinn Féin? Is he aware that some other parties feel they have been relegated to a supporting role?
My assessment ranges from pessimism to optimism. I am convinced all the parties would like to have the Executive and institutions up and running before they enter an election campaign. All the parties accept 1 May as the election date, although some do so reluctantly. If circumstances allowed, I have no doubt some parties would try to find other ways but the Governments have stood firm, as have parties in this House and at Westminster.
The acts of completion, which derive from the October position and the difficulties we had then and last summer, state there must be an unambiguous and definitive move away from paramilitary activities. I outlined in my earlier reply the various areas that must come to completion. The word "unambiguous" was used so that we would reach a conclusion in all those areas. We were not asking for a conclusion to everything, but we were certainly asking for completion on all the important things. To make progress and gain agreement, we must have a clear, definitive and unambiguous position on those issues.
The difficulty is some parties would like to see conclusions on the aspect that is their priority and feel the other issues can wait until the autumn. The House will appreciate negotiations cannot be conducted like this. If such negotiations were to be undertaken, one party would agree to them but others would not. Throughout the process I have been at pains to say that the only way to work is towards the full completion of all aspects of the Good Friday Agreement. On each occasion, we have incrementally advanced another set of points. The difficulty is that there are not many left, but they are important ones. If they are not all taken together, I cannot see an agreement being reached.
In reply to Deputy Rabbitte's question, I believe that will be difficult because the elections are around the corner and there are political pressures, the tensions of which we are all aware, and there are difficulties and internal problems within some of the parties. Therefore, to get to that position will not be easy.
The alternative – I have argued this point and I repeat it – is not to complete these issues, not to bring them to a definitive and unambiguous end, and to go into the elections with matters, to say the least, woolly and then to try to work out how we can pick up on them on the other side of the elections, but God knows what way that approach would be presented to the electorate. That would be unfair to all the parties who have worked extremely hard for the past five years in that they would not reap the benefits of their efforts from the public. I, Prime Minister Blair and, I believe, all the parties are committed to trying to find an agreement that fulfils these issues, but that will not be easy. I would not say there is any certainty about it. In reply to the Deputy's question, that is an honest assessment of the position.
The Deputy's second question concerned whether there are parties who believe they are sidelined or out of the equation. I understand that feeling. What tends to happen in these cases is that the parties in difficulties, the parties which we are trying to move, are the ones which get most attention in these efforts. The other parties, some large but mainly the smaller ones, do not get the same level of attention, and I understand that. It is for that reason we have the round-table process, which the Minister, Deputy Cowen, and Secretary of State, Mr. Murphy, chair and the implementation group, with which Minister Browne and Minister of State, Deputy Kitt, deal. We are trying to put all these items on the agenda so that everybody concerned can be engaged and so that there is no secret set of negotiations where everybody concerned is not at least aware of the issues. Everybody knows that talks are going on, everybody concerned can give their views and people do not feel alienated from them. I do my best to ensure that. If we were discussing these issues between the Governments and one or two parties and not allowing people to give their views, that would lead to a lack of trust and confidence. Since November, we have been trying to proceed in a more structured way. The items we discuss outside that process are the same ones discussed within it. That is a fairer way to proceed because we were accused in the past of not involving people. The process is not perfect, but it is as good as we can achieve in the circumstances.
On behalf of the Green Party, Comhaontas Glas, I would like to be associated with the expressions of condolences to the families on the loss of the astronauts on board the Columbia spacecraft, to US President Bush, to the Green Party in America and the people of America.
On the Taoiseach's replies to questions on Northern Ireland, to what extent can he outline the skeleton deal that has been negotiated with the parties which could result in the restoration of the North's political institutions? If he cannot give us the detail of that, can he indicate how it will be presented and if there is a certain timeframe in mind, although I know timeframes are sometimes unhelpful? Can he indicate in more detail the current position with regard to the process?
How has he reacted or been proactive following the announcement that the UVF has withdrawn contact from the decommissioning body? Has he stressed the equal importance of the loyalist paramilitaries engaging in the peace process to that of republican paramilitaries? How has he gone about that?
On Question No. 31, I listened carefully to what the Taoiseach had to say. He referred to Ireland going the UN route and said that Prime Minister Blair was aware of his position. Rather than going to the Prime Minister to ask him the Taoiseach's position, will the Taoiseach be more specific in saying what he means by the UN route? Does he mean, for example, that once another UN resolution is acquired, there will be Irish support for an escalation of war in Iraq or does it mean that, if the UN resolution must comply with the UN Charter, which does not countenance regime change—
I point out to the Deputy, as I did to Deputy Kenny, that we are going well outside the substance of the 31 questions, including the Deputy's Question No. 31.
I tabled a number of questions. What does the Taoiseach mean by the UN route as regime change is not contemplated under the UN Charter?
Without going into too much detail, as I mentioned in my reply to the questions tabled and to Deputy Rabbitte, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, and the Secretary of State, Paul Murphy, co-chair the round table process. That is how we are trying to take this forward. The round table discussions have considered key competence issues beginning with paramilitarism and also including policing and normalisation. They also included an initial discussion on the principles of devolution, policing and justice.
There has been a further meeting of the implementation group of the pro-Agreement parties co-chaired by the Minister of State, Deputy Kitt, and his counterpart, Des Browne. It is also planned to address issues concerning the implementation of the Agreement in the areas of community relations, reconciliation and victims.
Work remains to be done by both Governments and we work together in trying to engage with parties and make the necessary progress. No great science is involved. It involves talking to the parties, trying to see what issues are involved, finding their bottom line positions and squaring those with the other parties. That is what we endeavour to do.
There are no secret issues and most issues have been well aired. I do not wish to go through these or the detailed positions on them, but we are working together with the British Government on them. We always take account of what all the parties say. I have had many meetings with the SDLP and one with the Ulster Unionist Party. We have had meetings with Sinn Féin and several with my colleagues in the other parties. I met any of the parties who sought meetings with me.
Having gone through that process since Christmas, we hope that next Wednesday night we will be able to go through these issues again with the parties and with the Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, and me, and reach agreement in the areas where we can see progress at least. We will keep the round table discussions and implementation going to see if we can narrow down the areas of disagreement. There are not that many but obviously we are not going to make progress in one of them. We have to deal with them all. There is also the question of the policing legislation going through the House of Commons. We are trying to make progress so that we can have devolved institutions up and running by 21 March – that is the key date – to allow the election to take place. We will continue to operate that process.
We want to see the current differences between Iraq and the international community resolved peacefully through the United Nations and to avoid any recourse to unilateral action. I have not changed from that position for many months and I make that point to leaders and prime ministers whenever I have an opportunity.
UN Security Council Resolution 1441, which we supported and worked hard to secure, has two mechanisms intended to avoid war. It first seeks to maintain the central role of the Security Council in deciding whether Iraq has met its obligations and how the international community should respond. It also provides that the council will meet again if the inspectors report non-compliance to consider what further steps are needed to bring about Iraqi compliance. That position has not happened yet. The Security Council seeks to compel Iraq to meet its obligations by giving the Iraqi authorities a final chance to comply with their obligations to divest themselves of their chemical, biological and nuclear weapon capabilities. Unfortunately, for more than a decade, the Iraqi leadership has refused to comply with that.
Iraq has no nuclear capability.
The leadership has continued to inflict wilful suffering on its own people rather than comply with the resolutions or be upfront.
Dr. El-Baradei said Iraq has no nuclear capability.
It is obvious to all that one way or the other the Iraqi leadership will no longer be permitted to evade disarmament obligations. Saddam Hussein could end all this tomorrow by simply ordering his regime to co-operate fully and proactively with the UN inspectors. I am sure Deputy Sargent joins me in hoping he will take that option and make it easier for his own people as well as everybody else.
In my discussions with others, including Prime Minister Blair, I stress we must continue to make every effort to find a peaceful solution, which is the objective of the Irish Government. We have constantly drawn attention to the risks involved in military action, the loss of life, the material destruction, the danger of destabilising the already volatile region, the deepening of misunderstanding between the people of Islam and the rest of the world. These are all issues, not to mention how to put it all back together again, regardless of whether there is a regime change. That does not worry me one way or another. If there is a war—
There is already a war.
—how is it possible to stabilise the region? It would be far better for everyone if the event were avoided. As I said last week in reply to Deputies Kenny and Rabbitte, in the event of military action being initiated against Iraq either with or without UN sanction – and I do not know what will happen on that – the Government will review the situation and initiate a debate in the Dáil.
Why does the Taoiseach not say he will not support it?
He might support it.
That remains our position. We will wait for that stage and see what happens. That is the right thing to do.
The Taoiseach could say we will not support the United States in attacking Iraq on its own.
On behalf of Sinn Féin, I join in the expression of condolence to all those bereaved by the tragic loss of the space shuttle Colombia.
It has been stated – erroneously, I hope – that the most notable thing about the recent Downing Street summit between the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, was that Jamie Oliver prepared the food.
The Deputy interpreted it as the most important meeting in 100 years.
Does the Taoiseach share the disappointment of so many on this island that the British Government has so far failed to present a plan for the restoration of the institutions in order to allow for the forward march of the promise and hope that was built into the Good Friday Agreement. Does the British Government have such a plan? Let us be mindful that towards the latter end of last year the British Prime Minister stated the British Government had not fully implemented its commitments within the Good Friday Agreement. Since the suspension of the institutions, there has been no indication as to whether a plan exists or that one will be presented in order to break the current situation, have the institutions restored and allow the Good Friday Agreement to proceed.
The Taoiseach is bound to be aware of the ongoing discontent arising from the failure to address the whole issue of demilitarisation.
A question please, Deputy. We are rapidly running out of time.
These are questions and I am a questioner of the Taoiseach today. The question of demilitarisation was starkly underscored last Sunday week when British army helicopters disrupted the game between Monaghan and Armagh at Crossmaglen.
The Deputy is making a statement.
I am asking the Taoiseach a question. As a keen sportsman, he will be fully aware of the great anger and discontent that such actions create. What pressure has he brought to bear on the British Prime Minister so that he will face up to his responsibilities within the Good Friday Agreement? There is almost a singular concentration on one of the parties to the Good Friday Agreement. I am pointing out the failures of others, the British Government in the first instance. I wish to ask a question on the commitments of the Taoiseach and his Government. It is still the case in this jurisdiction that qualifying republican prisoners under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement remain incarcerated.
Again, the Deputy is making a statement.
When will that matter be finally and properly resolved?
The Taoiseach referred to outstanding difficulties in respect of the Irish language. These have not been mentioned before as a main priority. To which difficulties is he referring?
Despite all the progress made and the often courageous steps taken by people such as Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, does the Taoiseach acknowledge that the republican movement, collectively speaking, has still not managed to persuade the majority of the people down here, not to mention the majority of Unionist opinion, that it has made the full transition into the democratic arena? To return to my earlier question, what is the minimum the process requires from the IRA?
On a lighter note, the helicopters disrupting the game between Monaghan and Armagh did little to stop Armagh taking Dublin apart on Sunday.
I remind the Taoiseach that Monaghan won the game.
The Taoiseach needs to give the GAA a few quid more.
The Deputy usually gives out to me for giving the GAA too much money. On a serious note, I am well aware of the issues mentioned by Deputy Ó Caoláin and their importance. However, I would be in a much better position to try to resolve matters if I knew everybody's full plans, including those of his party and those of the British Government. Unfortunately, I do not and must, therefore, try to interpret and work out these matters as best I can.
I assure the Deputy that I do not take the narrow view that one party can resolve this on its own. Equally, he must understand that other parties have different priorities which must also be considered. That is the only way to negotiate. We must take on board the concerns of the Unionists, to which Deputy Rabbitte adverted in asking what issues would break down mistrust and create confidence. These are the existence of paramilitaries, targeting, the finding of information on people, punishment attacks, criminal activities, arms procurement, training and so on.
On the other side, I totally understand the concerns among communities about demilitarisation, including the fact that helicopters are landing in people's back gardens and in playing fields. These are major difficulties. The only way we will make progress is to ensure satisfactory implementation of an agreement which deals with normalisation and demilitarisation issues on one side and sees the end of paramilitary activity on the other. In addition, the human and civil rights agenda, as well as other issues Deputy Ó Caoláin has raised on many occasions in the House, on which I agree with him, must be addressed. We will do all we can.
I accept there are outstanding issues with which we have to deal, including legislative and other measures. We also have to deal with issues concerning policing, and a Bill will be published shortly on outstanding policing issues. We are also dealing with a number of human rights aspects. We all have commitments. They are not confined to any one party.
There are a number of matters concerning the Irish language, some of which have to do with institutional, funding and broadcasting issues which are all important and of which we are supportive.
In reply to Deputy Rabbitte, in order to get an agreement that would satisfy those who are sceptical about republican activities we would have to have comprehensive progress that would show that paramilitarism and its various elements have ceased. Without that, whatever about convincing myself, I would not be able to convince the Unionist parties or even some of the Nationalist groups because they want to see an end to this. Hugh Orde, who is doing a good job from everybody's point of view, needs support and to do that we need progress on policing. The only way to deal with the situation in Northern Ireland, which continues to be difficult, is by having absolute support for proper policing which has the support of all communities in all areas.
I made a speech on this issue in 1998 in which I said that the Patten work was probably the most crucial aspect of the whole agreement. I have not changed my mind in that regard because I do not know how we can get on top of these issues until we have a police service that is accepted by everybody. We have to try to achieve that because if we solve other issues without solving that issue, they will feed back into it. I am sure Deputy Ó Caoláin will appreciate that we cannot resolve the issue of confidence because people will always worry about the security situation in terms of dissidents and others, so we must try to come to a conclusion on that. I appreciate the support of the House in these issues and we will do our best next week. That will not be the finality of it; we will then move into meetings for the next number of weeks.
Will the Taoiseach agree that the real concern of Deputy Rabbitte and others—
We must move on to Priority Questions.