I wish to share time with Deputies O'Connor and Fiona O'Malley.
Private Members' Business. - Crime Levels: Motion (Resumed).
The following motion was moved by Deputy Deasy on Tuesday, 25 February 2003:
–That Dáil Éireann, noting:
– the dramatic increase in the rate of violent crime;
– that 86,621 headline offences were reported in 2001, a rise of 18% on the previous year;
– the growing incidence of street violence throughout the country evidenced by the reporting of 2,374 assaults causing harm in 2001, a rise of 39%;
– that the incidence of intoxication in public places among teenagers increased by 370% since 1996;
– that the number of sexual offences rose by 90% in 2001 to 1,048;
– that only one in four crimes is ever reported to the gardaí;
– that, during the general election campaign, the Government promised to recruit 2,000 additional gardaí; and
– the alarming growth in the level of gang-related violence and murder;
condemns the Government's failure to address or tackle the rising level of violent crime and its refusal to provide any resources for the recruitment of extra gardaí; and deplores the Government's abject failure to counteract the alarming growth in the street violence resulting from the abuse of alcohol among young people.
Debate resumed on amendment No. 1:
To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:
– commends the Government on its commitment to continue to tackle effectively all aspects of crime;
– acknowledges the Government's achievement in bringing the numbers in An Garda Síochána to an all time high of approximately 11,900, the huge increase in the level of resources available to An Garda Síochána from a low of €580 million in 1997 to €938 million in 2003 – an increase of 61% – and the commitment to prioritise recruitment in order to quickly bring the force to its authorised strength of 12,200;
– notes the success of An Garda Síochána's Operation Encounter which targets public order incidents by tackling the problem at source outside night-clubs, licensed premises and fast food outlets and recognises that the substantial additional provisions contained in the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Bill 2002 will greatly enhance the powers of An Garda Síochána to deal with public order offences;
– recognises the provision of significant additional resources to other sectors of the criminal justice system, including increasing the number of prison places by over 1,200 and the appointment of additional judges;
– commends this Government's record in continuing to build on the strengthening of the criminal law over the past five years through unprecedented legislative reform;
– commends the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform on his proposal to introduce a new Criminal Justice Bill before the end of the year to provide stronger powers to An Garda Síochána to investigate crime and to improve the efficiency of the criminal justice system generally;
– endorses strongly the Government's national drugs strategy for the next seven years, as outlined in the publication Building on Experience which brings together all elements of drugs policy in a single comprehensive framework;
– welcomes the Government's allocation of over €60 million to date, to implement the plans of the local drugs task forces and the Government's increased budgetary allocation of 16% in 2003 for the funding of drugs services and programmes co-ordinated by the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs;
– congratulates An Garda Síochána and the Customs Service on their continuing success in making large seizures of illicit drugs, particularly heroin and cocaine, thereby reducing access to those drugs that cause most harm;
– acknowledges the significant role played by the Criminal Assets Bureau in responding to serious and organised crime by targeting and seizing the profits of such crime, and by ensuring that the proceeds of serious criminal activity are subjected to the tax laws;
– welcomes the recommendations contained in the Interim Report of the Strategic Task Force on Alcohol which was established to provide advice to Government and public bodies on measures to prevent and reduce alcohol related harm; and
– pproves the Government's commitment to supporting An Garda Síochána in every way possible in tackling crime, not only through increased Garda numbers, but also by facilitating and promoting a programme of legislative change and reform both within the force and the criminal justice system generally, in order to meet the challenges of present day crime.
–(Minister for Justice, Equality and
Law Reform)
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle
Is that agreed? Agreed.
I apologise for the absence of the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform who is unavoidably detained on European Council business at the Justice and Home Affairs Committee.
He is keeping the media entertained.
No disrespect to the House is intended.
This Government has a logical, coherent and carefully thought out strategy to deal with all matters within the remit of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform. In the course of a long contribution last night, the Minister outlined his strategy in detail and it is not my intention to go back over that ground. The indicators by which the performance of the Minister and his Department can be judged are the strength of the Garda, the extra prison spaces, the success of the Criminal Assets Bureau, the number of drugs seizures and the changes which have made the criminal justice system more efficient. There has been an increase of almost €500 million in Garda funding since 1997. Whatever side of the House one is on, a solid level of achievement and commitment by the Government must be acknowledged. The present strategy of the Government is to build on its achievements.
Crime is a perennial problem. If this Chamber still exists in 100 years, and I hope it does, a debate on crime will not be irrelevant. A former leader of Fine Gael, Liam Cosgrave, was once heard to observe during a budget debate that nothing was truer than the biblical maxim "the poor will always be with us". Whether you agree with that or not, it is even truer to say that crime will always be with us. Various people have argued that there is a direct correlation between crime levels and the resources provided by Government, but it is a myth. As the American and continental experiences have demonstrated, crime rates fluctuate for a variety of reasons despite the best efforts of the authorities to tackle them. That is not to say crime is not a relevant topic and it is logical for the Opposition to periodically use the Dáil to hold the Government to account with regard to its crime policies. Crime touches everybody's life–
Or kills them.
–and the matter must be debated regularly in Parliament.
I have been gobsmacked by the manner in which the Opposition has dealt with its motion. While this parliamentary session is only eight months old, I would still have expected a clear, consistent, logical and carefully thought out analysis from the main Opposition party which, after all, tabled this motion.
Does the Minister of State have a speech to make, or must we listen to this drivel?
The Deputy had his chance. Does the main Opposition party believe the Government is devoting a sufficient percentage of available national resources to justice matters? Does it believe more resources should be allocated? If so, from where are they to be taken? We need clear analysis, but that may be too difficult for Members opposite at this early stage. Does the Opposition feel that the resources employed in the justice area are not yielding value for money? If the money is not being spent wisely, how does the Opposition suggest the resources should be allocated? We should be presented with a clear programme of suggestions which are carefully costed and provided with a time scale in which to implement them.
What will the Government do about it?
Deputy Deasy said nothing new in his contribution last night. Instead, he made an announcement outside the House earlier in the week, an activity for which he berates the Government constantly. I forgive him for speaking outside where he might sometimes find a larger audience. The Deputy is right to assert that there is a clear link between crime and the abuse of alcohol, but he must also be aware that we have the most draconian laws on the sale of alcohol to under age persons. Even before we changed the opening hours, enforcement was the area of greatest difficulty. All Governments must take their share of responsibility for that and I am happy to do so. I recall several occasions during the last Administration when the issue of identity cards was mooted. The then Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, refused to countenance the possibility and I disagreed with him. The House should acknowledge that in the three years preceding his tenure, the then incumbent, former Deputy Nora Owen, was also beguiled by the irrelevant arguments put forward with regard to the compulsory introduction of identity cards.
She was the best Minister ever. She introduced the Criminal Assets Bureau.
At last, we have a Government which is taking action to introduce a measure which other Administrations merely talked about. You can talk until you drop, but the measure of commitment is action.
Armed with the knowledge that the problem is enforcement, Deputy Deasy has come up with a novel suggestion. He says we should raise the age limit from 18 to 20 years, which, if anything, would make enforcement more difficult. The suggestion is new, radical and eye-catching, but the fact that it draws the attention of the media does not mean it is not off the wall. Most media commentators have concluded that. I will not waste my time discussing the Deputy's other suggestion that we combat crime by holding Cabinet meetings, or State dinners, without the dubious pleasures of wine and other drinks. We should instead rely on crackers and Complan. That suggestion is mad.
Is drink served at Cabinet meetings?
They are drunk in Cabinet.
That is news.
I do not understand how that measure would contribute to combating crime. It is a testimony to the bankruptcy of Fine Gael that this is the best the party's justice spokesman can offer after eight months in the job. Deputy Coveney was obviously stung by Deputy McDowell's assertion of that bankruptcy and he became high and mighty, accusing the Minister of patronising Opposition Members. I do not agree that he did.
The Minister of State has obviously not read the transcript.
It is not in my nature to patronise and I do not intend to appear condescending in my remarks to Deputy Deasy. I have much time for the Deputy, who is a highly intelligent and articulate contributor when he wishes to be. He possesses courage, which is all too rarely seen within the precincts of the Oireachtas. I have heard him described as a maverick by members of his party or persons who allege to be close to it and I can empathise with him in that regard. However, he is doing himself a disservice by attempting to appear as the Fine Gael version of Steve Silvermint, the cool clean hero. Coming into this House striking Clint Eastwood-like poses and using dialogue to match will attract short-term attention but—
We could put the Minister of State on "Fair City". He could be the criminal in "Fair City".
—it will reveal Deputy Deasy as somebody of no substance, and that would be a pity. There is an old song which laments rural poverty in post-Famine Ireland and, ironically, I think it comes from Deputy Deasy's part of the country. The most memorable lines are: "We'll all be ruined, says Hanrahan, before the year is out." The modern version of that now is: "We'll all be destroyed, says Deasy, before the day is out." I know that Fine Gael is very familiar with fables, whether they be from Aesop or Hans Christian Andersen, but obviously Deputy Deasy has not heard the fable about the little boy who cried "Wolf". He ended up as a figure of fun and nobody believed him. I would hate to see Deputy Deasy going in that direction, and I say that sincerely.
Because the Government is open to ideas and suggestions from whatever source, I parsed, analysed, scrutinised and studied the contributions of the Deputy's colleagues last night to see if I could find any glimmer of an idea about how we should proceed and to see what the main Opposition party has to offer in combating crime.
We never promised zero tolerance.
I parsed, analysed and studied in vain. Deputy Enright was next into the fray. She told us that she goes to night clubs an odd time, and that is fine. She said that sometimes violence occurs in night clubs, and I do not doubt her. She describes the violence in night clubs as "mindless"– I thought that violence from whatever source was mindless but let us leave that aside. All these things are true but they are hardly revelations on the scale that caused Archimedes to run through the streets of Athens screaming "Eureka".
Deputy Enright told the House that the real reason this motion was put down was that the Government has not delivered in seven months that which it committed itself to do in its lifetime, namely, five years, and that is the provision of 2,000 extra gardaí. Anybody with a titter of wit will know that logistically, with all the gold reserves of Fort Knox available, it is impossible to suddenly produce 2,000 gardaí in seven months. According to Deputy Enright, the main reason this motion to debate crime was put down is that the Government did not deliver the impossible in seven months, even though it had committed to take action in this area over five years, which was opposed tooth and nail by Fine Gael in the first place.
Why did the Government make those promises?
We promised to recruit the extra gardaí over the lifetime of the Government, not in seven months. I could equally ask Deputy Deasy why he opposed that and why is he supporting it now if he opposed it when first mooted? The logic of that, quite frankly, escapes me.
That is untrue.
Deputy Connaughton in his contribution lamented binge drinking by children. He said it was a very bad thing, and there is no doubt it is. He said that we must "blow the whistle" on it. He called on the Minister to come up with solid, sensible and practical proposals to deal with crime. If Deputy Connaughton had any sensible, solid or practical proposals, he certainly did not share them with the House. I have known Deputy Connaughton a long time and I know that he is a generous-spirited person and that if he had a way to help the Government he would have been forthcoming. I conclude therefore that he has no such proposals.
Deputy Allen was upset about some person in Cork, where else, who could not be convicted or prosecuted because the DPP did not have enough evidence. We all come across cases like that but they should hardly form the centrepiece of an allegedly serious contribution on crime.
The Minister of State should not trivialise that case.
The focus of Deputy Deenihan's speech was that last Friday night the Garda seized 1,000 ecstasy tablets between Tralee and Castleisland. This was another wonderful contribution to the debate. The main focus of Deputy Crawford's contribution was that the Government was gravely wrong to bring Bill Clinton to the Guinness brewery during his visit to Ireland. This was another gigantic intellectual contribution to the fight against crime. I am pleased to see Deputy Coveney in the House because he said in his speech that he was going to be different, that he would make practical proposals. He urged the Government to introduce immediately the system of mandatory identity cards. That suggestion is of no value because the Government is doing that, but I thank him for the support.
On a point of order—
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle
What is the point of order?
I put down a question on 3 December to the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and it told me that it would not introduce the ID system, but now it is doing so.
It is called a U-turn.
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle
That is not a point of order. The Deputy should resume his seat. The Deputy should not be disorderly.
That is a U-turn.
I thank the Deputy for his support. The second suggestion made by Deputy Coveney was that CCTV should be extended. I thank him for the support because we are doing that.
It is way behind time.
The third suggestion he made was that we should "tackle parenting". It sounds like the title of an essay in the leaving certificate lower level: "The Government should tackle parenting – please discuss." I have heard various Fine Gael spokespersons outside this House lamenting the party's lack of identity—
The Minister of State should talk about crime.
—and that they need something new to attract the attention of the public. I will give Deputy Coveney some unsolicited political advice. The main thing that distinguishes Fine Gael in the public mind is its long-standing commitment to law and order, which I respect. I will not mention the performance but the aspiration was to be seen as a law and order party.
The Minister of State is being patronising.
Fine Gael needs to do some serious research and come up with serious proposals and serious analysis of the situation.
Fine Gael is not in government.
Only then will it deserve to be listened to with some degree of seriousness.
That is rubbish.
I am grateful to Deputy Deasy for raising this important issue of crime. It is an issue which causes great anxiety and concern among the public. The motion has given the Minister the opportunity to outline the strategy and measures the Government, through his Department, have undertaken. It has given Fine Gael the same opportunity to offer constructive solutions and to show how people would be better off and safer if Fine Gael was in charge and what sensible measures it might enact in response to the problem, but, sadly, Fine Gael has not seized the opportunity in this debate.
Deputy Deasy's response to the problem of under-age drinking is to make it illegal for anybody under the age of 20 to take a drink. That age is long after people are legally permitted to marry, to vote or to have sex. I ask if the Deputy seriously thinks this will have an effect on under-age drinking. His further suggestion is that there should be a prohibition on the serving of alcohol at Government functions. This suggestion is utterly ridiculous and about as lightweight as the bubbles in the fizzy orange which would be served instead. These two solutions have all the hallmarks of having been dreamed up in an alcoholic phase over the weekend.
Young people need to be taught a responsible attitude to alcohol. The gradual introduction to alcohol in a home environment monitored by parents is what 16 year olds need. They are young adults at that age and should be treated in a responsible fashion. The urge to binge drink will be curbed more successfully that way than by taking measures to exclude people who have reached the age of responsibility from drinking legally. Given the potency and ready availability of alcohol and the centrality of alcohol in Irish social life, there is a role for the education system to develop initiatives akin to the sex education and drugs awareness programmes which are conducted in schools.
I commend the sensible measures proposed by the Minister to localise licensing laws. It makes sense that licensing regulations should have regard to the local situation and that local representatives are able to determine them. It is a simple measure but it would have a tremendous local impact. Local government representatives deserve to have this responsibility.
Was it not the Government which took it away from them?
Similarly, the proposed introduction of a mandatory ID card system for people under 23 years of age will assist publicans to uphold the law in regard to under age drinking. This measure is necessary as the Minister proposes to tighten regulations. Frequently, people who flout the regulations have their establishments closed for a period. Now they will have the support of the mandatory ID system and will not fall into the trap of serving people who look over age. Further measures in the criminal justice Bill will rein in errant and unruly establishments which fail to maintain order on their premises or in their vicinity. A stricter regime in regard to the renewal of pub licences will have a positive effect on the establishment and running of responsible houses.
Taking crime seriously demands that support and assistance are given to enforcers of the law. New regulations are all very well but they cannot operate in isolation. They must be enforced. That is why the programme for Government has committed to providing an additional 2,000 gardaí during the lifetime of this Government. The Opposition has rounded on the failure of this year's budget to account for a start to be made in this area. We regret this but there is still time to deliver. The current strength of the force is 11,900 while the authorised strength is 12,200. The Minister stated last night that his priority is to bridge this gap. I have faith that the commitment given in the programme for Government will be honoured.
The increase in Garda numbers along with the extensive programme for legislative change will give the criminal justice system the ability to cope. The Minister has demonstrated the political will and drive to take tough decisions in regard to crime and since assuming his brief has worked diligently at bringing forward legislation. The country will be well served by his resolve and hunger for reform in this area. Time will demonstrate that the measures this Government is introducing will have an effect in reducing crime. I commend the amendment to the House.
I thank the Minister of State and Deputy O'Malley for sharing time with me. I apologise to colleagues on the Fine Gael benches because they will not find me as exciting as the Minister of State or Deputy O'Malley.
We did not find him exciting, anything but.
I will do my best. Like the Minister of State, I admire Deputy Deasy and wish him well in his brief. I am a colleague on the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights where we have the opportunity to work together and respect each other's work. I commend Fine Gael for putting down this motion. It gives people like myself, a Government backbencher, the opportunity to play a role. Despite the fact that my party is in Government I have a strong role to play and can come in every day and speak on issues of concern in my constituency and country. I am not afraid to represent that.
I represent Dublin South-West, including the major population centre of Tallaght. The experience I can bring to the House from Tallaght, Firhouse, Greenhills and Templeogue etc. helps me to deal with these issues. The Minister of State, who represents Limerick, will understand this. There is a strong relationship between Limerick and Tallaght and comparisons are often made, which is unfair. The Minister and the Minister of State know that there is crime in every major population centre. I am satisfied that crime is a serious issue for this Government which is committed to dealing with the various issues.
Initiatives in Tallaght in recent times have shown a great example to the rest of the country. The Garda have introduced initiatives which have helped enormously in the fight against crime. Today, I was in Brookfield in Tallaght with the Minister of State at the Department of Education and Science, Deputy de Valera, for the launch of a new centre for learning and youth services. This was launched by Tallaght Youth Service under the auspices of Foróige and County Dublin VEC. I mention that because in my community gardaí have done an enormous amount of work in crime prevention and in reaching out to young people. They have been involved in the Brookfield project; in Killinarden they have energised youth with a key project; and they have worked in other initiatives in the constituency. They recognise that working with young people works towards crime prevention and is good business in regard to policing.
I have always been a strong advocate, as someone who grew up in a Dublin where gardaí could be seen, of Garda visibility. I said to Commissioner Pat Byrne, when he was in Tallaght last Monday, that it is right that those of us who represent communities should point out that we need to see the visibility of gardaí enhanced. Tallaght has been a pilot project for the Garda mountain bike unit. I have called for that to be extended to other parts of County Dublin and to other parts of the country. The bike unit is effective and while it may be old-fashioned it gets gardaí around the community. They are extremely visible and have the opportunity to talk to young people.
On Monday I was proud that The Square, which opened 12 years ago, bought and presented a horse to the Garda mounted unit. The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, was present for that and there was a lot of positive publicity for the area. I am giving these examples because I believe it is important that we support the concept of gardaí working in the community to deal with the scourge of crime, drugs, under age drinking, public order offences and all those issues with which we should deal.
I wish to stress to the Minister of State the importance of the provision of accommodation for gardaí. There is an issue in my area about that. More accommodation is always needed. I was told recently by the Office of Public Works, through questions in the Dáil, that it has proposals in that regard. These issues are on the agenda of all representatives no matter what area they represent.
I commend the Government's commitment in regard to this issue. I will vote for the Government which I am happy to support. I am happy also to support the Minister who is not a member of my party. He is doing a good job with his Minister of State, Deputy O'Dea, and I have great confidence in what they are doing. I am particularly confident that they are listening to what we say. Nobody should leave the House and say that Members on the Government benches are not raising their voices or concerns. We are doing that and will continue to do so. I hope we will have progress on a number of the issues that need attention. It is vital and healthy that we have these discussions and that we demand action on issues of concern to all of us.
I wish to share time with Deputies Gregory, Fox and Cuffe.
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle
Is that agreed? Agreed.
Most Ministers and Deputies in this House do not live in the communities that are worst affected by crime. I live in one of the worst hit areas of Dublin. My constituency has one of the highest rates of murder and is one of the worst areas in Europe for drugs and drug-related offences. In spite of this, one Garda station in the heart of Ballyfermot has been downgraded – it is now a sub-station of Clondalkin – and there are plans afoot to close one of the Garda stations in Crumlin at a time when it has such a high crime problem.
This debate does not address the reasons for crime in my area and other areas of this city and country. The Garda Commissioner's report in recent years has stated that 75% of crime is drug-related. If we are to take him at his word we should be focusing on this area, yet this is not the case, either in the motion before us or the self-congratulatory amendment from the Government. What is needed is a comprehensive approach to tackle the causes of crime as well as the crimes themselves. We must look at the reason for the huge epidemic of drugs, especially within urban areas. By tackling the underlying factors for this we will be addressing 75% of crime in the State.
There is also a big problem with the crime figures with which we are presented. I believe they have been manipulated as a cynical vote-grabbing exercise. The Garda has had problems with PULSE. Non-indictable and indictable crimes have been replaced with headline offences. In the past there has been under-reporting by both victims and the Garda. Many more crimes are now being recorded in the statistics. Different elements of legislation have also been coming on-stream. We need to give the PULSE system a year or two to settle down so that we can compare like with like. For these reasons, the National Crime Council has said that: "Care is needed when interpreting fluctuations in crime rates, which are often more plausibly explained by changes in recording practice than by real shifts in criminal behaviour."
If we look properly at the data, with very few exceptions the crime rate has fallen since 1983. Recorded crime committed by juveniles has fallen since the 1960s and at present only accounts for about 15% of the total. Crimes against property make up the vast majority of indictable crimes, a full 98%, while violent crime, on which most Members seemed to focus, accounts for only a very small percentage. We are presented with a distorted picture.
I will not try to minimise the painful personal experiences that lie behind these figures because I have met the victims of crime too often. Last weekend in my constituency a taxi driver was hijacked. Recently two gardaí were assaulted by a gang in the same area and a bus driver was shot at. These are just some of the victims of crimes.
I am not convinced that existing Garda resources are properly used. In the Dublin south-central division there are 14 gardaí in the drug squad while 23 are assigned to traffic duty. This says much about the priorities of the Garda, the Government and the previous Administration which have allowed the situation to escalate in disadvantaged areas.
I support the motion before the House because there is no doubt in my mind that we have an increasingly serious crime problem. It seems that neither the Government nor the senior levels of the Garda have an effective strategy to deal with the problem. It is a bit over the top for the Government, in its amendment to the motion, to commend itself on continuing to tackle effectively all aspects of crime, given what we all know what is happening week in and week out.
If we take, for example, the ever-expanding drug problem we must accept that the source and root cause of the heroin crisis lies in the inequalities of our society that has resulted in so much social deprivation and disadvantage. In spite of this, the budgetary policy of the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government has not resulted in a fairer or more equal society. The CORI justice commission stated in its budget analysis:
The Government has dramatically failed to address the substantial poverty and social exclusion which still persists in Ireland today. It has widened the gap between the rich and the poor, a gap which is the worst in the EU.
In this context, no effort on the part of the local drugs task forces, no matter how well-meaning they may be, can begin to significantly impact on the heroin crisis.
We now have the additional problem of literally a flood of cocaine which is intensifying the drugs problem and enriching the criminal gangs which traffic these drugs. Hardly a week goes by without a murder or attempted murder related to gangland feuding or drug wars associated with control of territory. Neither the Government nor the Garda appears to have any effective response to this rise in organised crime and, indeed, many of the murders almost inevitably go undetected.
There was understandable rage when a prominent journalist was murdered some years ago, but more recently when a security man who had refused to be bought or intimidated by drug gangs was murdered outside his home, I did not detect the same level of outrage. There was almost an acceptance that this sort of thing happens now. I am not sure if anyone has yet been charged with that crime but I have no doubt that the gang involved is well known.
While I do not believe that the response to such crimes need necessarily be a cause for increased Garda numbers, or an expansion in Garda powers, there is certainly a need for more effective use of existing resources, better Garda management and new strategies on the part of Government. There seems to me to be no evidence whatsoever that the Government, particularly the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, has the remotest idea as to how to respond to the serious crime problems, some of which are spelled out in the motion before the House.
I previously raised with the Minister the important matter of the Criminal Assets Bureau. This was set up in response to the murder of Veronica Guerin. While the CAB has the necessary powers to go after all criminal assets it was set up specifically to target drug-related organised crime. It very quickly lost that focus and went off in other directions ranging from planning corruption to the Real IRA and various high-profile individuals, which is all very well provided the original priority has not been forgotten.
The continued increase in the number of drug crime gangs requires a refocusing on their priorities by the Criminal Assets Bureau and the specialist units of the Garda Síochána. There is a strong case for localising and regionalising the Criminal Assets Bureau. This suggestion has been put forward by the inter-agency sub-committee of the inner city drugs task force but so far it has fallen on deaf ears.
It is also necessary to draw attention to what may be an attempt to establish the first base for the introduction of crack cocaine into the country. The select committee of which I am a member met yesterday with our counterparts from Westminster. Having listened to their account of the spread of crack cocaine in Britain it seems that we are totally unprepared for its emergence here. I trust that the Minister and the Garda Commissioner see the need for some task force to examine what needs to be done. There may be need for collaboration with the more experienced British police, particularly as non-nationals are involved. Whatever resources are necessary should be made available to confront the problem which many local people believe to be in the Parnell Street area, just yards from O'Connell Street in the epicentre of the north inner city.
I welcome the opportunity to say a few words about the serious deterioration of law and order on our streets. Every weekend, without fail, we hear a news report of someone somewhere in the country having been murdered or seriously assaulted. We are becoming very used to stories of unprovoked attacks on young people on our streets. It is a sad illustration of how things have changed in the past generation or so.
The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform is not responsible for the complete breakdown in law and order and the lack of regard for human life but he is responsible for ensuring that adequate Garda numbers are put on our streets and that these gardaí are physically and legally equipped to deal with the reality of violence on our streets. In the programme for Government, 2,000 extra gardaí were promised and I am looking forward to seeing this number reached. However, in certain areas of my constituency Garda numbers and facilities have gone backwards instead of forwards in recent years.
Wicklow has seen a large increase in population in the past few years, mainly due to our proximity to Dublin. A number of local development plans have recently been passed by Wicklow County Council, particularly for areas such as Kilcoole, Newtown, Dunlavin and Enniskerry in the north of the county. Despite this fact Garda resources in these areas have not reflected the increase in population. Where gardaí have retired in these areas they have not been replaced. The opening times of Garda stations in these areas have been reduced to two hours per day and Garda activity is reduced to signing passport forms and other forms.
Instances of criminal damage are not included in crime figures. A crime against a person's property, such as burning out a car, is not considered a crime for statistical purposes. Crime is, therefore, under-reported.
The decision to close and sell Shangannah Castle is short-sighted. The arguments presented by the Minister in relation to its closure were that it was becoming increasingly difficult to identify young male offenders suitable for open prison accommodation. That is the case but surely the property could be used for other areas of the Prison Service. There are 24 acres attached to Shangannagh Castle and the opportunity is there to develop a more appropriate form of prison.
There should be greater liaison between the Departments of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and Health and Children regarding young adults who commit relatively minor offences. A number of young adults have committed crimes, such as minor criminal damage, due to what are termed behavioural problems and borderline mental health problems. There is no method of punishment for these minor crimes and nowhere for such offenders to go – many aggressive young adults are left with their families who must deal with them without help from the State. They fall between the stools of prison and mental health institutions, neither of which is appropriate for them. Mental health institutions will not take them because they have not been diagnosed with a serious illness and prison services are inappropriate for them.
I am aware of a couple of cases where parents were forced to take out barring orders against their own children to safeguard other members of their families in the hope the young offender would go before a judge who would force the State to look after him. That is not an easy thing for any family to do, but these are people who are under extraordinary pressure and they have no one to turn to. I ask the Minister to look at Shangannagh with a view to developing an appropriate service.
I pay tribute to the former Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, who allocated funding to build a new Garda station in Bray. This was long overdue and much needed. He also announced that Bray was to get CCTV cameras. I have no doubt these will make a difference but, as of yet, they have not been installed and there is no sign of them.
Wicklow, again due to its proximity to Dublin, has the task of cleaning up burned out stolen cars practically every weekend. I ask the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform to give serious consideration to the introduction of mandatory sentencing. There should be mandatory sentencing for certain crimes, such as child pornography, rather than leaving it to the humour of the judge on the day. I hope the Minister will give serious consideration to my comments.
I compliment Fine Gael on using its Private Members' time for this debate. At the heart of this matter is the serious issues of the lack of additional recruitment to the Garda Síochána but, much more than that, we need to see reforms of the force itself. We need to drag the Garda kicking and screaming into the 21st century with regard to the way the gardaí go about their business and interact with the public.
The system of crime reporting is antiquated. It was antiquated in the late 20th century and it is certainly not acceptable in the 21st century. In my daily work I use post, faxes, e-mails and texting to communicate, but none of these methods is acceptable for the purposes of reporting crime to the gardaí. You simply have to turn up at the Garda station itself. This is not acceptable and gives rise to significant under-reporting, particularly of minor crimes. We need updating in that area.
It is almost a year since there was Garda recruitment. As the Garda website points out, it is not possible to state when the next recruitment competition will be held. That will not bring about any great increase in the number of gardaí.
We must also look at the people the Garda Síochána is recruiting. There should be a system of advanced entry in the Garda. People should come in at a rank other than entrance level. We should be attracting people with degrees and other work experience and police from other forces throughout the world. People should not be obliged to come into the Garda Síochána at entrance level and I am not sure the ability to speak Irish is at the forefront of the ability to tackle crime. Some improvements are needed here.
Disadvantaged areas need significant resources to combat gang related violence. This was promised through RAPID funding but we have yet to see much of this being delivered. Disadvantaged areas which do not receive such funding become hotbeds of crime.
The Fine Gael proposal to ban young people from drinking until they are 20 years old is ludicrous. I know there is a right wing tendency in Fine Gael but this proposal makes Genghis Khan look like a liberal. I believe Fine Gael will fall on its sword because of this issue. One should not stigmatise young people or take away their rights. Most of all, one should not insult their intelligence by criminalising their behaviour and trying to introduce prohibition. Raising the drinking age will not reduce consumption. It did not work in the United States between 1920 and 1933. It was ineffective because it was unenforceable but it also caused an explosive growth of crime in the United States and increased the amount of alcohol consumed. It is demeaning and insulting to young people to try to prohibit them from consuming alcohol until they are 20 or 21.
Instead, we should tackle the cartel which controls the licensed trade, which invented the super-pub and which spews out thousands of drunks onto our streets every night. This cartel produces drinking halls that have no more atmosphere than an airport departure lounge. Hundreds of small local pubs where the barmen could keep an eye on the customers have had their insides ripped out and have doubled or quadrupled in size in the past few years.
These changes are ripping the hearts out of our towns, cities and communities. The old style pub meant that the owner or publican could keep on eye on what the drinkers were doing. That sense of control by the publican has disappeared with the advent of the super pub.
We must reform our antiquated licensing laws. We have to update and consolidate the law. The issues of fire safety, planning enforcement and liquor licensing need to be brought together. The only way in which one can object to a licence is when it comes up for renewal at the September licensing court. That is not sufficient.
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle
Will the Deputy please conclude?
We also need to control the advertising of alcohol. It is deeply insulting that rugby stands at Lansdowne Road are called the Guinness east stand or the Guinness stand. That is not good enough. Guinness or Diageo labels should not be emblazoned over a football stadium. The advertising of alcohol should be banned. Alcohol should carry a health warning commensurate with the percentage of alcohol in drinks.
We need to provide alternatives for young people. There are advertising promotions in Blackrock where one can drink all one wishes while the baths in Blackrock lie derelict and under used, as they do in Dún Laoghaire? We need to break up the cartel that controls the licensing industry and to bring the Garda into the 21st century. We should ban alcohol advertising and invest in resources for young people.
I wish to share time with Deputies McManus, Gay Mitchell and Timmins.
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle
Is that agreed? Agreed.
I know the Government was embarrassed by this motion. I never saw more arrogance in all my time in public life as I did last night and tonight. I wish the two Ministers, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, and the Minister of State, Deputy O'Dea, would show the same arrogance to the criminals. The Minister of State made a 20 minute contribution this evening without mentioning once what is going on in his city of Limerick where law and order has broken down. The only solution the Minister of State has for the breakdown of law and order is to offer himself as a mediator to criminals. Is that law and order?
The Deputy should speak to the members of his own party.
The Minister, Deputy McDowell, is the great media man. I tabled a question this evening on this matter. When one sits beside Fianna Fáil things start to happen, and the Minister learned fast. I have here a four page list of Progressive Democrats and Fianna Fáil Members appointed to boards, including State boards. It did not take long for the Progressive Democrats to become corrupted by Fianna Fáil. I listened to the Minister on radio tell us that his son was attacked and he did not even bother to report it to the Garda Síochána. What does that say about the commissioner and the Garda? Is he saying he is not confident the Garda would be able to resolve the crime?
That is an outrageous statement for the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform to make. He goes on radio and tells us about the tribunals and the money they are costing. This shows how much of a hypocrite he is. This is the same man who was in government for five years as Attorney General. One would think he had nothing to do with law and order for the past 20 years. He was Attorney General for five years and he sat down with his friends in the law courts and negotiated prices. He looked after his friends. The Progressive Democrats are learning fast and they are being corrupted every single day they are in government with Fianna Fáil.
The Fine Gael Party is soft.
This is a very serious motion which we have tabled.
Why does the Deputy not take it seriously?
The Minister of State is not taking it seriously.
The Deputy is the playboy of the western world. He is spoofing.
The Minister of State is not taking it seriously. The Minister, Deputy McDowell, is out there with his beer belly laughing because more time is spent at the Cabinet table and drinking pints than dealing with law and order.
I do not drink pints.
Some 5,000 people in the State had to go to hospital last year because they were attacked on our streets.
Fine Gael will sort them out.
The city of Dublin reminds me of Chicago in the 1930s and 1940s when Al Capone walked into the pubs, took out the machine gun and shot those present. That is happening in this city, but what is the Government doing about it? When the former Deputy Nora Owen was on that side of the House, I used to think the then Minister, Deputy O'Donoghue, would have a stroke, he was so upset about law and order. He then told us we would have zero tolerance.
Does it remind the Deputy of anything?
We saw zero tolerance when that Minister was in office. He was the greatest disaster that ever stood in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform. Now we have two further great disasters, the Minister from Limerick who wants to mediate with criminals and the Minister who wants to negotiate with the Law Library.
What about the other public representatives?
I listened to the Minister of State and he did not have much to say about law and order. Law and order has broken down in the State. People are dying, people are going to hospital, people cannot walk the streets of any town or city of this country any night of the week in safety. That is shameful and the Government has responsibility for it.
Has the Deputy any proposals to make?
The Government promised 2,000 extra gardaí.
We will keep that promise.
Instead there were cutbacks in the Department. However, there were no cutbacks in the visiting committees because they were paid travel expenses, and the Progressive Democrats were not afraid to take them. We have listened to Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats for long enough.
Has the Deputy any suggestions?
The media was critical of Fine Gael today. Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats have been in government almost six years and what have they done about law and order? Crime is increasing daily. Gardaí hop into cars at night and, as happened to a garda from my constituency, are killed trying to defend the State. The Garda is not given the necessary resources or support. The answer to all this is that the Government has failed. Proof of that failure is that in the city of Limerick tonight the Army has to protect the people—
We have provided the money.
—because the Government has failed to provide the resources for the Garda Síochána. The Government should be ashamed of itself. If the Minister of State was honest and decent he would resign, and the Minister, Deputy McDowell, the chef d'equipe—
Please get the facts right.
I hate hypocrisy.
I hate wind and bluster.
The Minister of State should be an actor in "Fair City".
The playboy of the western world.
The only way I see the Minister of State resolving law and order is by acting.
The Deputy is the greatest blusterer in the House.
The spin doctors will not save him now. People do not feel safe going to their beds at night. They cannot walk the streets of Dublin because they are not safe.
What does the Deputy know about Limerick?
What is being done about the problem? The Government is appointing consultants and spin doctors and the darling of the media, the Minister, Deputy McDowell, tells RTE and Marion Finucane what he will do about it.
Has the Deputy any proposals or suggestions.
He reminds me of another Minister in Castlebar many years ago, a long fellow, who told us there would be no crime when he left the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform. Since the Minister and Minister of State came to office crime has been increasing every hour on the hour. I ask the Minister of State to resign. He is a disgrace.
The Deputy is a joke.
I thank Deputy Deasy for tabling this motion. It is timely that he and my Fine Gael colleagues should raise this issue. How many Bills dealing with crime has this House passed since 1990? It seems that every time there is a major mishap the Government comes up with a proposal to introduce legislation. It is my contention that what we have is all law and no order. That is essentially the difficulty that has perpetuated the problem of crime. One law after another is one thing, but draconian law is another. We have passed some strict and far-reaching laws in this House. The Minister's latest response to the present situation is to introduce more legislation.
The Minister says he will introduce legislation shortly requiring people between the age of 18 and 25, or 23, he does not quite know, to carry identity cards. Do we need more legislation? It might be a good idea as part of a whole package, but to respond by saying he will solve the problem by way of legislation is wrong. That has been the solution of the Government almost every year since it first came to office in 1987.
We do not need so much law, we need more order. Where does good order begin? It begins with accountability. I am genuinely worried about lack of policing accountability. Before we begin to get reactionary comments from Garda Síochána magazines and Garda management, can we stand back a little and consider the whole question of Garda accountability. In Northern Ireland there is not just a policing authority but an ombudsman who is capable of inquiring into policing matters and drawing up independent reports. We do not have that facility. Unlike the adjoining jurisdiction of Britain, we do not have regional police forces, we have a national police force. I know there are reactionaries in the Garda Síochána who will paint this as an attack on gardaí, but I am not attacking anyone, I am raising genuine questions. If they are not raised, sooner or later it will reflect on the Garda.
People are already whispering. They are whispering about Donegal and the over-reaction of gardaí in arresting a young man during the run-up to a presidential election. If he had something to answer, he could have done so 48 hours later. However, the gardaí allowed themselves to be involved in a political act by arresting a man two days prior to a presidential election, a man the DPP said had no case to answer. Even if he had a case to answer, why was he arrested at that time?
People are asking about the purchase of tyres. There are many unacceptable and worrying aspects of the Garda Síochána. We need to reach a stage where there is accountability. There does not need to be interference with the management or day-to-day running of the Garda Síochána, but we need accountability. We need ministerial and judicial accountability, to which I will return later.
The Minister of State said he was gobsmacked. Welcome to the club, because most young people in this city are fearful of going out day or night and being gobsmacked or head-butted by thugs. The answer of the Government has been to extend drinking hours, at whose behest I do not know. Violence has increased so much as a result of the extended drinking hours that there is hardly a pub in the city centre that does not have a bouncer on the door. Extending the drinking hours has allowed people to exorcise their violence after a bout of drink. People are terrified. Young people cannot be sent to the corner shop in some areas. Old people are barricading themselves in their homes. We do not need more law, we need order and accountability. When the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform has the guts to bring about a situation where there will be accountability, not just for the laws we pass and the powers we confer, but the money we entrust for the provision of law and order, we will have made greater strides.
I am very concerned about the Dr. Salazar type approach of the Minister, including his personal abuse during the debate last night because people dared to raise the question of law and order. He was meandering about immigrants and blaming everyone and anyone. He is the Minister. He has the chauffeur-driven car. He has the pension. He has been paid a salary for the past six years so why does he not do his job, which is what we expect of him? We do not expect him to come in here and give lip to members of the Opposition who are doing their job, with no resources, by raising questions in a reasonable manner.
Some 75% of prisoners in Mountjoy jail come from five identifiable areas of Dublin. I will take the Minister seriously when he attends to, and gets his colleagues to attend to, the underlying problems that give rise to drug-related problems in parts of this city.
I deeply regret that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform is not present. Last night he took a pot shot at the Opposition and then scurried off. I regret also that the Groucho Marx of Fianna Fáil has also departed the scene. He gave us a running commentary on what people said last night, which was a waste of time, because we can go upstairs and read the "blacks".
The Government has said it did not get proposals from us. I will give it a few simple proposals. How can we deal with crime if we do not know what it is. The Minister referred in his speech last night to the statistics for 2001. Correct me if I am wrong, but this is 2003. On 2 January I went into my local grocery store in Baltinglass, County Wicklow, and the proprietor was able to show me his returns on the computer for 2002. Here we are in February, approaching March, 2003 and we do not have the statistics for 2002. How can we deal with a problem if we do not know what it is?
We must have a means of measuring the problem. We can get the crime statistics on a weekly basis. Deputy Crawford can tell the House that the BSE statistics are published each Friday. I will tell the Minister what he can do. We want to see the crime statistics each week and we want them published by St. Patrick's weekend. There is the PULSE system but, if you ask me, this is a Department without a pulse.
A young guy who went to an ATM pass machine in recent weeks to withdraw money had his throat cut. I want to see mandatory prison sentences for the carrying of a knife in a public place for an unlawful reason. In most cases a young person who carries a knife in his pocket at night intends using it. The Minister can introduce a concrete measure to deal with this problem and not bamboozle us with the 40 Bills to which Deputy Mitchell referred.
On under-age drinking, Deputy Deasy proposed raising the age from 18 to 20. The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform was happy to borrow the concept of local authorities policing various drink regulations from the USA, but he was not willing to borrow the concept of raising the age to 21. This radical Minister said people are laughing up their sleeve at this proposal. He did not even consider it. I have a little bit of news for him. He should have asked Deputy Deasy what was behind this proposal. The radical Minister said we will laugh up our sleeve and we will drink wine at Government functions. There is growing evidence to suggest that alcohol use prior to age 21 impairs crucial aspects of youthful brain development. In a recent study, heavy drinking adolescents scored ten percentage points lower than non-drinking peers in tests requiring verbal and non-verbal recall and skills needed for map reading, geometry and science. I will send the statistics to the Minister's Department. He would be better off doing research into this aspect rather than laughing down his sleeve at people.
I thank Fine Gael, particularly Deputy Timmins, for allowing me this time. It is true that crime is now central to communities which are concerned about the increase in street violence, drug abuse, drink abuse, attacks on women and anti-social behaviour. These are issues which frighten people. Women in particular are frightened by the fact that they no longer feel safe.
It is important to consider what is happening in our society. Two young Australian women travelled through 34 countries and the only country in which they were attacked was Ireland. A little girl who was abducted and killed was mentioned today in court. People look to Government to protect them from this type of criminal activity. When the Minister took office, many people expected that he would introduce radical reform because he had a reputation for taking on corruption. This expectation is now quickly turning to dust. What is the record? The record indicates that instead of standing up to vested interests, he caved in to them by giving the tribunal lawyers a nice fat cheque. Instead of tackling crime, he closed down Shanganagh Castle, a prison which could be a good quality rehabilitation centre. The current revolving door syndrome persists.
More significantly, the Minister failed to recruit extra gardaí. What he has succeeded in doing is giving us his opinions. He is certainly the master of the digestible soundbite, but unfortunately he is not a master of his trade, which is to ensure the streets are safe and that people feel secure. We know a hell of a lot about the Minister's view on cocoa and Horlicks or on Communists, but we do not know anything about his views on criminality. That is what was most disturbing about the Minister's attitude yesterday. He did not spell out clearly and thoughtfully what he will do to resolve the serious crime problems which are genuinely affecting people.
For example, the Minister needs to look at what is happening to young girls who take a taxi home late at night. The record of the Progressive Democrats is that it deregulated the taxi industry but it did not take on board any of the issues people had in relation to safety.
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle
Deputy, your time has concluded.
I welcome this motion. I am astonished at the irresponsible attitude expressed by the Minister yesterday. It indicates a failure of determination in the Government.
Despite many differing points made by Opposition speakers, the Government has mobilised more legislative, financial and human resources against crime than any previous Administration in the history of the State. That does not take from the reality of the crime problem which all of us, as Deputies, encounter in our work. It is a matter of some disappointment that, faced with such a comprehensive and considered Government policy, Opposition speakers have had to resort at times to what amounted to superficial abuse of the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. A few moments ago, Deputy Mitchell compared the Minister to Dr. Salazar. I found the comparison bizarre, almost as bizarre as the Minister's comparison of the Taoiseach to Ceaucescu during the recent general election.
Salazar was bizarre.
I apologise to Dr. Salazar.
Dr. Salazar was a very shy man and if Deputy Mitchell was aware of the facts, he would be aware that no one could be more unlike the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform than Dr. Salazar.
Let me again point out what has been and is being done so that future debates on this issue are constructive and informed. We have recognised the need for more gardaí. The current strength of the Garda Síochána is at an all time high. Garda recruitment and training has been prioritised to bring the force up to the authorised strength of 12,200 as soon as possible. These extra gardaí will be targeted towards areas of greatest need. A new Garda Powers Bill will be introduced giving substantial additional powers to the Garda in investigating serious crime. The new public order legislation at present before the Oireachtas will improve the powers of the Garda to deal with public order offences. The gardaí will continue to target the menace of organised crime, particularly by means of the Criminal Assets Bureau.
Under this Government the administration of the courts has been streamlined by the establishment of the independent Courts Service. A working group set up by the service is undertaking a root and branch look at how the courts are organised. Criminal law will be the first module of its work. The position in the prisons has been transformed since 1997. In the past, a persistent high level of overcrowding resulted in the granting of release in an unstructured manner to many offenders at an early stage in their sentences. The construction of over 1,200 new prison spaces in recent years has ended that situation. The revolving door syndrome is now a matter of past history. Six years ago, a total of 19% of the prison population was on temporary release. In 2002, that proportion was reduced to 6%.
The Government will continue to target youth crime by supporting and developing evidence based preventative measures and interventions aimed at young offenders and those most at risk of offending by implementing the outstanding relevant provisions of the Children Act 2001. The Government is also committed to continuing to support and strengthen the network of Garda youth diversion projects which increased in number from 12 in 1997 to 64 currently.
Deputy McManus referred to the current climate of fear many citizens experience, particularly female citizens. I accept that the problems caused by excessive drinking require a response involving the active participation of parents, educators, health providers, purveyors of alcohol and, only as a last resort, the Garda Síochána and the courts. In the absence of this broad social approach, the task of addressing social disorder of this nature will be difficult, despite the best efforts of those working in the criminal justice system. The Government's response has taken account of these wide net contributors and will continue to do so.
The Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Martin, established a strategic task force on alcohol to provide advice to Government and public bodies on measures to prevent and reduce alcohol related harm. The task force produced an interim report in May last year which I would recommend to Members of this House. With the agreement of the Government, the Minister is establishing an interdepartmental group to progress the recommendations of the task force and co-ordinate responses to the recommendations.
Alcohol awareness campaigns are being run by the Departments of Health and Children and Education and Science which are specifically targeted at under-age drinkers. Education concerning alcohol and drug misuse and abuse is addressed in primary and post-primary schools. Specific measures have been put in place to ensure that all schools in the local drugs task force areas, at both primary and post-primary levels, implement substance misuse education and prevention.
There should be no doubt of the progress made to date in the area of crime and of our continued commitment to maintaining and improving our criminal justice system throughout the lifetime of this Government.
I wish to share my time with Deputy Deasy.
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle
Is that agreed? Agreed.
I regret that neither the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform nor his sidekick is here. They fled the House before they heard the truth.
The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform is a learned man so I am sure he will not mind if I take him back a couple of thousand years to that great adjudicator, Pontius Pilate, but more specifically, to his immortal words quod scripsi scripsi– what is written is written. I would like to take the Minister back to a few words he “scripsied” in the Sunday Independent, not 2,000 years ago, but on 20 December 1998, when our learned friend launched a scathing attack on the Prison Service. He told us that prison officers “were holding the State to ransom”. He said “the extent to which the system is out of control is so bad that the public cannot be let in on the secret.” He wrote “the Governors refer to a Golden Goose culture in relation to overtime” which has spiralled out of control from €21 million in 1994 to €38 million in 1998, almost enough for the new Government jet, that is, the one without the jacuzzi. The Minister called the situation “a huge scandal”. I agree with him, it is an outrage. However, in fairness to him, he had the solution. He was certain that “only political determination will bring it to an end.”
The Minister went on to say "A Prisons Bill could be drafted and enacted by Christmas. The overtime scam could be over by Easter. The sick-leave scam could be over by the Summer. If anyone with determination said so." The Minister has had his chance but I have news for him. He said the situation was so bad in 1998 that the people could not be let in on the secret and that only political determination would end it. He is now Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, the politician with the determination, the head honcho, the head buck cat, the man for the job.
Let us let the people in on another little secret. In the Minister's tenure, the overtime bill is no longer €38 million but €60 million, the cost of the Government jet with change. The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, "the determinator", is letting the golden goose take the people for a turkey. Instead of swirling his quill, I suggest he put his boot into crime. There is plenty to do as we discovered when the Government eventually released the crime figures it deliberately suppressed before the election last May.
In 2001, there were 86,000 headline offences, up 18%; 2,500 assaults causing harm, up almost 40%; and sexual offences were up by 90%. The number of teenagers drunk in public was up 370%. There was also an increase in gangland-related violence and murder, the likes of which one would normally associate with an episode of "COPS".
The Minister is in breach of his ministerial duty under the Constitution, as Deputy Deasy and Deputy Ring pointed out, if not by the letter, then surely by the spirit. What else can one call it when the man constitutionally charged with upholding the law and keeping order takes to the national airwaves to tell us that he did not bother to report a crime against his own family because, after all, what would be the point? In another country, he would be fired for that remark. I will outline the point to the Minister. It is a young Dubliner having his throat slashed while taking money out of a PASS machine after leaving his 1999 Ford Focus; or Alan Higgins, beaten to death on a pathway near his home for teenage kicks and a mobile phone; or Garda Tony Tighe and Garda Michael Padden setting out on a Sunday night from Donnybrook station never to return from a call out to the Stillorgan Road; or Daniel, a football mad four year old who waits every day for his father, Robert McGowan, to come from his work as a taxi driver; and five year old Aaron Fitzgerald in Limerick who, to say "Good night" to his Dad, Brian, hopes for a clear sky because a drug-fuelled gang war turned his father into the night's brightest star.
The coalition governs by statistic, conceals by statistic, spins by statistic and steals by statistic. These statistics are a gross and true insult to the families I have mentioned and all those associated with them. The Administration – it can hardly be called a Government – has sold out this society. To this Administration votes cost, votes pay, but life is cheap. As we approach the end game when it comes to crime, what will be the preferred course of action of the absent Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform? Will he stand and deliver on his own promises, get tough on crime and recruit 2,000 more gardaí or will he adopt his preferred revisionist stance where he will rewrite history with the help of the communications unit, those Rumpelstiltskins of political spin who can turn straw into pure gold?
In 28 years in the House, I have never seen a Government so smug, so arrogant and so entirely without moral fibre. The nation is repulsed by its arrogance and behaviour. No funding whatsoever has been allocated this year to recruit the promised 2,000 gardaí. However, the photograph of the latest Garda recruit, Ferdia the horse, on the front page of The Irish Times earlier this week was a bit of a shocker. One would wonder whether all the Government could afford was to buy the hooves. Why can the Government not put gardaí on the street? Why can they not be where the people want and need them? Why has the Minister not provided for this need? How does he intend to fulfil his promise on page 24 of the programme for Government? He stated, “We stand for a society where all people can feel safe in their communities, businesses and homes.” So much for that promise.
Why have the Minister and the Government not banned all advertising of alcohol? Alcohol abuse is costing more than €2 billion per year. One in four children aged between 12 and 14 is a regular or current drinker. The Minister has done nothing, zilch. Why is the law not enforced? There is plenty of law but not enough order. A total of 1,200 public order offences are committed weekly, the vast majority of which are alcohol-related. The Government's only contribution was to extend pub opening hours. Why have mandatory sentences not been introduced for the crimes we hear about day in, day out and which we are starting to live in real fear of, such as assault causing harm, car hijacking, street violence, joyriding and dangerous driving? For example, the current maximum sentence for assault causing harm is 12 months in the District Court and five years in the Circuit Court. Surely, a minimum mandatory sentence should apply such as six months in the District Court and two years in the Circuit Court. This relates to the little matter of crime and punishment.
What is the Minister's grudge against the victims of crime? Where are the strong statutory protections for these people? Where are their two most basic rights – to be kept informed of the progress of the investigation and to submit an impact statement to the court before sentencing? I ask the triumvirate of the absent Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform why there is political paralysis. Where is the famous determination? It is time for the Minister to come clean. I recall his own words, "Be radical or be redundant." Which is he?
It is amazing that neither of the two Ministers dealing with justice is present.
I am a Minister of State at the Department.
Not for justice.
I am.
And three or four other Departments.
It is pretty bad when the Minister is not present. It is an insult to the victims of crime and there are many of them. We were told last night that this was an ill-thought out motion. All we did was cite the statistics and outline the position as it stands. Any reasonable person would expect that we would question how bad crime levels have become. I have come to the conclusion that the Government and, in particular, the Minister do not like to be questioned.
The Minister's speech during this debate was incredibly arrogant. He said gardaí will be given the resources to investigate crime but nobody believes that anymore. He stated, "I want to assure the House that budgetary policy aimed at improving efficiency will not lead to any curtailment of the Garda Síochána's ability to tackle crime." He is saying the massive cuts in overtime will not affect crime rates. How can he possibly assure the House that when he cuts overtime it will not have an effect on the crime rates?
With regard to alcohol-related crime, he stated, "I have already outlined some proposals that might be worthy of examination." For what is he waiting? When he heard of our proposals, the first thing he did was go on radio and throw out the idea of compulsory ID cards but when he was asked about it, he could not explain it. The Minister was struck by a story told by Deputy Hayes about a drunk 16 year old into whom he bumped in a pub. He was taken aback by the horror of it all. The Department of Health and Children's figures show that one third of 16 year olds are binge drinkers. Does the Minister not know that? This is incredible.
He further stated, "Our legislative package for tackling organised crime is undoubtedly one of the toughest in Europe." That is self-praise indeed. There is not even an organised crime unit. I take it the Government decides that its policy is brilliant. The Minister then stated, "We want to ensure those convicted of crime will serve the sentences imposed on them by courts." Does that mean mandatory sentencing, given that the Minister has been talking about it for five or six months? Where is the legislation? Everybody knows not many people serve their full sentences. This is fanciful, crazy talk.
The Minister then provided some rhetoric when he stated, "There will be no hiding place for those who seek to inflict misery on the community." Is that the Government's zero tolerance policy? Where are the murderers of Raonaid Murray and Brian Fitzgerald hiding? There are plenty of murderers walking around. It is a bloody joke and all the Minister does is yak, yak, yak. He continued, "The current Government policies are successful in dealing with the threat posed by organised criminal gangs." The incidents in Limerick must have been a figment of our imagination. This was an incredible speech given by an arrogant man. The absolute master stroke in his contribution was the proposal to give county councils the right to determine pub closing hours. This is like something that would be proposed by a fellow who had never passed the Red Cow Inn. That is how out of touch was his contribution.
The last thing the country needs is a person holding the office of Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform whose ego supersedes all common sense. He made a clever speech last night but if the Government thinks that my party's proposals are too radical or fanciful, it should explain what it has done to the increasing number of crime victims. It has not done a great deal.
The Government will have the right to belittle my party's policies when young people are no longer knifed and beaten to death on the streets of Ireland. So far, the Government has not done that. I have stuck to policy since I took office. When I question ministerial policy, I am seen to be questioning the person. I have come to the conclusion that the Minister cannot take criticism, and that is extremely dangerous. The nub of this is that the Minister talks a good game but for society's sake he had better start listening a little more.
Amendment put.
Tá
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Ahern, Dermot.Ahern, Michael.Ahern, Noel.Ardagh, Seán.Aylward, Liam.Brady, Johnny.Brady, Martin.Browne, John.Callanan, Joe.Callely, Ivor.Carey, Pat.Carty, John.Cassidy, Donie. |
Cooper-Flynn, Beverley.Coughlan, Mary.Cregan, John.Curran, John.Davern, Noel.de Valera, Síle.Dempsey, Tony.Dennehy, John.Devins, Jimmy.Ellis, John.Fahey, Frank.Fitzpatrick, Dermot. Fleming, Seán. |
Tá–continued
|
Gallagher, Pat The Cope.Glennon, Jim.Grealish, Noel.Hanafin, Mary.Haughey, Seán.Hoctor, Máire.Jacob, Joe.Keaveney, Cecilia.Kelleher, Billy.Kelly, Peter.Killeen, Tony.Kirk, Seamus.Kitt, Tom.Lenihan, Brian.Lenihan, Conor.McDaid, James.McEllistrim, Thomas.McGuinness, John.Martin, Micheál.Moloney, John.Moynihan, Donal.Moynihan, Michael.Mulcahy, Michael.Nolan, M. J.Ó Cuív, Éamon. |
Ó Fearghaíl, Seán.O'Connor, Charlie.O'Dea, Willie.O'Donnell, Liz.O'Donoghue, John.O'Donovan, Denis.O'Flynn, Noel.O'Keeffe, Batt.O'Keeffe, Ned.O'Malley, Fiona.O'Malley, Tim.Parlon, Tom.Power, Peter.Power, Seán.Ryan, Eoin.Sexton, Mae.Smith, Brendan.Smith, Michael.Treacy, Noel.Wallace, Dan.Wallace, Mary.Wilkinson, Ollie.Woods, Michael.Wright, G. V. |
Níl
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Boyle, Dan.Breen, James.Breen, Pat.Broughan, Thomas P.Bruton, Richard.Burton, Joan.Connaughton, Paul.Costello, Joe.Coveney, Simon.Crawford, Seymour.Crowe, Seán.Cuffe, Ciarán.Deasy, John.Deenihan, Jimmy.Durkan, Bernard J.Ferris, Martin.Fox, Mildred.Gilmore, Eamon.Gogarty, Paul.Gormley, John.Hayes, Tom.Healy, Seamus.Higgins, Joe.Higgins, Michael D.Hogan, Phil.Howlin, Brendan.Kehoe, Paul.McCormack, Padraic.McGinley, Dinny.McGrath, Paul. |
McHugh, Paddy.McManus, Liz.Mitchell, Olivia.Moynihan-Cronin, Breeda.Murphy, Gerard.Naughten, Denis.Neville, Dan.Noonan, Michael.Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.Ó Snodaigh, Aengus.O'Shea, Brian.O'Sullivan, Jan.Pattison, Seamus.Penrose, Willie.Perry, John.Quinn, Ruairi.Rabbitte, Pat.Ring, Michael.Ryan, Eamon.Ryan, Seán.Sargent, Trevor.Sherlock, Joe.Shortall, Róisín.Stagg, Emmet.Stanton, David.Timmins, Billy.Twomey, Liam.Upton, Mary.Wall, Jack. |
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Hanafin and Kelleher; Níl, Deputies Durkan and Stagg.
Amendment declared carried.
Motion, as amended, agreed to.