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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 10 Apr 2003

Vol. 565 No. 2

Immigration Bill 2002 [ Seanad ] : Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The Bill before us contains a number of important developments of Ireland's immigration law and the law regarding asylum seekers. Its provisions build on the solid achievements of the previous Government in the areas of immigration and asylum policy. The Government is committed to the ongoing development of immigration policy within the balanced and realistic co-ordinates set down in our programme for Government in the interests of Irish society in all its diversity and with fairness to all who seek to come to Ireland to share in and contribute to that society.

That migration issues are now to the forefront of public policy-making, something unheard of little more than a decade ago, is in many ways a welcome and necessary consequence of the economic and social successes of the State in the last decade. We have turned around from being a country traditionally of outward migration to one to which people are keen to come to share in and contribute to our prosperity.

Central Statistics Office figures indicate an estimated average net inward migration of more than 20,000 people a year, mainly returning Irish migrants and people from within the European Economic Area, who are coming to Ireland to make their living. However, Ireland's attractions as a place for people's futures are recognised further afield as well. Employment permits issued by the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment in the four years from 1999 to this year indicate something of the order of 100,000 non-EEA nationals migrating to Ireland for economic reasons, observing our normal immigration requirements and being made welcome in their places of employment and their new communities. In 2002, some 93,000 non-EEA nationals either registered or renewed their registration with the Garda national immigration bureau. These figures are clear evidence of a thriving and effective immigration system in Ireland, capable of facilitating non-nationals who wish to come to work and live in the State in compliance with our laws.

No claim is made that our immigration systems represent the pinnacle of perfection. The programme for Government acknowledges as much. We are committed to bringing forward a comprehensive code of immigration and residence legislation, which will undoubtedly provide a better framework for the development and implementation of evolving immigration policies. Considerable groundwork has been laid for this major project, including a public consultation process and the excellent report commissioned by the Minister's predecessor from the International Organisation for Migration, which sets out how the challenges facing Ireland in the area of migration policy and practice are dealt with in other countries around the world.

While that legislation is under consideration, the Government continues to evolve the immigration policies designed to facilitate economic migration into the State so as to keep them in tune with the changing economic climate and other influencing factors. The growing number of exotic accents that we hear in the streets and encounter in our daily lives are for the most part the voices of non-nationals who have properly and honestly availed themselves of those immigration policies to migrate to Ireland. These are people who are wanted and are welcome here.

With the increase in regular migration, we have experienced what many other developed countries of the western world had already undergone in the previous decade or so: a growth in illegal migration and in the international business of facilitating those who for one reason or other feel that they cannot, or are otherwise disinclined to, avail of the regular means provided by law for entering and settling in their chosen countries of destination. These people-smugglers, who are in business for the profits they can garner and whose interest in the lives of their clients goes no further than the extent to which they can pay, run operations that can often be highly sophisticated, with advanced document-forging skills and the ability to switch from one method or route to another as immigration authorities succeed in blocking off loopholes. One feature common to illegal people-smuggling throughout the world is the universal abuse of asylum processes as a means of securing a toehold in the country of destination. Ireland is no exception when it comes to this abuse.

I should restate at this point the well-established Government policy in the matter of asylum – a policy to which the Government is unshakeably committed. The aim of this policy is to ensure that people arriving in the State who are genuinely in need of the protection of the State are identified as such as soon as possible after they arrive so that they can immediately start the process of integration into Irish society and take up the rights to which they are entitled under the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the status of refugees and its amending protocol of 1967.

A person who seeks asylum in the State makes the very serious claim to be here in our country seeking the protection of our State and cannot return to his or her country of origin for fear of being persecuted. Any reasonable person will accept that for a person who claims to be persecuted nothing in his or her life at that time can be more important than obtaining a decision on that claim at the earliest possible moment. In return all that is asked of the applicant is his or her full co-operation in a process whereby the investigator and the applicant work together to determine whether the person is a refugee. An asylum applicant in Ireland can be assured of a system that is fair, transparent and independent and that provides him or her with the opportunity to avail of legal representation and interpretation at every step of the way. This is a system fully in line with our obligations under the 1951 UN Refugee Convention and the 1967 amending protocol.

In furtherance of this commitment, we have a legal framework for honouring our international commitments to those who are oppressed and persecuted, and who are in need of the protection of this State. That framework is the Refugee Act 1996, under which the claims of people who seek protection here are investigated independently by the Refugee Applications Commissioner, and negative recommendations emerging from that independent process can be appealed to another independent body, the Refugee Appeals Tribunal. Legal assistance is made available, at the expense of the State through the Refugee Legal Service of the Legal Aid Board, at each stage of this process, and each step is liable to court scrutiny by means of judicial review.

Interpreter facilities are available as necessary at every stage. Overseen by the Reception and Integration Agency established for the purpose, the State feeds, houses and clothes those awaiting decisions on their claims, and ensures that their medical needs are catered for. By way of illustration, a sum in the region of €340 million was spent in 2002 on State services for asylum seekers.

It is an undeniably fair and generous system. It is not without room for improvement. Those who are operating this independent system acknowledge that, notwithstanding the great improvements that have taken place in the Irish asylum process in recent years, there are some in-built inefficiencies which require statutory amendment. The Minister is striving for a system, which continues to provide the requisite high standard of fairness, but achieves that standard with more efficient use of time and resources.

The demands of the public for efficient use of the resources being expended on services for asylum-seekers is not exclusively a question of the cost of investigating asylum applications, which is a matter within the Minister's area of responsibility. By achieving greater efficiencies through a reduction in the large-scale abuse of the asylum process, we can inevitably bring about substantial savings right across the Exchequer, in the budgets of all the other Departments involved in providing services for asylum-seekers. What is more, we can achieve this without any compromise in the fairness of our asylum process.

The Minister is concerned at the extraordinarily low proportion of those who, after having their claims examined by this independent process and, as appropriate, exercising their right of appeal, are actually found to be refugees. Most people who claim to be fleeing from persecution are not fleeing persecution at all. Even allowing some margin for those who, while not strictly within the criteria of the Geneva Convention relating to the status of refugees, are otherwise in need of the protection of the State, the fact, independently arrived at by the Refugee Applications Commissioner and the Refugee Appeals Tribunal, is that close to nine out of every ten asylum applicants in Ireland have no basis for their claim to be refugees. That bespeaks unsustainably high levels of abuse of a system designed to help the weak and unprotected.

It is not fair to the vulnerable individuals who have genuine claims, and whose recognition is delayed by unfounded asylum claims. It is not fair to those who pay Irish taxes to maintain that 90% while their claims are being examined. The Minister has no intention to do anything that would undermine the sound principles on which that system is built. However, it is not a corollary of a fair system that it should be supine in the face of obvious abuse as if such abuse were of no real consequence for those who genuinely seek the protection of the State. Nor is it an essential element of a fair system that it involves unnecessarily elaborate processes or protracted timescales.

Since the commencement of the Refugee Act in November 2000, the present Refugee Applications Commissioner and her staff, and the chairperson and other members of the Refugee Appeals Tribunal, have between them achieved the significant objective of dealing fairly and efficiently with the backlog of cases with which they were faced and bringing their workload more and more up to date. A measure of the improvements in turnaround time which have been achieved is that applicants who applied this February are already being scheduled for interview. The Minister is greatly appreciative of the work that Bernice O'Neill and PJ Farrell have done and continue to do in the refugee determination process.

As with any new system experience in the first few years of operation has brought to light ways to improve even further the efficiency of the current asylum process while in no manner compromising our obligations to those in need of protection. This Bill is an opportunity to bring forward those improvements by way of amendment to the Refugee Act. Some of these were in the Bill as published, more were included by way of amendments in the Seanad and a further set of amendments is being developed which I expect will be the subject of amendments on Committee Stage in this House.

I will go into a little more detail as to the content of those amendments when dealing with the provisions of the Bill in a few moments, but the purpose of these amendments is to defend the integrity of the refugee process as the means for giving the protection of the State to those who are actually in need of it, to discourage the abuse of the process by those who are not refugees and to get people who turn out to have no right to be here out of the State as quickly as possible.

These aims are consistent with the approach of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, which continues to emphasise, most recently in its Agenda for Protection programme, the need not only to strengthen the implementation of the convention for genuine refugees and deal with the root causes of refugee movements, but also to safeguard asylum systems from abuse by returning those not entitled to or in need of international protection to their countries of origin.

Briefly, this Bill provides for the following four main areas. It provides a scheme of carrier liability designed to ensure to the greatest extent possible that when people arrive in the State, from places other than the common travel area with the United Kingdom, they have proper travel documentation. That matter is dealt with in sections 1 to 3. There is provision for some other amendments to current immigration law, in particular, the provision at section 7, which is largely technical in nature. As I have indicated already, section 6 of the Bill amends the Refugee Act 1996 in a number of significant respects.

Section 4 creates offences relating to employment of non-nationals without employment permits. As that provision has now been incorporated in a recently enacted Bill promoted by the Tánaiste and Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment, the Minister will be proposing the deletion of this section from the Bill on Committee Stage.

Turning to the carrier liability provisions of the Bill, I should like to give Deputies a general view of what is proposed in section 2 of the Bill and its purpose. The principal aim of the section is to put in place legislative provisions which will have the effect that carriers, in other words those responsible for aircraft, sea-going vessels or road vehicles coming into Ireland, will check before embarking on the journey that everyone coming on board for the journey has the proper travel documentation that is required for passing through Irish immigration controls. Of course this system could not apply to flights, sea-trips or road journeys coming from the United Kingdom into Ireland – the common travel area arrangements mean that Irish and UK citizens can travel between the jurisdictions without any requirement to carry a passport; so the Bill is designed to apply only to journeys into the State from places other than the UK, the Isle of Man and the Channel Islands.

Section 2, which contains the core of these provisions, sets out the obligations being placed on a carrier whose vehicle arrives in the State. Section 2(1) spells out what those obligations are. The first two paragraphs give statutory weight to the normal co-operation with the immigration authorities that most carriers at present offer as a matter of routine business practice in disembarking their passengers. The last element, at paragraph (c), states that the carrier must ensure that the disembarking non-national passengers must have the right documentation. For carriers to ensure that these things are in order at the end of the journey, they will have to do in respect of journeys into Ireland what they already have to do with regard to journeys in the other direction, that is, to have in place systems at the start of the journey to check their passengers' documents.

What are the right documents? First, a passenger must have a valid passport. For EU nationals, the identity card issued by many member states to their own citizens meets that requirement. Nationals of certain non-EU countries also require a visa of one of two types, depending on their nationality and whether they want to visit the country or merely to transit a seaport or, more usually, an airport. The categories of non-nationals who do not require a visa to enter Ireland are currently set out in the Aliens (Visas) (No. 2) Order 2001; anyone not in those categories needs a visa. That order also lists the small number of countries whose nationals must be in possession of a transit visa if they wish to make a journey which involves transiting through an Irish port, as distinct from actually entering Ireland. Details are published on the website of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and are kept up to date as new orders are made from time to time.

This provision, as in most other jurisdictions, is designed to enlist the help of carriers, within the scope of their competence, in cutting down the opportunity for abuse or circumvention of legitimate immigration controls. The Bill takes a "carrot and stick" approach to this. The "stick" element is that failure to observe the obligations is to be an offence, punishable by a flat €3,000 fine. That is set out at section 2(4) and (7).

Section 3 provides a means, similar to the system at present in relation to parking offences, where the carrier can avoid court proceedings by payment of a fixed penalty, in this case €1,500, within 28 days of receiving the notice of intention to prosecute.

The "carrot" element has a number of constituents. Of prime importance is the co-operation that, in advance of this Bill's enactment, already exists in large measure between the Garda national immigration bureau and various groups of carriers both centrally and at local level to help reduce immigration abuses. While constructive consultations on the development of this proposal have taken place with the representatives of all sectors operating commercially into Ireland from the Continent and from further afield, it is not invidious to single out for special mention the Irish Road Haulage Association, representing the owners and operators of road freight vehicles.

As part of these consultations, that association, together with officials at the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and the then Department of Public Enterprise and representatives of the Garda national immigration bureau developed a set of guidelines which provide a checklist for long distance lorry operators so that they can minimise the scope for their vehicles being used for the clandestine carriage of people. Section 2(8) will give a statutory basis for guidelines of this type, another aspect of the "carrot" element of this proposal.

Observance by hauliers of these guidelines will have two effects. In practical terms it will help to protect them and their cargo from the activities of smugglers of human beings and, as far as this new law is concerned, it will go towards assisting them in dealing with any prosecution that might arise, in the event that covert passengers succeed in boarding their vehicles unknown to them, on the basis of the "all reasonable steps" defence at subsection (5). The defences provided at subsections (5) and (6) are further parts of the "carrot" incentive. Thus, a carrier who has sensible procedures in place at the point of embarkation to check documents and can show that those procedures were operated properly in the instant case, would be able to invoke the subsection (5) defence.

Subsection (6) underlines the position that carriers are not expected to engage in minute examination of all documents for potential forgery. From our own experience and the experiences of other member states, we know the reality of document fraud ranges from basic and crude attempts at forgery and falsification to high quality forgeries and falsification methods, including photo substitutions, which might only be detected by an expert after recourse to sophisticated equipment. Carriers are not being expected to spot any other than the more obvious and well known forgery techniques.

This brings us back to the first constituent, which is co-operation between carrier staff and the immigration authorities. We are not concerned to clock up high numbers of convictions under this legislation. It is quite the opposite, since each conviction would represent another instance of an illegal entry into the State.

The Bill contains no sanction against the illegal entrants themselves; that is a matter dealt with separately in other legislation. It is properly dealt with separately because we recognise that some of those who make their way irregularly into Ireland do so because they wish to claim asylum and we have an international obligation to consider each such claim. The Refugee Act 1996 gives full statutory effect to that obligation and the carrier liability provisions of this Bill do not compromise the fulfilment of that obligation in any respect. In order to address in statutory form the unfounded assertion by some commentators that it would compromise those obligations, subsection (9) has been inserted into the Bill by the Seanad to put the matter beyond doubt. The Attorney General has advised that this provision is unnecessary from a strictly legal point of view, a view with which the Minister strongly agrees. However, he believes the law in this instance should explicitly reflect his policy commitment and that of the Government and the State to our responsibilities to those in fear of persecution and in need of Ireland's protection. This provision represents incontrovertible statutory evidence of the State's continuing commitment to honour and fulfil its convention obligations.

Why put these arrangements in place? The carrier liability provisions in the Bill will provide an important additional instrument in the existing immigration tool-kit to address what is a significant element in the illegal immigration trail, that of persons boarding transport to the State and arriving here without any documentation required for entry, such as a passport or visa. Its effect will be that carriers will carry out the most rudimentary of checks to ensure that a passport is valid and that it relates to the person presenting it and that, where necessary, there is a current valid visa in the passport. Nothing more is required. Carrier staff will be helped, as some are at present, by training and advice given by immigration officers to be able to spot the more obvious forgeries and falsifications.

It is basically a mechanical task. It is a task that carriers out of Ireland and throughout Europe and other western states have been undertaking for many years now. It is the work of a few moments for the most part – the passport is subject to a quick scrutiny at the check-in desk and handed back to the traveller. Ireland is the only member state of the European Union which does not have legislation providing for a scheme of carrier liability. That is why Deputies are familiar with these checks when they seek to visit other jurisdictions. Our participation in certain aspects of the Schengen Acquis with our EU partners means that we are subject to binding legal instruments in the area of carrier sanctions. These requirements inform the development of the Bill before us. However, apart from our EU requirements, the Minister is satisfied that there is a well established need for this form of immigration control to supplement the existing immigration controls at our borders and under the visa system to combat the growth in illegal immigration to the State.

Section 5 is a standard provision regarding the responsibility of officers of a body corporate for offences committed by the body. This is relevant to the provisions on carrier liability at section 2. Before coming to the Refugee Act amendments at section 6, I will briefly refer to section 7. This is a largely technical amendment. Its purpose is to restore to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform a power to prescribe the ports and airports at which non-nationals coming from a place outside the State may land. Currently, the Minister would have to introduce primary legislation if he wished to designate any port in the State as one where non-nationals may land in the State. Clearly this is not an efficient way to do business. Without the flexibility to make suitable provisions by secondary legislation, which is always subject to review in any event by the Oireachtas, the potential delays involved in securing the passage of a Bill could create difficulties for port or airport authorities who must await the passage of such legislation before they could act legally to allow non-nationals to land at their ports.

Section 6 provides for amendments to the Refugee Act 1996. These fall into a number of broad categories as follows: technical amendments to do with the Refugee Advisory Board; the privacy of applicants; housekeeping matters regarding the Refugee Applications Commissioner and the Refugee Appeals Tribunal; clarification of the Minister's power to agree arrangements with UNHCR for bringing in refugees in Ireland for resettlement and streamlining the process for dealing with asylum applicants who withdraw or abandon their applications.

The first of these, paragraph (a) of the section, was designed to rectify a problem regarding the dates on which, under section 7A of the Refugee Act, the Refugee Advisory Board is to provide reports on the operation of the Refugee Act and other matters to do with the asylum process, which arose because of the unavoidable time delay between the passing in 1999 of the amendments which inserted that section into the Refugee Act and the commencement of that Act in November 2000. Due to the passage of time in this Bill's progress through the Oireachtas, the proposals for change in the Bill have been superseded and the Minister will bring forward on Committee Stage an amendment to replace the present paragraph (a)(i) with a more flexible provision which will cater for the establishment of the Refugee Advisory Board and its regular reports on asylum matters.

The revised proposal will not affect the measure at subparagraphs (ii) and (iii) to give the chairperson of the Refugee Appeals Tribunal an ex officio place on the Refugee Advisory Board. The Refugee Applications Commissioner's role in relation to the board is already specified in the legislation. Her function as an ex officio member is to act as secretary to the board. It makes sense also to have the chairperson of the other key independent body involved in the asylum process as an ex officio member.

Section 6(g) addresses the question of the privacy of applicants. It amends section 19 of the Refugee Act to remove the requirement of the Minister's consent where an asylum seeker himself or herself consents to be identified as such in the media. This change has been pressed for by many media interests, including some who have represented the current situation as being an absolute ministerial veto on any coverage of asylum matters. It is nothing of the sort. It is vital that asylum applicants, whose families may still be under threat in the home territory, should have a legal basis for protection of their privacy and the Minister is satisfied that the protection of the privacy of individual asylum seekers is sufficiently achieved without the additional requirement of ministerial consent.

Section 6(h) inserts an important provision into the Refugee Act which provides for arrange ments involving the Minister, in consultation with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, for the acceptance into the State, by agreement with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, of persons from around the globe who have already been identified by the UNHCR as persons fleeing persecution and in need of protection. This reinforces the solid commitment of the Government to assist the UNHCR in its resettling of displaced persons and, thus, to play our full part in the protection of those who really need protection.

The next group of amendments to the Refugee Act, which I will describe, is at paragraphs (i) and (j) of section 6. These amendments address issues identified largely through the practical experiences of the Refugee Applications Commissioner and the Refugee Appeals Tribunal over the two and a half years or so of their operation. They deal with two aspects of the offices of the commissioner and the chairperson of the tribunal respectively. The first aspect is provision for an emergency appointment of a person to fill an unexpected vacancy in either office, or a temporary inability of the office-holder to perform his or her functions. The Minister is of the view that it is prudent to take this opportunity to fill that lacuna in the present Act. The second aspect dealt with in these amendments is the setting out of the powers of the office-holder to manage the business of the office in each case. In this regard, the provision in relation to the chairperson of the Refugee Appeals Tribunal is set out in considerably more detail than that in relation to the commissioner. That is because, while the commissioner, as head of her office, can instruct or issue guidelines to her staff, the powers given to the tribunal chairperson must respect the independence of each individual member in the exercise of his or her functions and, in particular, in deciding individual appeals.

Two further matters are provided at paragraph (j) in relation to the tribunal. One of these, at paragraph (j)(i), changes matters so that in the event of a casual vacancy in the membership of the tribunal the new appointee is appointed for a full three-year term, rather than the present arrangement whereby such an appointment is only to serve out the remainder of the term of the member being replaced. There is no particular benefit to be achieved by that arrangement and no good reason why there should not be overlaps of membership. The other additional matter is a provision for the preparation by the tribunal chairperson of annual reports and of reports on a one-off basis for submission to the Minister. These provisions at present exist for the commissioner.

I now come to the most technically detailed of the Refugee Act amendments; that is the package of amendments at paragraphs (b) to (f) of section 6 which, taken together, provide a revised system for dealing with withdrawn and abandoned cases under the Refugee Act. In particular, it tackles the issue of applications where it is clear that an applicant is no longer demonstrating any interest in pursuing an asylum claim and, indeed, may no longer be in the State. These changes are designed to address actual problems that have been experienced on a significant scale in dealing with asylum applications under the Refugee Act's provisions, which have been in operation since November 2000.

The first phenomenon tackled is that of persons who apply for asylum – usually at a port of entry, which means that they must be allowed to enter the State – and then simply disappear. They never supply a contact address, either then or subsequently and, as a result, are untraceable. There are approximately 1,000 such cases on hand which cannot be processed or finalised in any way and the number is rising daily. In order to address this position, paragraph (b) amends section 9 of the Refugee Act to provide that where an applicant fails to inform the commissioner of his or her address within five working days of the making of the asylum application, the application shall be deemed withdrawn. The Minister is satisfied that five working days – in effect, a full week – is ample time in which the applicant can get his or her bearings in the State, almost invariably with the help of the reception and integration agency, and fulfil the very simple task of letting the commissioner know his or her address. To underline the seriousness with which we view failure to provide an address in order that the application can be dealt with, (b)(iii) makes it an offence, punishable by a fine of up to €635, to fail to supply an address or change of address.

Another feature of the Irish asylum process is the high proportion of cases where the Refugee Applications Commissioner is unable to complete her investigation of the asylum claim because the applicant does not turn up for interview – an essential part of the investigation. Of the 12,677 interviews scheduled in 2002, it was possible to proceed with only 47%, or just under 6,000. In each of those cases, the Refugee Act at present requires that the applicant be asked again to attend for interview. Of those who did not show for interview when first asked, a total of 1,380 failed again to attend the second time, which is the equivalent of one in eight of all asylum applications lodged in 2002.

The waste of time and resources on each no-show represents time and money that could be far better spent investigating the applications of people who are genuinely interested in being protected by this State from persecution. In order to address this in a more efficient way, but a way that still is fair to those who are forced through illness or some other pressing emergency to look for a rearranged interview, the Bill provides for a number of amendments to section 11 of the Refugee Act.

The key amendments are at section 6(c)(iii) as follows – the new subsection (9) to section 11 of the 1996 Act provides a statutory basis for an applicant to withdraw the asylum claim volun tarily and the new subsection (10) deals with the situation where the applicant fails to show for interview. Unless the applicant has a reasonable explanation for not turning up and gives it either before the date fixed for the interview or within three working days after the no-show, the application will be deemed withdrawn. The new subsection (11) deals with less direct forms of non-co-operation. The form of non-co-operation of the kind referred to in paragraph (a) of the new subsection (11) usually, but not always, manifests itself first when a letter to the applicant about some aspect of the claim for asylum is returned by An Post marked “not known” or “gone away”.

Paragraph (b) of new subsection (11) covers a situation where the Minister becomes aware that the applicant is missing. This may come about because the Garda Síochána may indicate that an applicant has consistently been failing to observe a requirement to report once a week to a Garda under section 9(5); the reception and integration agency notes an absence from the assigned accommodation that it has provided for the applicant; or information comes to hand in some other way that an applicant is no longer at the address supplied. In any case like this, where the strong indications are that the applicant is not going to be around to assist in the investigation of his or her asylum application, once the Minister passes this information to the commissioner, the commissioner will write asking the applicant whether he or she is still pursuing the application. If there is no reply to this “one last chance” letter, the application is deemed withdrawn.

Section 6(d) amends section 13 of the Act of 1996 and provides that on the withdrawal of an application the investigation of the claim is brought to an end; the report of the commissioner, which is prepared in all cases, will include a recommendation that the applicant not be declared a refugee and no appeal lies from that recommendation; and, as a consequence, the negative recommendation is sent directly to the Minister who will proceed to make the decision in each case that the applicant is not a refugee.

It is not just during the first-instance investigation that asylum claims are withdrawn or simply abandoned. While most abandoned cases arise during the first stage of the process, a surprising 11% of appeals made to the Refugee Appeals Tribunal – one out of every nine appeals made – are also abandoned. In order to discourage abandonment of appeals at the appeal stage, it is necessary to put in place provisions, analogous to those I have just described for the first-instance investigation, to deal with "no-shows" at appeal hearings and other indications that the applicant is not available to pursue the appeal.

The Bill addresses this at paragraph 6(e), which amends section 16 of the Refugee Act – the appeals section. Other amendments being made to that section arise out of the fact that a with drawal, whether actual or deemed, will be un-appealable and restates the existing statutory provision governing the withdrawal of appeals.

The last amendment in the series dealing with withdrawn and abandoned cases, at section 6(f) of the Bill, deals with the final outcome of an application that is withdrawn or deemed to be withdrawn. The outcome is, as I have already indicated, that the Minister will refuse to grant a declaration in every case where the negative recommendation arises out of a withdrawal or a deemed withdrawal. Of course, under present law, any applicant whose application has been rejected may seek the Minister's permission under section 17(7) of the Act to make a fresh application, and this Bill does not interfere with that.

These are the amendments to the Refugee Act 1996 that already appear in the Bill before the House. I will now outline the further amendments, which are in preparation and which the Minister intends to put to Government for bringing forward on Committee Stage. His proposals include provisions for a speedy – in some instances, very rapid – process for dealing with applications that are either what one might call manifestly well-founded or which have characteristics indicating that undue time and resources should not be wasted upon them. A particular example of a class of cases of the latter type concerns persons coming from candidate countries of the European Union, which are widely recognised as safe and generally do not give rise to well-founded claims of fear of persecution. The Minister is aiming for a position where applications selected on a basis such as this, can be investigated, decided upon, and any appeal dealt with within a matter of days after the person arrives in the State. The purpose will be twofold: first, to avoid the unnecessary expenditure of taxpayers' money on supporting applicants whose claims are likely to be without merit; and to send a strong signal to potential abusers of Ireland's asylum system, and to those who expect to profit from them, that there is no point in making an unfounded claim for protection in Ireland.

The Minister is also developing amendments to deal more effectively with those who come to Ireland to claim asylum even though they have had ample opportunity to avail themselves of protection in safe countries through which they have travelled. It cannot be right that people who are genuinely fleeing persecution should studiously avoid seeking the protection available in any one of several countries of transit, which are safe havens and willing to offer refuge to them, simply to suit themselves or, more usually, to suit the people-smugglers to whom they have paid their life savings or may still owe money. The Minister's aim is to improve the turnaround time for such applicants, who can expect to be sent promptly back to whatever safe country they have come through to have their asylum claims dealt with there.

The Minister is also examining the possibility of amendments to spell out in statute where the burden of proof lies in asylum cases and what factors are to be taken into account when assessing the credibility of an applicant, in particular, the extent to which an applicant who gives an obviously untrue or incomplete story about such readily verifiable matters as how he or she arrived in the State, is to be believed in the details which he or she gives regarding the asylum application itself.

Among the other areas which the Minister expects will be dealt with in the package of amendments which he will table on Committee Stage are: revised provisions for fingerprinting to improve the system's effectiveness in reducing the scope for multiple asylum applications or other abuses; powers for the Minister to set from time to time the priorities with which the two independent bodies, the commissioner and the tribunal, are to deal with different elements of their workload, though not interfering with the independence of their decision-making functions; other technical amendments on the sharing of information between the various agencies involved in the wider asylum process; and the publication of selected decisions of the Refugee Appeals Tribunal, which will greatly benefit practitioners, applicants and the staff of the commissioner.

The Bill will put in place a range of measures regarding immigration and its related issue, asylum, which will reduce the scope for abuse, reduce the incentive for abuse and deal justly and promptly with abuse where it does occur. I reiterate that the Bill does not interfere with the State's obligations under the 1951 Geneva Convention and the related 1967 protocol to provide refugee protection to those who require that protection. The Bill, along with the Committee Stage amendments in development, will provide a more solid foundation to ensure that these obligations are better complied with and that genuine refugees obtain protection more speedily.

I am pleased to bring this Bill before the Dáil and look forward to engaging in a constructive debate with Deputies on the important provisions contained in it. I commend the Bill to the House.

I commend the Minister of State on the speed at which he read his script. It is impressive that he got through it all, but he might need to work on emotion and feeling in regard to it. It is becoming typical in the House that a script is prepared for a Minister and he or she has to get through it. In fairness to the Minister of State, this practice is not his area, but it is dreadfully boring.

I took the Bill through several Stages in the Seanad and I am fully familiar with its provisions.

The Deputy is entitled to make his point.

This legislation will make it an offence for carriers to transport migrants, regardless of their asylum status, without valid documentation. Unfortunately it does not draw a distinction between political refugees and economic refugees, a distinction the United Nations High Commission for Refugees has identified. That is something we will have to thrash out on Committee Stage. The legislation also requires carriers to take responsibility for detention costs and they will also be liable for the costs of the removal of third country nationals who are refused entry into Ireland.

I listened to and read the comments made during the Seanad debate on the Bill, with some of which I disagree in the sense that one cannot have it both ways. It was not so long ago that 58 people were suffocated in the back of a container lorry. We need to impose severe penalties on those people who are prepared to bring illegals into this country. I agree with some of the Minister of State's comments, that there is an element of organised crime involved. The EU needs to harmonise its laws and we need to have strict laws when it comes to carriers who are prepared to take the risk of bringing illegals into the country. That is dangerous and there needs to be a deterrent in place, on that I agree.

The legislation also makes it an offence for an employer to take on a non-national without an employment permit. The Equality Authority has warned for some time of the exploitation of illegals, of the denial of their basic human rights and of the incredibly bad working conditions in which many of them find themselves. The Bill addresses that area.

About 80% to 90% of immigrants are economic as opposed to political refugees. We need proper restrictions on access to this country. My party and I will support sensible measures in this regard. Across the immigration area in general there is an almost fanatical zeal by the Government to be perceived as being the hard man on immigration. There is a growing mob element fuelled by racism. There is an ugliness creeping into our society. It has got to the point where someone with dark skin is perceived immediately to be an asylum seeker and, therefore, a sponger. We saw during the last election how politically fashionable it had become to almost attack asylum seekers. That must be guarded against. I do not see the Government taking steps to guard against that kind of growing racism. We have an obligation to guard our immigration laws, to make sure that they are not taken advantage of, but we also have an obligation to integrate and to allow for diversity. The policy of the Government for the past few years seems to be one of lock them up and kick them out. That goes down well in some sectors of society, but it is not a balanced policy. I detect a strain of intolerance with the legislation and the measures that have been taken by the Government in recent years. There seems to be a reluctance to co-ordinate and implement a policy of integration. Some steps have been taken on the anti-racism side, but not enough.

The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform – I am disappointed he is not present – once wrote that it is time for coolness and kindness as qualities in the debate on immigration. He said that humanity has now a chance to prevail. He said that what is of concern is not the issue, but the values which we bring to bear on it. That has not happened.

Sometimes I believe we would do non-nationals a favour by heightening the restrictions on their access into this country because they get murdered when they come here. One in every seven of the unlawful killings that occurred last year was of a non-national. That is an extraordinary statistic. It is also clear that the Garda does not have the contacts and sources within our non-national communities and have not had them for some time. A unit has been set up, but it is clear and has been identified that the Garda does not have those necessary contacts.

In October 2001, the Garda Commissioner, Pat Byrne, initially came up with the suggestion that we need to distinguish between crimes committed against nationals and non-nationals. We need to have the numbers readily available to determine racist violence. As of now, there is no way of distinguishing between crime committed against nationals and non-nationals in some circumstances. The expert review group on crime statistics needs to take that into consideration.

Two years ago a survey was carried out among members of the Garda Síochána and the majority of those surveyed said they were uncomfortable with changing the regulations to allow a member of the Garda Síochána to wear a head-dress and to lower the height requirement to allow members of non-national communities to enter the force. Only half of those surveyed said they were comfortable with encouraging applications from racial and ethnic minorities. We have to be mindful of the fact that many members of our non-national communities come from oppressive regimes and have an inherent distrust of the police. Gardaí in Templemore and outside it need more intercultural training, communications training and a basic training in human rights law. That is not occurring across the ranks.

The Irish Times recently reported that there is no requirement to secure the services of a competent interpreter before a non-national suspect is questioned by gardaí, that recordings of interviews with non-nationals are frequently not made and that the rights of non-national suspects in some cases are not fully explained to them. That is an area that needs to be identified and dealt with.

The National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism has reported that there has been a massive upsurge in racist e-mails and letters. They have advocated a complete review of the Incitement to Hatred Act, and we need that at the very least. Any such review needs to establish whether Irish legislation is adequate to protect against new forms of racism such as racism on the Internet. There has not been enough research on that, as they are finding a huge increase in the percentage of racist comments made through text messaging and e-mails.

The Government's famous response to this growing racism was Operation Hyphen, which was described by the Government's consulting body as inefficient and counterproductive. It went on to say that future operations could seriously alienate the trust of ethnic communities. The operation cost was €100,000 and 140 people were detained, but only 15 were deported. It was defended by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, who once wrote that he was sickened by the appalling spectacle of a Dublin-Belfast bus being escorted by squad cars because there was a black man on the bus who turned out to be a long-term Belfast resident. As a result of Operation Hyphen a lot of innocent black men ended up in squad cars but of the 74 people charged with immigration offences, 50 were released because they were legally resident in the State. That is a careless policy which fuels fear.

The Minister once complained about the indignity and contempt with which the State treated its immigrant families. My party and I have no quarrel with the State's right to police its immigration laws firmly and its right to deport people. However, I have problems with a Government which advocates a reign of terror against sections of the immigrant population, many of whom are here legally. That must stop.

My party will support tighter controls on economic refugees and the general view that there is no alternative to access controls. One must have those access controls, although they have been lax in the past, and we welcome new immigration and residence legislation. We also support the concept of a single European asylum and migration policy based on the provisions of the Amsterdam treaty. However, I have some misgivings about a proposal recently announced in the media which would result in asylum seekers forfeiting their rights to State benefits if they did not apply for same at their port of arrival when they came to the country. I agree with the Irish Refugee Council that in some cases these refugees are terrified out of their minds and the last thing they want to do is talk about where they came from and what they are at. It is crazy to seriously consider taking away their benefits because they do not make an application in the first instance.

In England the High Court prevented the Government introducing such a measure. We would have to think long and hard about introducing such a provision as we would end up with thousands of immigrants working illegally at a time when we are dealing with legislation which purportedly combats exploitation. The measure would drive immigrants into illegal working situations and sweatshops would develop.

Some asylum seekers continue to be sidelined in society. The vast majority are excluded from the workforce and they are perceived as spongers as a result. That fuels racism. The Minister has repeatedly ruled out allowing asylum seekers to take up paid employment because he claims it would lead to a huge increase in the numbers applying. Our party policy has always been that after a certain amount of time asylum seekers should be allowed to work and this area should be reviewed.

People become marginalised when they are not integrated and not working. The danger is that we will make asylum seekers welfare dependent and when one generation is welfare dependent and unemployed, the risks for the next generation are very high. The Government has referred to its migrant policy as being one of the most open in Europe but based on what some representatives of industry said recently, they would disagree strongly, particularly because the Government has cut back on work permits. That is a serious mistake. The Small Firms Association has made it clear that immigrant labour is not responsible for higher unemployment and that an endemic skills shortage remains in certain sectors. Those views are shared by ISME, which says that to clamp down on allowing non-EEA nationals to take up opportunities could conceivably lead to company closures and further job losses. The experts are saying we need more migrant workers next year in some sectors, despite the modest forecasts for economic growth, and they stress that for the most part immigrants are taking the jobs we are not doing ourselves.

Rather than support Irish industry, the Government is more worried about maintaining a hard line on Irish immigration whatever the effect that has on the economy. That is regressive, small-minded and short-sighted. We need controls on access and to a certain extent the Supreme Court has done the Legislature's job for it. We need a proper system of integration because we are creating the conditions for marginalised communities and the risk is that we will perpetuate a new cycle of discrimination and long-term exclusion in those communities. At least 6% of the population are non-nationals, people who had no previous contact with Ireland, and 130 different countries are represented in our secondary schools. The challenge for us is to develop support systems and training for proper integration. Some schools have ongoing plans for multiculturalism and inclusion but many do not have the funding from the Department of Education and Science – it may not be the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform which deals with this. Many schools are crying out for funding to conduct multicultural training.

Attention must be paid to a policy which embraces diversity and that policy must be balanced, which is not the case at present. Since the Government took office race crime has increased dramatically while the Administration's desire to be seen as tough on illegal immigration has been the dominant factor in immigration law. The current Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform said once that this State has a tradition of hard-nosed, red-necked discrimination, and that has not changed greatly. It is time to confront the red-neck element but that takes political courage. We have a legacy of intolerance on this island – for 30 years Catholics and Protestants were intolerant of each other and there is a danger that if we do not learn lessons from the past we will be doomed to repeat it. The legislative measures we have introduced in the past three to four years which affect non-national communities have a distinct strain of intolerance.

This is another Bill which effectively cracks down on illegal immigration. Our immigration legislation needs to be balanced and must take account of our multi-ethnic society and the treatment of non-nationals in Ireland. We need to encourage tolerance and awareness of cultural diversity and to facilitate integration. We could start by improving the working rights and conditions of immigrants.

The relationship between the Garda Síochána and the minority community must improve. We must adhere to the requirements in law when dealing with non-nationals in custody, review the incitement to hatred legislation and increase the number of work permits for non-nationals in certain industrial sectors. The crime statistics must reflect the number of offences committed against nationals and non-nationals. We must finance the support systems and training for proper integration in schools.

The Fine Gael Party is a pro-immigration party. While we believe in strict access controls, we are also in favour of diversity and multi-culturalism. The wealth created in Ireland in the past ten or 15 years was brought about, in large part, by foreigners. These factors make our society more complex, but also much more interesting.

I welcome the Minister of State to the House. While I accept that he has responsibility for taking the legislation through both Houses of the Oireachtas and did a good job in this respect in the other House, I deplore the fact that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, is not dealing with the legislation. The Bill bears all the Minister's hallmarks and reflects his statements and views. As its tenor is that of the Minister, he should be here to defend it.

As Deputy Deasy stated, this is not balanced legislation. We need a balanced and sympathetic approach to non-nationals who come here, which recognises we are not an insular society but a global one and that we are part of both the European Union and the world body of nations. Major questions of racism, inter-culturalism and multi-culturalism need to be addressed, in addition to obvious issues such as the manner in which we deal with asylum seekers and non-nationals who come here in search of work. The programmes, laws and regulations in place for this purpose must be reviewed if we are to create a balanced approach to this issue.

The Deputy's telephone is ringing.

It is a famous instrument.

The issue of my mobile telephone is work for another day. All the human rights organisations disagree with the approach outlined by the Minister of State. Amnesty International, Comhlámh, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties, the Irish Refugee Council and the Refugee Protection Policy Group have combined in universal opposition to the Bill. None of them believes it is justified. The only people who believe the Bill has merit and value are the Minister and his officials.

The objections of the human rights organisations focus specifically on a dangerous measure which provides for liability of carriers. The argument that similar measures are being introduced in other European Union member states does not make it right, either in terms of domestic or international law. The Bill places the onus on carriers of persons and goods to check that the travel documents of all persons arriving here in the carriers' vehicles are authentic. Failure to do so will become an offence subject to a fine and prosecution in the courts. The State is gratuitously and shamefully transferring its responsibilities regarding the processing of non-nationals under international law to unqualified third parties.

The Bill even provides for the mandatory vetting of all Irish citizens returning from abroad by a new immigration police force which will patrol all access points. Undoubtedly, traffickers and smugglers of people will have a field day and make windfall profits on human misery as asylum seekers and refugees who have been subjected to persecution are forced to pursue clandestine means and routes because all other avenues to safety have been closed off. Such mandatory vetting of citizens by immigration police may well be unconstitutional. I believe the provisions of the Bill are in breach of international law, particularly Article 31 of the United Nations Refugee Convention of 1951, as they would have the direct effect of inhibiting and obstructing those fleeing persecution from seeking a safe haven and asylum here.

Ironically, the Bill constitutes the Government's response to the Nice treaty and our acceptance of European Union enlargement. It is the Government's new version of céad míle fáilte. The Minister is pulling down the shutters, battening down the hatches and letting loose the immigration police. The great Irish diaspora of the past two centuries and the generosity of other nations has been forgotten in the narrow, xenophobic policy of the current Government. This Bill marks the beginning of efforts by the Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats parties to build a fortress Ireland in a fortress Europe and is not a pretty sight.

It has taken approximately 15 months to bring the legislation to this point during which time it has undergone a sea change. It is clear from the Minister of State's introductory remarks that the original thrust of the Bill was to address the question of employment permits and non-nationals working here without such permits, yet the relevant section, which imposes savage sanctions of up to €250,000 in fines and ten years' imprisonment, has been excised from the Bill and inserted in the Employment Permits Bill.

Much of the Minister of State's contribution dwelt on the section which has been removed, rather than the new focus of the Bill, which is the measure placing responsibility for checking the content, validity and authenticity of passengers' documentation on carriers of people, namely, companies operating ferries, aeroplanes and other vehicles at ports and airports, and delivering such passengers to the immigration officers present at such locations. The measure is specifically directed at asylum seekers and aims to keep them out of this country.

The removal of the section dealing with employment permits has gutted the Bill and changed its thrust. I fail to understand the reason we introduce legislation which is then left for 15, 18 or 24 months. A considerable number of Bills fall into this category. By the time they come before the House, they have become somewhat irrelevant having been overtaken by events or the competent Minister has changed his or her mind and decided to amend them or insert new elements. The legislation before us has suffered in all these respects. Having passed the Seanad in its original form, the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment removed one of the Bill's most important sections and incorporated it into other legislation.

The Bill still includes section 4 on the employment of non-nationals. Why are we discussing this matter when the Minister of State informed the House the section would be removed? He also informed us he planned to introduce substantial new amendments, but refuses to tell us what they are. We are discussing a Bill that is only a shadow of its final draft given the amendments to be made on Committee Stage and so on. The substance of a Bill should be in front of us on Second Stage and, generally, it should only require minor amendment if a Minister knows what he or she is doing. The Minister of State should not chop and change and transform a Bill in mid-stream. We still do not know what are we debating because we do not know what new amendments will be tabled. There is no sign of them.

Three weeks ago I asked the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment during the debate on the Employment Permits Bill 2003 what amendments would be introduced to this Bill. She informed and assured me that she would circulate the amendments before Second Stage of the Bill was taken. I asked the Taoiseach about this yesterday but the poor old Taoiseach did not know what was going on, although, eventually, having gone on about it for a while, he said the Minister would deal with the issue on Second Stage. However, a commitment had been made that the spokespersons would be given an opportunity to peruse the substantial amendments that would be introduced. It is not good enough that the Minister of State is hiding them, given that the Bill has passed through the Seanad and we must deal with it now without knowing what it will contain. Second Stage provides an opportunity to examine the general thrust of the legislation to see where we are going. If substantial amendments are being introduced, then the general thrust of the legislation is being withheld from us. I am far from happy with the legislation before us.

The Minister of State said:

I should restate at this point the well-established Government policy in the matter of asylum – a policy to which the Government is unshakeably committed. The aim of this policy is to ensure that people arriving in the State who are genuinely in need of the protection of the State are identified as such as soon as possible after they arrive, so that they can immediately start the process of integration into Irish society and take up the rights to which they are entitled under the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the status of refugees and its amending protocol of 1967.

A person who seeks asylum in the State makes the very serious claim to be here in our country seeking the protection of our State and cannot return to his or her country of origin for fear of being persecuted.

How can an asylum seeker come to Ireland once the legislation has been passed? The hatches have been battened down and a mechanism is being put in place so that nobody can come to Ireland unless his or her documentation has been checked before he or she embarks. There must be prior vetting of the documentation to ensure it is in order, otherwise the carrier will be severely sanctioned. How many asylum seekers have documentation that is in order? If they are fleeing a regime, such documentation will not be provided for them. While being persecuted, they can hardly say they are seeking asylum in Ireland and ask for proper documentation because Ireland has introduced carrier liability legislation and if they do not have proper documentation entering Ireland, they will not be allowed into the country. Asylum seekers cannot reach Irish shores if this legislation is passed and, if the Minister of State was honest, he would admit the thrust of the legislation is to prevent asylum seekers from ever entering Ireland.

Fortress Europe.

Ireland is an island that has become part of the mainstream of the continent through the European Union and we have done well over the past three decades as a result. The people are proud to be Europeans. However, we do not want an insular policy of this nature that leads to the introduction of tight regulations under which there must be prior checking of all documentation and the carrier must ensure it is in order before asylum seekers are transported. It will be impossible for asylum seekers to reach Ireland.

It is no good for the Minister of State to refer to the Labour Party amendment he accepted in the Seanad. It is irrelevant in terms of dealing with the problem if he has put forward an inhibitory and obstructionist approach, which means nobody can reach our shores. One can only apply for asylum when one arrives in Ireland. If people are barred from entering the State, how can they apply for asylum?

Section 2(9) states: "This section without prejudice to the provisions of sections 8, 9 and 24 and the discretion of the Minster to admit to the State a person whom the Minister considers to be in need of the protection of State. . . " This legislation is about nothing other than keeping these people out. There is no good in saying we have nice procedures under the fine Refugee Act 1996 for dealing with applications and everybody is entitled to apply. Sections 8 and 9 relate to the provisions for making applications when one has arrived in the State.

The legislation should be withdrawn because it is a scandal and an insult. It is in breach of international law. Many organisations, including Amnesty International, the Irish Refugee Council, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties and others dealing with human rights issues hold the view the legislation is in breach of the Geneva Convention while the Government is the only body that does not think so. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, carriers should not be penalised for transporting people who are seeking international protection from persecution. God knows it took us long enough to establish a structure for the UNHCR to operate in Ireland. The Minister of State will recall the days at Shannon Airport when people fleeing from Cuba and the former Soviet Union were put back on their airplanes immediately by the Garda without having the benefit of a hearing. It was due to complaints about the manner in which they were dealt with that, eventually, the UNHCR office was established at the beginning of the 1990s.

Under the legislation we will return to those days and it will be worse because asylum seekers will not be allowed on airplanes or boats before they embark and they will not have the opportunity to reach their destination and make an application. We are a long way from the Ireland of the diaspora. It was St. Patrick's Day a few weeks ago. I do not know where the Minister of State was but every Minister—

I was at the parade in Dublin.

How did the Minister of State get left behind?

He was one of the few Ministers who remained in Ireland. The others were chasing the great Irish diaspora.

The white list.

How many Irish people who went to the four corners of the globe over the past two centuries were equipped with proper documentation, with everything in order? If they were checked by carriers on arrival in the United States, South America and various other countries, how many Irish Ministers would now have the opportunity to go abroad on St. Patrick's Day to celebrate that great Irish diaspora resulting from the flight of Irish people from persecution and famine? Many of them were economic refugees. It is not very long since we were fighting for special concessions for our economic refugees in the United States, as Deputy O'Flynn may recall. Just a decade ago, successive Taoisigh and Ministers were trying to influence people at the highest level in the USA. It was a specific aspect of St. Patrick's Day visits by Irish Taoisigh to US Presidents to secure visas for Irish "non nationals" so that they could remain in the United States.

Memories are very short. Following half a dozen boom years in this country, we now wish to batten down the hatches. We do not want anybody else to come here to enjoy the benefits. That is a very heavy-handed approach. All of the legislation is negative, in terms of sanctions, penalties, preventative measures, inhibition and obstruction. Even in the section of the Bill which amends the Refugee Act, the aim is to make it difficult for people to pursue their applications for refugee status if there is delay, or what the Minister sees as time wasting, or if things are not done within a specified time, regardless of how long it has taken the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform to process the current volume of applications. Asylum seekers in this country have had to wait years to have their applications processed. Yet, in this Bill, the Minister provides that if there is any delay by an asylum seeker in submitting an application, attending for interview or whatever, the application will be immediately struck down and deemed invalid.

A recent Supreme Court decision determined that residency would not be a requisite for the parents of any child born in this country to non nationals. Many of those people have withdrawn their applications for refugee status on the understanding that they would be automatically entitled to residency. We are not sure what their status is. The Minister has stated that he has a certain sympathy for the approximately 10,000 to 12,000 people who are affected in this way. However, he has not done anything about this situation and there is no way of knowing what will happen. Technically, one cannot re-apply once one has withdrawn an application. People withdrew their applications for particular reasons. The time limit which the Minister is now introducing would appear to militate against them.

How can the Minister introduce an immigration Bill which is entirely concerned with controls? The term "control" is central to the very title of the Bill: "An Act to make provision in relation to the control of entry into the State of non nationals and to amend the Refugee Act". The emphasis is on absolute control and inhibition in relation to anybody arriving on these shores. I wonder where the Minister is really coming from in this regard, considering the manner in which he has already dealt with the provision of holding centres throughout the country while, at the same time, he was part and parcel of the bodies that objected to the use of Broc House as a centre for refugees. After the State had spent millions on updating it, the whole community in that area of Dublin 4 objected to the location of any centre for refugees in their midst. That is one side of the coin.

On the other side of the coin, the Minister is trying to effect deportations in a very ham-fisted fashion. He introduced Operation Hyphen to round up people, irrespective of whether the Garda have any evidence as to whether the people they are chasing are bona fide or bogus asylum seekers. In reality, the information available to the Garda was so pathetically inadequate that virtually nobody came within the terms on which arrests were being sought. Five or six hundred people were searched. How did all of those search warrants originate? What was the process involved? How did any court issue search warrants to the Garda on the basis of minimalist information to indicate that the people concerned were validly within the relevant remit of such warrants? Such questions must be answered. Should Garda resources be used in that fashion? Does the Garda know what is going on in this area? Does the Minister know what is going on, or is he just acting, in a fit of bravado, to show how tough he is in terms of action on the streets? The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform appears to be more concerned with media projection than anything else.

He is good at spinning.

Yes, he is very good at that. However, in terms of his real responsibilities, he is certainly very lax in ensuring that they are properly undertaken and implemented. I wish to raise a few other questions in the short time remaining. How is a carrier to determine whether an asylum seeker's documentation is valid? What is a carrier to do if told that a person is an asylum seeker? Is the carrier to allow that person to board the vehicle or to refuse on the basis that Irish law requires documentation to be in order? Will carriers be given any directions to enable them to allow asylum seekers to go on board? How will that be done? This legislation seems to say the opposite. Is there an appeal mechanism if the carrier declines to recognise a person as an asylum seeker? Why should a carrier have any authority in that regard in any case?

People must be within the jurisdiction before they can claim asylum.

They are only in the jurisdiction when they arrive in Ireland.

They are in another jurisdiction.

They are in another jurisdiction, but that is not our jurisdiction. We are talking about Ireland's obligations, under international law, to deal with asylum seekers. Irrespective of the jurisdiction in which they are, we have obligations under international law. Just because one may quote the Dublin convention, that does not diminish our obligations under international law in relation to any person who is an asylum seeker in search of a safe haven from persecution. One cannot simply claim that we have rules and regulations. International law demands that we listen to such a person and give him or her a fair hearing. There is nothing in this Bill to cover that situation. We must have regard to the existence of traffickers, smugglers and clandestine routes. The cowboys and criminals involved will be in a position to operate with impunity in a situation where, on the one hand, everything is above the law in terms of the Minister's strict implementation and, on the other hand, there are situations which are outside the law. The pursuit of extreme measures has never proved very credible. The Minister of State will be glad to hear that I welcome the immediate establishment of the refugee advisory board and the appointment of 15 members to the Refugee Appeals Tribunal. I am worried about the thrust of the legislation and its implications as well as the fact that it has been chopped and changed and is not the Bill that was first drafted. I am also worried that the Minister is to table amendments but is not prepared to put them before the House at this stage. The legislation is a bad day's work and should be rejected.

I wish to share time with Deputies Finian McGrath, Connolly and Cuffe.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Sinn Féin has called for a positive, compassionate and anti-racist immigration and asylum policy. A raft of reforms is needed in these policy areas which are not addressed in this Bill as present provisions are not only woefully inadequate, but are negative, backward and xenophobic. Immigration and asylum policy in this State needs a massive overhaul to reflect a genuine commitment to equality and human rights.

The Bill before the House is in no way positive, compassionate or anti-racist, nor does it comply with Ireland's human rights obligations. It is also of questionable legality, being introduced under an EU imperative to comply with the 1990 Schengen Agreement. It not only acquiesces in, but seeks to enforce, the fortress Europe agenda – something we should actively oppose as unjust and hypocritical. For these reasons, this Bill before the House today is totally unacceptable to Sinn Féin and we strongly oppose it.

If the Bill must progress to Committee Stage, and I support Deputy Costello's calls for it to be withdrawn and redrafted, Sinn Féin insists that prior to the Bill being taken on Committee Stage, it must be the subject of joint committee hearings, so that the implications of the legislation can be fully investigated, and the members of the committee can consider all the relevant evidence available from the human rights NGOs and other agencies which are so concerned that this Bill will violate human rights and Ireland's human rights obligations.

I oppose carrier liability legislation in principle because it will force untrained airline and ferry staff into the role of immigration officials and the protection of human rights will be devolved to commercial entities, thereby risking the indiscriminate prevention of individuals from entering Irish territory to claim asylum. Measures which directly or indirectly obstruct the entry of asylum seekers into their territory are incompatible with international law and, in particular, with Article 31(1) of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention. A state's right to control its borders is not absolute – it must be proportionate and humane. Denial of entry into the State on the basis of lack of proper documentation will remove access to the whole asylum apparatus established under the Refugee Act 1996, without any mechanism for transparency or accountability, or means of appeal. Sinn Féin is therefore in agreement with the position taken by the UNHCR, Amnesty International and the Irish Refugee Council – all of whom are opposed to this Bill in its present form.

It is well known that people fleeing persecution are forced to travel with incorrect or incomplete documentation. Denied regular means of transport as a consequence of this legislation, refugees will be driven to resort to dangerous means of travel. This Bill will force many asylum seekers into the hands of smugglers and human traffickers and into the back of freight containers, with the deadly and tragic consequences such as those we saw in Wexford. Other European countries have introduced carrier liability legislation and the results have been horrific. Many refugees forced into irregular transport have drowned, frozen, or suffocated en route. As of 20 November 2002, nearly 3,500 asylum seekers have died trying to access fortress Europe – and these are only the documented deaths. Shame on the Government for introducing a Bill that will increase the potential for such gruesome and unnecessary episodes to continue.

Our main concerns with this Bill are sections 2 and 6 which, as they stand, do not conform with international standards. Section 2 proposes to penalise transporters bringing in non-nationals without proper travel documentation and-or entry permits but the Bill does not allow for any asylum-related defences to liability. The UNHCR has stated that such measures interfere with the ability of persons at risk of persecution to gain access to safety. This is incompatible with international human rights and refugee protection principles, notably Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights according to which each person has the right to seek asylum, and Articles 31 and 33 of the 1951 Convention. The UNHCR strongly argues that carriers liability should not apply to refugees and asylum seekers with which I agree.

At minimum, section 2(1)(c) must be removed from this Bill. What is now section 6 introduces several measures regarding refugee applications and appeals that are withdrawn or “deemed to be withdrawn”. It prioritises administrative efficiency over due process requirements by mandating that such applications automatically receive a negative decision without the right of appeal. It states that “an applicant shall be declared not to be a refugee” in addition to “having their application withdrawn or deemed to be withdrawn” if they have failed to comply with time limit provisions. This is neither right nor proportionate. As Amnesty International has pointed out, an individual does not cease to be a refugee merely by failing to comply with arbitrary administrative time limits.

In international law, a person claiming convention refugee status cannot be found not to be a refugee without a substantive interview and consideration in light of the convention refugee definition. This measure, as proposed, could exclude those in need of protection on the basis of expedience. It is mean-spirited, illegal, and should be rejected. The UNHCR advocates that the proper procedure is for those who are deemed to have abandoned their claims to have their files closed and retain, in the interests of due process, the right to apply to re-enter the asylum procedure.

Ireland must defy the European directive and refuse to introduce such legislation as it violates international law. If we are then taken to the European Court of Justice, this would allow us to take the lead in challenging it at European level, as we should have done at an earlier stage. I urge the Government to reconsider this Bill, withdraw it and, in its place, introduce positive immigration reforms, such as those advocated by Sinn Féin and many other groups in Ireland and internationally.

Ba maith liom criochnú ag díriú isteach arís ar ceann de na fadhbanna is mó atá agamsa leis an mBille seo in a iomlán ná conas is féidir le teifigh teacht chuig an tír seo, conas is féidir leo éalú on gcruachas nuair go minic nach mbíonn an páipeár cuí acu nó, nuair a théann an Bille seo frid, nach bhfuil seans acu fiú teach go hÉirinn in aon bhealach dleathach. Beidh sin ag brú daoine isteach i containers, bun loinge nó pé bealach eile is féidir leo teacht anseo chun iarracht teacht ar fháilte ó muintir na hÉireann, mar a fuair Éireannaigh thar na céadta. Iarraim go mbeadh an chuid sin den mBille athraithe chun déanamh cinnte gur féidir le teifigh teacht chuig an tír seo.

There has been a slight change in the balance of power in the Chamber since I was here last. It is good to have you in the Chair, Deputy McCormack.

There is a sound in the distance and it is the sound of the drawbridge being raised, of the people in the tower quietly cooing with satisfaction as the gates are closed against people coming into Ireland. We have heard of fortress Europe. That is clearly being replaced by fortress Ireland. The Green Party opposes the Government's shift of responsibility of decision making onto people not trained in immigration procedures. Such decisions directly affect the lives of the people involved.

How dare the Minister of State suggest that those coming into Ireland will be required to have their passports in order. How dare he suggest they will be able to access information on immigration procedures on the world-wide web. Does he not realise that people fleeing atrocities, be it in central Africa or Africa or persecution in eastern Europe, may well not have access to the web and may not have access to the kind of documents to which he refers? How dare he suggest that an asylum seeker must have his or her passport in order when fleeing from atrocities in his or her former country. I do not think that is an appropriate view; the Minister of State's view from the ivory tower is clouded.

I am worried that this Bill will close the door on many. I worry that Operation Hyphen, introduced last year, will be replaced by operation full stop when this Bill comes into effect. This Bill will discriminate against those who have a right to remain in Ireland. It will make it more difficult for people to come into this country and will drive others underground into more dangerous situations. Any restrictions on entering Ireland by those fleeing human rights persecutions or violations is contrary to Article 31 of the Geneva Convention 1951. Not all those fleeing persecution will have on their personal documentation issued by the country from which they are fleeing. It is vital we recognise this. A consequence of this will be more incidents like the one in Wexford where eight people died last December.

There is a real danger that people will be forced into seeking refugee status in countries other than Ireland. The Minister of State is well aware that in France the circumstances in which one can claim refugee status are much narrower. In France, for instance, one cannot claim persecution from non-State actors. That means somebody fleeing from Iraq, fleeing persecution from non-Government forces such as local representatives of the Ba'ath Party cannot claim refugee status in France. Such people can claim refugee status in Ireland where the circumstances are much wider. The process of refoulement is a dangerous one which will result in individuals applying for refugee status in other European Union countries where definitions are narrower. I am concerned about that because of the toll on human lives. The Minister of State well knows that more than 3,500 people died in recent times while trying to gain access to Europe due to border militarisation, carrier sanctions and detention policies. This inevitably forces people to take more dangerous routes. A great deal of information in that regard is contained on various websites such as unitedagainstracism.org that provides numbers in relation to those falling into difficult situations as a result of the implementation of carrier sanctions in other countries. Such sanctions were implemented in a manner which is inconsistent with human rights under Articles 31 and 33 of the Geneva Convention 1951.

The Green Party is calling for exemptions to these sanctions for those found to be carrying asylum seekers as exist in other countries such as Spain, Norway and France. It is not acceptable that the carrier of an asylum seeker is penalised even if that person is found to be a legitimate seeker of asylum. Neither I nor the Green Party think that is fair.

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees and the Irish representative on that body have voiced serious and significant concerns about this Bill. In particular, they are concerned about the determination of withdrawal which will unduly discriminate against people coming into the country. The system of deeming an application to be withdrawn is a real and significant problem. It may well precipitate action at European level. I am concerned it may lead to a court case that could go against Ireland. If that is the case, it is good that matters will come to a head but it is not so good that the Minister of State is presiding over the introduction of such legislation.

My great fear in regard to this legislation is that it primarily promotes an admission policy surrounding migration. We must move away from that area and look at the broader human rights issues. Let us look at the social and economic issues. Within the last few days the Chambers of Commerce of Ireland said it was having difficulty finding people to fill vacancies and would like to see a broader based admissions policy into Ireland. It would like to see more people coming into Ireland to fill the jobs we cannot fill. The Minister of State will say the introduction of this legislation will clarify who is coming in, who has a right to be here and who does not. I suspect it will lead to a tightening of the screws on our immigration policy and will lead to fewer people wishing to live and work in Ireland. I am concerned about that.

The Minister is going for the watch tower approach rather than a more broadly-based human rights one. I am worried in that regard as funding from the European Union dries up. I am also worried about the perception of Ireland from abroad. We will be seen as having pulled up the drawbridge as we became wealthier. That sends out to the wider world all the wrong kinds of images of Ireland.

Can the Minister of State give an indication of when the refugee advisory board will be set up? Will he name those who will make up the board? It is crucial we have a wide spectrum of individuals represented on that board. When will it be set up and what kind of people are being considered for appointment to it? I suggest that when it is set up, the board be required to produce an annual report, given our volatile situation, rather than a biannual one. It would give us a clearer snapshot of emerging issues on an annual basis. I intend to table an amendment to the Bill in that regard.

The Minister of State is coming at this issue from an admissions policy. What happened to integration, human rights, equal access and participation? I am worried at the slant from which the Minister of State is coming at this issue. I hope this Bill will be discussed by the Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights so NGOs and other groups will have a chance to make an input before it goes any further. I am concerned that the UNHCR has expressed concerns about this Bill. I would listen carefully to what it is says in that regard.

In regard to Government policy, my colleague, Deputy Finian McGrath, discovered that Operation Hyphen involved the spending of over €100,000 on Garda overtime. I would prefer if that money was spent on putting in place good policies on asylum seekers, immigration and migration.

I am concerned about the message this Bill sends out to the wider world. We intend to table substantial amendments to it. We wish to see the carriers' liability dropped.

I listened to the Minister's presentation of the Bill to the House. I cannot welcome the Bill, largely because of the grave reservations expressed about its provisions by Amnesty International. Its human rights concerns relate specifically to section 2(1)(c), which requires carriers to ensure that non-nationals seeking to land in the State or pass through a port in the State en route to another state are in possession of valid passports or equivalent identity documents establishing their nationality and, if required by law, valid Irish transit visas or valid Irish visas. Penalties of €3,000 per inadequately documented passenger will be imposed on the carrier for any contraventions of this requirement or if the papers turn out to be fraudulent. Similar to the penalty points provision, hauliers are being given the possibility of avoiding prosecution by the payment of a fine on the spot. This is a serious imposition on the hauliers if they arrive in this country totally unaware that they may be carrying such passengers on their trucks.

Amnesty International has stated that to penalise carriers in this way evades our duty to provide asylum from persecution, contrary to international human rights law. Amnesty further states that untrained airline and ferry staff will be forced into the role of immigration officials deciding which passengers' documents to scrutinise and who may or may not travel to safety in Ireland. Some of those turned away may face torture or worse.

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees has expressed deep reservations about the €3,000 fine for carriers and has expressed the view that this type of fine will drive refugees into the hands of human traffickers. Organised crime in Europe is raking in approximately €7.8 billion from human trafficking, which is said to involve over four million unfortunate people who are duped into making a journey from eastern Europe with the promise of a job or a better tomorrow.

As part of their exorbitant fees, smugglers who transport clients often supply false identity papers. That reprehensible practice deserves to be met with the full rigour of the law. Carriers who knowingly engage in this trade, which promotes economic slavery and which is indulged in by some unscrupulous people in Ireland are worthy of the fines specified in the Bill. However, Irish truck drivers who are themselves duped by these smugglers and whose ingenuity knows no bounds deserve to be treated somewhat more leniently as the imposition of heavy fines threatens to drive them out of business.

It is virtually impossible for many genuine refugees to secure the documentation required by the Bill's provision. How are they supposed to enter this country legally in line with the Bill's requirements? These genuine asylum seekers will never reach this country to have their applications for asylum considered by our authorities. Instead, they may have their applications – in many cases life or death decisions – determined by some airline or ferry company clerk at the port of Le Havre or Charles de Gaulle Airport.

It is the opinion of the UNHCR and the Irish Refugee Council that such restrictions and sanctions on carriers are in breach of the 1951 UN refugee convention under which the refugee status of anyone applying for asylum on the territory of Ireland would be determined. We are colluding in the "fortress Europe" mentality which followed the war in the former Yugoslavia and resulted in the displacement of more than 2.5 million people from their homes. The collapse of communism in the past 15 years has also caused a major shift of peoples from the newly emerging nations which has flown from that. Since we pride ourselves on being loyal members of the European Union, we will be required to accept free movement from many of these nations shortly.

Over the past century, Ireland has sent hundreds of thousands of economic migrants – in effect, refugees – to countries like the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. In our annual national income statements a small item is faithfully recorded every year as a major contributory factor, namely, emigrants' remittances or money sent back to their own country by what is now fashionably referred to as our diaspora.

This legislation is both heavy-handed and small-minded and amounts to a cynical attempt to minimise immigration into Ireland by the application of the law of láidir. The aim is to terrorise genuine asylum seekers and to simultaneously coerce staff of airlines and ferry companies into doing their work for them. This Bill must be opposed with all the energy we can muster.

I welcome the opportunity of addressing the debate on the Immigration Bill. Before I go into the details of the legislation I express our total support and sympathy to the two Indian nationals who were brutally assaulted outside McDonald's on O'Connell Street recently. That racist attack was horrific and the people responsible disgraced the vast majority of Irish people. Racism, like sectarianism, has no place in our society. It must be nipped in the bud and rooted out of society. It is a major cancer and everyone, particularly politicians, has a major role to play in this serious issue. We have had too many assaults and deaths. It is important to raise that issue in this debate and all Deputies and Ministers should unequivocally state where they stand on it.

I have major concerns about section 2 of the Bill, which creates an obligation on a carrier whose vehicle brings persons to the State to pay a fine of €3,000. Amnesty International and other organisations, including the UNHCR, are opposed in principle to the introduction of carrier sanctions in any form, a primary reason being that such restrictions drive asylum seekers into the hands of traffickers and smugglers and hence into increasingly dangerous modes of transport, such as containers, where lives are put at grave risk. We only have to remember the recent horrific events when people suffocated in containers.

The implementation of carrier sanctions ignores the specific protection needs of refugees and asylum seekers but may also constitute a breach of international law in certain circumstances and prevent states fulfilling their obligations in terms of refugee protection. I understand the Government's desire to amend the Refugee Act with a view to improving case processing. The Bill contains several positive features such as the possibility of providing protection to refugees through resettlement and the concept of prioritisation of caseloads. I welcome these sections. However, the UNHCR considers that some aspects of the Bill need to be revised to ensure full conformity with international protec tion principles as well as the realisation of the legitimate aims of the Bill.

It is in the spirit of its ongoing close co-operation with the Irish Government that the UNHCR, Dublin, stated that it trusts its observations and suggestions will be taken into consideration and appropriately reflected in the final text of the Bill. I urge the Minister to listen to the views of such credible organisations and groups, which are experienced in these issues.

We should never forget the positive side of immigration, the growth of inter-cultural activities, the new dimension to our country and the massive boost to our economy. Those issues are often forgotten in the debate on this Bill. We seem to be obsessed with the "fortress Europe" type approach which is creating misunderstanding and fear. We only have to look at Britain and the way its policies are helping far right groups in local government. They are now getting elected to councils, something we must guard against.

We need honesty, openness, sensitivity and clarity in this debate. In the recent past some of our politicians have not shown leadership on this issue and they should be challenged at all levels. Racism has to be dealt with head-on. There is no room for beating around the bush.

I strongly welcome the great efforts of Amnesty International, Comhlámh, the Irish Commission for Justice and Peace, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties, the Irish Refugee Council and the Refugee Protection Policy Group. These groups have shown leadership and vision. I will strongly support them, both inside the Dáil and in the wider community, and I urge all Members of the Oireachtas to do likewise.

I urge the Minister to recognise the many concerns people have about this Bill and accept the reality that there are sections which are neither progressive nor democratic. It is essential that the Minister listens to these views. Good and sound legislation should always be based on listening and examining different views in an open and democratic manner. We must listen to our experts, and learn from experiences in other countries. We also must get consensus. This Bill lacks these ingredients and I have no alternative but to vote against this flawed legislation.

Regarding some of the points raised earlier, we must remind ourselves of our own history, particularly the problems encountered by Irish emigrants going to England, America and across the world. We must acknowledge that there are many economic migrants from Ireland in other parts of the world who are not receiving their civil rights, and also the recent terrible situation of children born in this State not having proper and adequate rights. Then there is the terrible impact of Operation Hyphen, when Garda resources were used in raiding homes.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Deputy must conclude.

I am against this Bill and I urge all Members to reject it.

The introduction of this Bill is timely and necessary. The Bill amends the Refugee Act 1996. I commend Deputy McDowell, Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, for introducing this measure and thank Deputy O'Donoghue, who as Minister did valuable work in the area of immigration.

It is the stated intention of the Minister, Deputy McDowell, that he will continue to maintain the high standards that already exist in this field. However, he has at the same time made it clear that there are changes that must be made. He intends to reduce the asylum seeker costs to the Exchequer.

We can make substantial savings by using the available funds with greater efficiency without diminishing the high levels of care available for genuine asylum seekers. We have always shown our full commitment to honouring our obligations to them. We have been both just and generous in our response to the needs of people fleeing from oppression and persecution in their native lands. We have given them the protection and the refuge they sought. It is important that this be stated.

Ireland has honoured its commitments to those forced from their homes by oppression. It has faced this issue honestly. Some would say Ireland is at fault in its handling of immigration issues. It was said by people who should know better that "our record on asylum policy is appalling; it is a litany of backward and oppressive measures." These outrageous statements are unfair and unfounded and I would ask those who criticise to talk positively and with regard to the facts. Credit must be given to people who are tackling a difficult situation aggravated by a mass influx of immigrants, the vast majority of whom are economic migrants. The record is one of which those who deal with asylum matters can be proud.

Major economies can be attained by ensuring that illegal immigrants are dealt with speedily. Ideally, this must be done at the point of entry. They must be deported with the minimum of delay to the country from which they last travelled to this State. To underline the urgent need for this course of action, we must bear in mind that senior gardaí and Government officials are reported as believing that the vast majority of claims for asylum are bogus. These are not my words. These are the words of the officials and senior gardaí, but it is also my viewpoint and I know that it is broadly shared in my constituency and across this country.

Figures released in the 2001 annual report of the Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner, Ms Bernice O'Neill, bear out the accuracy of the public perception that there is a vast multitude of bogus applicants among the many who seek asylum here. The statistics make for alarming reading. A local newspaper has had a headline proclaiming "Rejection of 6,631 Asylum Cases Urged". In the body of its report, it revealed that only 467 applications were "given the green light" by the Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner.

I examined figures in that body's report for the period in question – November 2000 to December 2001. I found that there were 12,577 applications. The Commissioner recommended rejection of 6,631 claims. More than 5,500 more were not passed for other reasons such as: claims were manifestly unfounded, failure by the applicant to attend a second scheduled meeting, the claim should be rightly determined in another Dublin Convention country, the claim was withdrawn from the asylum process by the applicant, and the commission decided that the claim was incapable of being processed.

The figures speak for themselves. These are official statistics, they are not my statistics. That means that less than 500 applications, out of a full total of more than 12,000 submitted, were valid. Less than 4% of the claims were approved.

The detection of illegal immigrants who have entered this country involves a costly and long drawn-out process. The Immigration Bill 2002 makes provision for the tightening-up of controls to prevent the illegal entry of non-nationals. The Minister clearly states that the system of carrier's liability is a legitimate form of immigration control. He sees it as a critical factor in the machinery to ensure the detection of illegal entry. It will put the onus on the carriers – airlines and shipping companies – to ensure that travellers brought here from other places are in possession of valid travel documents. The exercise of this responsibility by the carrier, combined with the vigilance of immigration officers, can stem the mass entry of illegal immigrants. This will help this State to cut drastically the massive and unsustainable costs involved in this area.

A code of practice has been agreed with the Irish Road Hauliers' Association. This should ensure that the incidence of clandestine entry into this State by stowaways can be eliminated. The co-operation of carriers with immigration authorities is of paramount importance. This should help in the identification of potential illegal immigrants.

Passengers must carry documentation required by Irish law. There are fines in place for carriers who fail to fulfil their obligations. A fine of €3,000 will be imposed on each case of non-compliance. The payment of an on-the-spot fine of €1,500 will mean that the carrier will avoid prosecution.

This Irish legislation brings us into line with the normal procedures observed by our EU partners and with world-wide practice. It is important that ongoing dialogue is continued with all carrier bodies. The measures proposed in this Bill must be rigorously enforced.

I am advised that the cost of dealing with immigration six years ago was €30 million. This rose to €255 million in 2001 and to more than €300 million in 2002. There is every prospect of increased costs in 2003, as tough new UK immigration laws are now in place.

The fast-tracking of the claims of asylum seekers from countries with good human rights records must be made a priority. This will be a very positive step in the right direction. The listing of safe countries is a major step in the move to cut bogus applications. Safe countries should include all nations with long-established human rights records. It should include all member countries of the EU and countries such as the USA, Australia, New Zealand. Those states that are applying to join the EU also must be perceived to be among the safe countries of origin. The EU candidate states among the listed countries are: Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary. Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia.

Denying asylum to people from these areas and other areas where they do not face persecution is not a contravention of human rights. There are those who come here as refugees from areas with a good humanitarian record. They are allegedly fleeing from persecution. We must eliminate all such bogus applications at an early stage. They are an abuse of our hospitality and our legal system. We must ensure that this system, involving both appeals and judicial reviews, must not be used to enable the many bogus applicants to spend months, sometimes years, receiving benefits at the expense of the taxpayer. There is still in place the existing machinery for a written appeal. This can still be used by immigrants even when their claims have been deemed to be clearly unfounded.

Enoch Powell is alive and well.

Under new legislation, published as part of the Social Welfare Bill 2003, control of welfare payments to asylum seekers will pass to the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform. Much of this significant bill, including the cost of accommodation, is paid by the Department of Social and Family Affairs. Heavy costs are also incurred by the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform. This Department has had to provide extensive new office accommodation to deal with immigrants and it has a staff in the region of 500 dealing exclusively with this issue.

The Garda national immigration bureau incurs major expense when repatriating illegal immigrants. We, as a State, cannot continue to meet this huge and expanding bill. Our citizens are alarmed at the escalation of costs related to this problem. I know they will welcome this positive step. It is time the administration of asylum affairs was dealt with by one Department. The Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform should have overall control of all matters relevant to this area. This is important for the admin istration of legislation regarding the entry of asylum seekers. It is logical that it should also have ongoing and total responsibility for asylum seekers while their claims for asylum in this country are being determined. Dual responsibility in any area leads to duplication of effort and waste of valuable resources. It also leads to major administrative difficulties.

I am aware that the Irish Refugee Council has expressed reservations regarding the intended changes. It is on record as stating that the changes are alarming and unnecessary. It interprets the legislation as a step that will waste existing resources. I cannot see the logic in this line of thought. The council further states that the Government is playing with the welfare needs of asylum seekers to deter further asylum applications. I do not agree with this interpretation of the purpose and intent of the new legislation. We should have a single mechanism in place to monitor the entry of asylum seekers. It is a logical step that ensures that relevant matters will be dealt with in a more speedy and cost-effective manner.

This move to centralise responsibility poses no hazard to the genuine asylum seeker. Those who seek to abuse the system, however, will find it much more difficult to evade detection, as their claims will be processed by the same Department from time of entry to departure. The Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform will continue to be solely responsible for immigrants up to the point where they are granted or refused asylum. I welcome the introduction of the new measure. There is a pressing need for this more effective form of administration of asylum seeker affairs.

There has been a drastic tightening up of British asylum requirements over the past 12 months. It is inevitable that the many illegal immigrants who are now being refused entry to the United Kingdom following the introduction of much stricter asylum procedures will be looking for an alternative venue near to hand. This State is their nearest port of call.

On 29 January 2002, I wrote to the then Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, making several proposals to him on the issue of immigration. This was the subject of much media speculation. Everyone was trying to figure out what I wrote to him – if they had put in an FAI request, they would have found out.

The Deputy must have been looking for tickets.

I requested first that the Dublin Convention be enforced. We cannot continue to have other EU countries address their immigration problems by landing them on our doorstep. I am advised that only 1% of immigrants come here directly from their own countries. Second, that the application process be speeded up with a view to early detection of illegal immigrants and that the deportation process be enforced without delay. Third, that a special High Court judge be designated to deal with legal aspects of deportation. Fourth, that there be compulsory health checks for all immigrants at points of arrival. Much disquiet has been expressed in relation to the serious health hazards endemic in the countries of origin of some refugees. We must protect the health of our own people. There is no point in having disease eradication programmes if vast numbers of people are not subjected to health checks when they seek asylum on our shores.

I requested further that the law be amended to allow the immediate deportation of anyone carrying false documentation and that the law relating to the automatic rights of citizenship to the children of illegal immigrants be revised in line with EU practice. At this stage, the latter point has been ruled on by the Supreme Court. Last year I tried to make this point in the Chamber, but I was shouted down by people from the Opposition. I notice that those people were not elected to the House this time. These points were relevant then and they are even more relevant now.

The Deputy is some immigration spokesman.

I addressed this matter at a time at which the immigration issue had developed into a major problem that appeared to be spiralling out of control. A small minority of the many who sought asylum in this State were genuine cases. I support genuine applicants – refugees and asylum seekers who are fleeing tyranny, oppression and religious persecution. I have made that point several times, but it is a pity some sections of the Dublin print media could not understand that. The vast majority of applicants, however, were economic immigrants who were attempting to seek asylum illegally. The position has not changed. It is necessary that we tackle this matter now.

Ireland is the obvious destination for those who will not be allowed entry to the UK without the visa that is now required. Up to now, entry to that country had been granted to those carrying refugee documents. This was in line with a 1959 Council of Europe agreement that allowed visa-free access to such people. The tough new line has been introduced because many thousands of those seeking to enter were travelling from safe states. The attraction for those travelling on from safe havens to Britain was that benefits in that country were perceived to be more generous than those prevailing in the states to which they had first moved.

The British Home Secretary, Mr. David Blunkett, stated that the measures had to be introduced. The introduction of the new tighter regulations was prompted by the ever-increasing and in many cases unjustified applications for asylum. Vast numbers who had been accepted as refugees elsewhere were moving on to the UK. This prompted the Home Secretary to re-appraise the existing entry regulations. He concluded that many of the applicants were abusing the asylum system – his words, not mine. He felt that they were in pursuit of better benefits and making use of the relatively lax criteria for the entry of immigrants, not trying to escape oppression. The fact that many were coming from safe countries verified this. Mr. Blunkett has stated that this practice is damaging to the overall integrity of the asylum system. I agree with him. He further states that it is placing an intolerable financial burden on the UK. I agree. He said that many valuable resources were being diverted from genuine applicants as a result of the massive numbers of applications from bogus asylum seekers. I agree with him.

He further stated that the Home Office would crack down on the many asylum seekers who appeared to have no difficulty in returning to holiday in their native countries. When they first arrived they said they were seeking asylum after fleeing from tyranny and oppression in their native countries. Their statements were accepted as being truthful. Their initial allegations were that they had left their homes because they were suffering persecution from oppressive regimes in their native lands. The fact that they can now freely travel to their native lands, stay there and return to the UK without hindrance is proof that they were not genuine asylum seekers at the time they were granted permission to stay in Britain. Their actions at this point in time contradict their claims for refugee status at their time of entry.

The British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, friend of the Irish people, the Government and the Taoiseach, wants the number of asylum seekers allowed entry to the UK to be drastically reduced. It topped 100,000 last year. He wants a further substantial decrease of up to 50% in the year ahead and he wants the numbers to be halved by September 2003. These measures are being introduced in the UK because of the significant financial implications of unchecked and mainly illegal immigration under the old system. It had developed into a major political problem that has had to be addressed. There has been a massive public reaction to the detection of terrorists who entered Britain via its hitherto liberal asylum system and there is widespread demand for the new, tighter laws.

The Home Secretary wants to ensure the strict observation of the Dublin Convention. This was signed in 1990 during the Irish Presidency of the EU. This convention came into being so that the EU could put in place a mechanism to tackle the problems faced by those who were then titled "refugees in orbit". These were the unfortunate refugees who were being shunted around Europe with no particular state willing to accept their asylum applications. The convention states that the asylum applicants should be the responsibility of the first EU state they enter.

I am delighted the Government is following in the footsteps of the British Government in taking action against bogus asylum-seekers. When I used the term con men in the House last year, I was berated by everybody. When I looked up the dictionary I found very little difference – if any – between con man and "bogus". When others in senior public office use the word "bogus", some sectors of the Dublin print media are full of praise for the initiatives to tackle bogus asylum seekers.

I want to put on record again the fact that I do not object to genuine asylum seekers coming to this country and being treated properly by the State. I was called all sorts of names last year. That wonderful organisation, Amnesty International, took out a full-page advertisement in the Irish Examiner stating that Cork was racist. The same organisation wrote to the Garda Commissioner saying that I had uttered racist remarks. Never in my life have I done so, nor do I intend to. I was delighted that the Garda Commissioner and the Director of Public Prosecutions could find no case for me to answer earlier in the year.

I welcome the Bill and I ask the Opposition to support it to ensure that we treat properly those who are genuine and ensure those who are economic migrants are repatriated to their own countries or to the country they first entered the EU. This may well release money we need to fund other services in this country—

I hope the economic migrants from here were never treated in that way.

—in particular the area discussed in the Private Members' motion during the past two nights.

As one of the elected democrats of this country, it saddens me to follow a speech by an elected Deputy with such overriding sentiments and thoughts.

Intolerance.

He has set a standard which saddens me. Do the Minister of State from his own party who is in the House and the Minister of State who was here until a few minutes ago, Deputy Callely, endorse the statements of Deputy O'Flynn? I doubt they do. It is a sad day for an elected Parliament like this to have Members with such views.

Hear, hear.

Deputy O'Flynn holds up Britain as being a model we should follow. I am sadly reminded of Enoch Powell and his statements about immigrants when I listen to Deputy O'Flynn. I hope that when the Minister replies at the end of the debate, he will take the time to distance himself from many of the sentiments contained therein.

Many of Deputy O'Flynn's utterances seem to revolve around the economics of dealing with these refugees. When I hear that and some of the figures he quotes, it sounds very familiar. Recently the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights discussed the status of refugees with the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, who used very similar figures. The Minister was so concerned about the economics of this that he stated our overseas aid was not at the level it should be because when deciding on the level of overseas aid we give, we have to bear in mind what we spend on immigrants in this country. That is outrageous.

It is terrible to think that any Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform would think in such a way. This underlines the problems Deputy O'Donnell had when she was the Minister of State with responsibility for overseas aid and her budget was cut. I am beginning to see what was happening. Perhaps Deputy O'Flynn should be in the Progressive Democrats because he seems to be on very much the same track as the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform who is also a member of the Progressive Democrats.

Deputy O'Flynn dwelt at length on economic refugees. He appears to have a dread of them and feels we must process them and get rid of them. Has the Deputy lived in Ireland in recent times? He is probably around my own age in his mid 50s. As a youngster in the 1950s I saw the emigration parties that took place in rural villages. These were mainly for people going to America, probably never to return. I recall the 1960s and the 1970s when things began to turn around. However in the 1980s, we again had huge emigration. In 1987, a net 43,000 people left this country. Most of those, a great proportion of whom went to America, were economic migrants. Tens of thousands of others went to America and how were they treated? The record of this House from the 1980s and early 1990s will show we wanted deputations to meet senior Administration officials in the US. We wanted the then Minister for Foreign Affairs to negotiate additional green cards and we wanted amnesties for the people already there.

Our country is now doing well and we have economic growth and a decent standard of living for many people. We need workers and people are coming from other countries, but what does Deputy O'Flynn want to do? He wants to pull down the shutters and turn them away. If he had his way we would ring fence our ports and airports with members of the Defence Forces so that those who arrive can be processed quickly and turned around. Is that the way to do business? If that happens, it certainly will not be done in my name. These people must be treated in a humane manner.

I am sure the Minister of State has a trail of such refugees and asylum seekers coming to his constituency clinics, as I do. In my time as a Deputy, no refugee or asylum seeker coming to my office has ever been discourteous, aggressive or over-demanding in any way. Maybe other Deputies have other experiences, but I have always found them to be polite people prepared to put their case and wishing to be dealt with in a humane manner, which is how they should be treated.

There are many misconceptions. On Tuesday night I attended a meeting where someone asked what was the spending limit for refugees to buy a car, given that they get cheques from the health boards to buy cars. I was told they went to car auctions every week with health board cheques. When replying to this debate the Minister should declare clearly that such cheques are not provided. I know they are not available. I put down a parliamentary question on the matter and received that response. However, there are many misconceptions. There are misconceptions about the income they get for their children. They do not get anything different from Irish people. If they are lone parents, they get the long parent's allowance.

I encountered a strange case in my office last Friday. The lady concerned has three small children and is seeking refugee status. She was separated from her husband in troubled times in her native country. She had to flee. She does not know where her husband is or whether he is alive or dead. She sought lone parent's allowance. She met the deciding officer who asked her if she was married. She replied that she was and that she had three children. "Where is your husband?", he asked. "I do not know", she replied, "I think he is in Nigeria". She went on to tell her story. The officer asked if her husband was coming to Ireland, to which she replied that she did not know. "If your husband came to Ireland, would he live with you?" he asked. "I would hope so", she replied, "I hope he would help to look after his children". She was told she could not receive lone parent's allowance because she was not separated from her husband.

Trick questions.

He told her she was simply separated by geographic location and, as a result, she did not qualify for lone parent's allowance. I am not making this up, just telling it as it is.

It is totally unfair.

Would we want that to happen to Irish people in similar circumstances? Look at what we tried to do for our people when they emigrated and were in difficulty. Irish people emigrated to some of the major cities of the world. In London, for example, if one checks the nationality of the drop-outs and winos who hang around in certain areas, one will find that a high proportion of them are Irish. One will find the same thing in New York.

Like most Members of the House I contribute each year to welfare organisations which help those people. Often one will hear Irish people say: "Yes, we sent lots of people abroad but they all went to work". That is not the case. Many of them went into the welfare system. Look at the people who return from Britain and call to our clinics. The Minister, too, will have seen this in his clinics. People who have returned from Britain might come seeking a house. They will say they were given a house straight away by the local authority in London and that they are not prepared to go on the waiting lists here. They prefer to squat in the council area.

I have a sour taste in my mouth after listening to Deputy O'Flynn. I do not know where he is coming from or where he hopes to go. It is disappointing that a Member of the House would make such statements. He made similar statements before the last election. We should be leaders of society. We should set standards and be prepared to lead. One area where we must lead is in securing justice and equality for everybody. In the context of equality, we must examine how we treat our immigrants. It is not simply an economic matter.

The Minister, Deputy McDowell, made great play of the fact that it costs €300 million to look after immigrants here. I asked him where he got this figure. He told me it arose across all the Departments. He had gone to the trouble of finding out what the cost was to the Garda, the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform for processing applications, the Department of Education and Science and the Department of Health and Children. He must have little to do when he can produce this figure. He is the Deputy who talks about the need to trim our economic considerations yet he spent the money on that.

Various Members referred to enforcing our immigration laws. I am in favour of that. The Dublin Convention has also been mentioned. What does the Dublin Convention mean? The Dublin Convention was an agreement reached within the EU under which people coming to the EU seeking asylum had to be dealt with in the first country at which they arrived. If one wishes to fly to Nairobi or any of the countries of origin of our immigrants, one would have to fly through another country in the EU to get there. How did all those immigrants arrive here without having landed first in other countries? Are the laws not being enforced? Are they being ignored? Why is that happening? Why are countries not adhering to the Dublin Convention?

Why is the Minister not working with his EU colleagues to ensure adherence to the convention? If he is not doing that, he is failing in his job as Minister. It is his responsibility to ensure that the laws in this area are enforced and to ensure that asylum applications are processed in an efficient manner. Why is he not doing that? Is it that he does not have the resources? Does he not have sufficient clout at Cabinet to get the resources? Let him look at his own house first and see where he is going.

In that context, I wish to draw the Minister's attention to a reply I received to a parliamentary question. Last year, Ireland repatriated 521 asylum seekers when their applications for asylum failed. We incurred great expense, €1.8 million, repatriating these people. That is a cost of approximately €3,500 to fly each person home. They must have been going a long way. In fact, they were not going far. They were going to places such as Albania, Algeria, America, Belarus, Brazil, Bulgaria, Cameroon, China, the Congo.

However, it was necessary to send escorts with them. This is where the major intrigue arises. I asked how many escorts are sent with somebody who is being repatriated. I was told it is a matter for the Garda and that I would get that information in due course. However, I have a few snippets of information. Ireland was repatriating some people to Algeria and, because they would not be taken on normal flights, a plane was chartered. Two deportees were returned to Algeria but they had five escorts. That cost €23,495. Six people were being returned to Lagos in March last year. A plane was chartered and with those six people there were 20 escorts. That cost €190,000. In November last year we chartered another plane to send some people to Lagos. This time 12 people were being repatriated and we sent 35 escorts with them, at a cost of €151,000.

It was striking to discover that so many escorts were required. Who were the escorts? They are serving gardaí and the costs I mentioned do not involve the overtime, additional expenses and so forth of the gardaí involved. Is it the best use of Garda time to send gardaí on escort duties to bring such people home? Surely that work could be done at much less cost by others, such as a security firm, for example. In that way, the Garda escorts would be on duty at home instead. I am sure the trip to Lagos, involving 35 Garda escorts, probably took three days. Because the gardaí were on duty for so long it meant that 35 of them were taken off the streets here for over a week. That is an awful lot of time and manpower to use when we see that crime increased by 22% last year.

In some areas crime increased more dramatically, including in my own area of Longford-Westmeath where the increase last year was of the order of 39%. If one takes the 2001-02 period, the figure rises to 59%. Yet, we have the luxury of being able to send gardaí on escort duty around the world to repatriate asylum seekers. Does this make sense? The costs involved are huge, so surely there is a better way of doing it. I look forward to returning to that issue when I obtain the full information concerning all the other such trips that were made and how many escorts were involved. It is ridiculous to use taxpayers' money in this way.

We must provide resources in schools so that teachers can cope with the children of immigrants. We need to ensure that everybody gets a fair chance of education, be they Irish or immigrant children. Recently, I heard of a school in Dublin where the teacher had children of six nationalities in the classroom. The language difficulties alone that arose in that class were awful. Resources must be made available to provide education services to those people.

I do not know who told Deputy Paul McGrath that I was good at maths but, funnily enough, it was a subject that always pleased me at school. I was interested in what he said towards the end of his address. Like many others, when I left school I worked in London for a few years. I now live in Tallaght where recently a survey showed that 50 different nationalities are living in the parish of St. Mark's, which includes Belgard and Springfield. Consequently, I am able to bring to the House the experience of my community, which provides a certain perspective. I acknowledge the presence in the Chamber of the Minister of State, Deputy Brian Lenihan, who knows my constituency well.

In deciding to speak on the Bill, I was mindful of the sensitivity that surrounds the issue of immigrants, including asylum seekers, and my comments will take account of that. Recently, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, stated, "It is a fact that, in recent years, Ireland has had probably the most open immigration system in Europe."

In the area of labour migration the work permit system, as well as the working visa and work authorisation schemes, have allowed employers to employ nationals from outside the European Economic Area to fill a large number of vacancies. In fact, Ireland has attracted people from over 120 different countries to fill vacancies at a wide range of skill levels and in many areas of employment.

The Minister also referred to the need for Government to uphold principles. I support him fully when he states that principles, such as the rights of a sovereign State to control access to its to territory and to determine who can cross its borders, are still of vital importance.

Immigration policy must reflect the needs of the country and the wishes of its people. On a recent television programme I noted the UK Minister with responsibility for immigration issues said that many of these changes would have to be agreed at European level, and that it was essential for immigration policy to reflect the needs of all EU member states. This is not as it should be. The European Union is not a nation state and it remains a matter for member states to determine for themselves the numbers of immigrants they are willing and able to invite in.

As elected Members of this House, we cannot condone or accept any form of illegal immigration, including where it is done in the guise of asylum seeking. While recognising that our system must meet the needs of those genuinely in need of international protection, it must not be subject to abuse by those simply wishing to evade immigration controls – or worse, those wishing to subvert our systems. In ensuring acceptance of immigration in society, it is essential that members of society do not see it as a threat to them or as something which the State cannot control.

I welcome the Bill which seeks to develop a more structured system of immigration and I support the Government's commitment to introduce this new legal framework, suited to the needs of today's realities. This legislation goes some way towards providing a system that will give greater clarity and certainty to immigrants, while at the same time safeguarding the needs of Irish society and ensuring that our system is not open to abuse.

The Bill's provision on the liability of carriers will allow a more effective policing of our borders and will assist in combating illegal immigration and trafficking. The amendments to the Refugee Act will assist in the administration of the asylum process and will help the entire immigration system. I am also pleased that all developments in this sensitive area are based on best international practice, while taking account of the views of our constituents at large.

I support the initiatives the Government has introduced in this area, including the system of direct provision and dispersal for asylum seekers. This, in effect, means that full social welfare allowances are no longer paid to asylum seekers who will have to remain in allocated accommodation while their claims are being processed. I agree that because of the considerable State investment which the system of direct provision necessitates, asylum seekers should not be permitted to leave the area of their allocated accommodation, unless the circumstances are exceptional.

The Government has also introduced streamlined and faster processing arrangements for asylum applications, with particular focus on those which are manifestly unfounded. In addition, the Garda national immigration bureau has been established, the functions of which will include monitoring and tracking non-nationals who are the subject of deportation orders. Better co-ordination of activities is aimed at a more effective execution of deportation orders and combating trafficking in illegal immigrants generally. The Government has strengthened its powers for the purpose of more effectively executing deportation orders, while re-admission agreements have been concluded with many countries.

As regards the details of the Bill, the provisions on the liability of carriers are adequate, with perhaps a few exceptions. The relevant section states: "It shall be a defence for a person charged to show that they took all such steps as were reasonably open to them to ensure compliance with the Act." This is very ambiguous and is, I believe, a let-out clause. In addition, the on-the-spot fine of €1,500 to avoid court is too low, given that a person could be seen to be avoiding the courts.

Provision for the employment of non-nationals should be considered in a broader sense. Legislation should be considered to provide that employers could only take on an employee when he or she has provided the employee with his or her PPS number and that effective controls operated by the Department of Social and Family Affairs which provides this number will assist in verifying false identity issues and related problems. I accept there are great difficulties in the area of immigration and there is great unease in the country regarding it. However, the Government is getting there in terms of addressing those difficulties and I support the Bill on that basis.

I repeat what I said earlier about my constituency. Those Members who were present for the debate on the Private Members' motion on education heard me get into a little controversy with my Labour Party colleagues. Deputy Rabbitte and I raised the issue of a school in Ballycragh. That issue is relevant to this debate in the sense that the Holy Rosary School in Ballycragh is making a great effort in regard to integration.

It is still waiting for its extension.

It will have a better chance of getting it with a Fianna Fáil led Government. I will be working on that. That is why 7,155 good souls in Dublin South-West sent me here. That is the job I am doing and I am happy to do it.

On a serious note, and I hope the Deputy will join me in doing this, it is important to support those schools and institutions not only in Ballycragh in Tallaght but throughout the State which are making an effort in this regard. I visited that school and other schools in my constituency on a number of occasions recently and it is good, positive and even amazing to see young people from different nationalities with different backgrounds and perspectives on life playing and working together in that sense of being educated together. I take the Deputy's point about school accommodation and that is why I am speaking about it. It is important that we are supportive of such practice and we should be seen to be so. We should lead by example.

I was in London for a little while which gave me a perspective on this area. I also had an opportunity some years ago to visit a project run by Ireland Aid in Mazabuka in Zambia. I did so of my own volition and at my own expense. Even though I was there only three weeks I came home with a strong perception of issues, which are now important to us as public representatives.

I speak in this House about what I see happening in my own constituency. I reflect on and convey the attitudes of people in my own constituency. It is important that Members do that. I am happy to have had this opportunity to speak on this Bill, which I support and commend to the House.

I wish to share my time with Deputy O'Dowd.

That is agreed.

I welcome the Minister of State to the House. I am disgusted at some of the comments made by Deputy O'Flynn on this Bill. I hope the Minister of State will share with us his view on those comments.

I was not in the House to hear Deputy O'Flynn's contribution.

It is terrible in the year in which we are living that a man elected to this House should make such comments – racist is what I would call them – while talking about people not being racist. As a young Deputy recently elected to this House, I cannot get over those comments made by Deputy O'Flynn. I hope that the Minister of State and the Minister, Deputy McDowell, will share with us their views on the Deputy's comments.

I cannot believe it has taken 15 months for this Bill to come before this House. It was introduced in the Seanad by the then Minister for zero tolerance, Deputy O'Donoghue, on 27 March 2002.

I come from Wexford where recently eight out of 12 people died from suffocation in the back of a container at Rosslare ferry port. We must seriously examine such movement of migrants because if the present position is allowed to continue we will face a similar incident in the future. We must clamp down on such movement of migrants. The road hauliers might not be happy with what I am saying, but they must be held responsible for the cargo they carry from one country to another. Hauliers from France, Germany, Spain, Italy, the UK and elsewhere enter this country at Rosslare. They must be obliged to know what cargo they carry from place to place to ensure that an incident similar to that which occurred in Wexford last year does not occur in the future.

The family and friends of those who died in that container attended a ceremony a year after that incident. One could see the sadness in their faces and the trauma they suffered in losing sons, daughters, mothers and fathers. One could sense the trauma children who survived that ordeal went through. People spoke of their trauma in the business park in Wexford that day. One person, whose name I forget, spoke of the trauma he went through from the time he went into the container. Those people were trying to escape the country from which they came. Road hauliers must know what cargo they are carrying and there must be a clamp down in this area, whether by way of a fine or some other penalty, to ensure such an incident does not happen again.

There are not enough gardaí on duty at Rosslare ferry port. From now until the end of September a great number of cars, vans and lorries will travel through that port. There is not a sufficient number of gardaí or security personnel to check the cargo being carried in container vehicles travelling through the port. On leaving the terminal a driver of a lorry may be stopped and two or three gardaí may check it, but meanwhile 50 to 60 lorries can go through and nobody knows what cargo they carry. Something must be done in this area. The migration of non-nationals to this country, especially through Rosslare port, is ongoing.

The road hauliers will not be pleased about any legislation which imposes restrictions because they want to collect their cargo in its country of origin, bring it back here and make their money. A mechanism to put in place strict control on access to this country by non-nationals must be seriously examined. Proper documentation by non-nationals must be shown at the place of entry to this country and non-nationals, if they are illegal immigrants, will not have the proper documentation.

I come from Enniscorthy where I have a constituency office. A great number of non-nationals call to my office seeking proper documentation, be it work permits or other documentation. I make representations on their behalf to the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment, but the issuing of such permits is delayed for months, during which time the public gives out because these people are perceived as sponging off the State. That is the fault of the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment because of the delay in issuing such permits. The process involved in issuing them must be speeded up. These non-nationals are being discriminated against. When they are not allowed to work, people say they are sponging off the State and can go to a health clinic and receive social welfare benefit. We heard what Deputy O'Flynn said in this regard.

The non-nationals who call to my office tell me they do not want to claim social welfare benefit, rather they want to earn an honest wage working in a factory or some other business. As Deputy Deasy said, we would not have the prosperity we have were it not for the foreigners who came here in the past. They left money here as holidaymakers and so on. Those are the people who made the country what it is today thanks to tourism and I criticise the Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism because that is not being pushed enough.

Deputy O'Connor referred to racism in schools, which worries me. Many of our schools now have pupils of different nationalities and Deputy Deasy referred to racism coming into schools through the Internet and text messages. Schools will have to be properly funded to stop racism. Deputy Deasy referred to Catholics and Protestants earlier and the same situation will develop between coloured people and us white people – some people say black and some white but the Minister of State will understand what I am saying. If there is not proper coaching in our schools we will have a very serious problem, because diversity of nationalities is going to rise in our schools rather than fall. I welcome those people to our schools. We are there to help them. We mentioned racism and criminals and the Garda will have to have the communication skills to deal with these people. If those skills are not in place we will have serious problems.

Some important sections of the Bill are welcome and others must be examined. The most important provisions relate to checking people coming in through our ports and airports. Lorries, cars and vans will have to be checked and people will have to have the proper permits and so on. We cannot have another situation like that in Wexford last year, when eight asylum seekers died in the back of a truck.

I was listening to Pat Kenny on RTE Radio recently and he played "Deportees", saying it was very popular in the 1960s. He asked how popular it would be nowadays. The song goes: "They won't know your name when you fly the big aeroplane, all they will call you will be deportees." The Minister of State probably heard it in the 1960s.

Sing us a verse.

It was before my time.

How popular would it be now? Our society is changing radically, particularly since the advent of the Celtic tiger. We are changing quickly from a monocultural, all-white country to becoming multicultural and having every different human colour in our society. Like all other speakers today, I welcome that positive and constructive change in society. We welcome people who come here to work, though there is a legal distinction between those who have work permits and refugees and asylum seekers. I understand approximately 42,000 legal permits were issued last year to non-European nationals to work in Ireland and they have made a significant contribution, as previous speakers said. Deputy Kehoe meets many of them in Wexford.

There is still a shortage of workers in many areas of the economy as there are jobs that Irish people will not do. If one goes into many hotels and restaurants or if one wants a haircut or a newspaper, one is often served by a non-national. A hotelier was quoted in a newspaper this week as saying that if the situation changes his business will be finished as he cannot get Irish people to work in the hotel and catering industry.

On one hand the economy's demands are being met by people who were not born in the country and on the other we have a Bill which is to regulate this issue. I accept that asylum seekers have caused a significant economic problem for the country but that is because we do not let them work. Members of the Minister of State's party first proposed that asylum seekers should be allowed to work and I support that view. That is no longer the situation and the proposal is unnecessary because asylum applications are pro cessed within three months, so that issue should not arise. There are thousands of asylum seekers living in the country and if the law takes its course most will probably not get asylum; they will have to leave either voluntarily or on foot of a deportation order. However, those not officially recognised as refugees while living in the country may have job skills we could use in the economy. We should be able to do a better job of matching the skills of someone about to be deported after living here while their application is processed with the needs of our community. We should then be able to provide those people with jobs and enable them to remain in the country.

Two of my immediate family members went to work in America and made careers there having been made welcome. Many Irish families in the last 30 years had members who found homes in America, England and elsewhere. We need to look out as a society rather than look in and we need to recognise that Irish people were economic migrants for many centuries and were accepted. They worked and became part of their communities abroad. If economic migrants from other jurisdictions who are already here are allowed to work and contribute to society I see no reason why we should not work to keep them in the country. That would be a constructive move by the State. We may draw a line with the legislation – if it is the Government view it will prevail – but we ought to be more sensitive and caring about people who have chosen to come to Ireland for economic reasons and who have lived here due to our inability to process their applications for so long.

I was involved in the case of one family which was very popular in their Irish community and got involved in the social and community life of the town. One of them had been a professional musician with a State orchestra in the Russian territories but he was deported because he did not meet the criteria. That family was the life and soul of the local musical society and of many musical evenings when they entertained us with their skills. Many such people have been deported when they should have been kept here. I know of another case involving a young man from the former Yugoslavia who learned Gaelic football so well he became captain of the local team. Again, he had to face exile.

As Deputy Kehoe said, there are many students in our schools who are making a great contribution to our multicultural society and we will be at a loss if we drive them from our shores now. I am concerned that we should do a better job in integrating our economic refugees before this Bill changes things forever.

Our approach should be one of constructive, positive dialogue. I recommend that the State invests more money and time in eliminating prejudice against refugees, particularly those who are coloured, which is significant in our society. We should invest much greater effort in campaigning in fav our of constructive acceptance of multi-culturalism and other religions. We would be a much prouder and greater nation if were big enough to do this.

I wish to share time with Deputy Crawford. I am glad to speak on the Bill. I agree with earlier comments that we are a nation of emigrants, which has been sending its people abroad for years. We have now become an immigrant population. This country has always been known as Ireland of the welcomes and its people always had a céad míle fáilte for everyone who came to our shores. In recent years, we have benefited greatly from all those who came here from other European Union member states, the aspirant member states and elsewhere. We needed them and they helped us become the Celtic tiger by contributing to the significant regeneration of that period.

As I have stated in the House before, I fully welcome the countries which will join the European Union. While no one is in favour of illegal immigration, we must also be careful not to throw out the baby – the milk of human kindness – with the bath water, which we are in danger of doing. We must try to strike a balance between ensuring we help those genuinely in need of our help and stopping the terrible trafficking of human beings.

It has already been pointed out that asylum seekers who come here face considerable delays in having their applications processed. Every effort and resource should be put into ensuring these applications are processed as quickly as possible. There is no reason asylum applicants should have to wait for years for a decision on their case. The most demoralising aspect of this wait is that they are not allowed to work.

The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, was quoted as saying eight of ten foreigners on our streets are here legally either to work or study. The scale of the number of incoming migrants is staggering. In the period 1995-2000, about 250,000 persons migrated to Ireland, of whom about half were returning Irish people. The aggregate figure for immigrants, including Irish returnees, in this five year period amounts to an amazing 7% of the 1996 population of 3.6 million. This is an astonishing figure which will force us to consider immigration in new ways.

We have been told current immigration trends will continue. It is interesting that the great majority of immigrants are returning Irish emigrants or citizens of other European Union member states and the USA. The CSO population and migration estimates for the five years up to April 2000, published in September 2000, indicate that only 12% of immigrants, or 29,400 persons, came from outside the European Union and USA during the period. Returning Irish emigrants and immigrants from other European Union and European Economic Area countries have an absolute legal right to live and work here.

Asylum seekers apply to stay here under the terms of the United Nations convention on refugees of 1951. Until they are informed of a decision on their cases, they do not have the right to work. This policy has been questioned, including by the previous speaker who referred to the significant economic and personal benefits to the people in question of being allowed to work. There is already a precedent for doing so. On 26 July 1999 a once off decision was taken to allow asylum seekers who could prove they had been living here for more than a year to work. This decision was not repeated, nor will it be, which is regrettable as asylum seekers have many skills. It is very bad economics to accommodate asylum seekers at the expense of the State when they are willing to contribute. We can ill afford to take this approach if other alternatives, particularly humane ones, are available.

The vast majority of asylum applications are rejected, which means the applicants have to be deported at considerable expense to the taxpayer. The current approach does not make sense. I urge the Government to allow asylum seekers to contribute in some way for their own benefit and that of the State. Such an approach would make sense as many asylum seekers are, in reality, economic migrants.

This observation reminds us of our past and the many who left in the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s to build America and the United Kingdom. There is something inherently wrong with us if we choose to build a fortress to keep people in need from our shores. While I do not advocate a free for all, we should at least ensure that those in need of our help receive it. How will we be able to help people if they are stopped before they get here? Although I accept the measure to make carriers liable for keeping people out would work and is in force elsewhere, is it a positive development?

What are we doing for economic migrants? Let us suppose the people who left our shores, the people who created the original Celtic tiger and kept communities across the west and elsewhere alive, had not been allowed to leave. We would not have the Irish diaspora or its support which sustained entire communities when we had no friends. They contributed even more in equivalent terms than we now receive from European Union Structural Funds. Where would we be now if they had not left? We would not have been able to support them because we could not support ourselves at the time.

In the absence of a quota system, our entry policy should be as liberal as possible. Many asylum seekers are economic migrants who work illegally. It does not make sense for the State to accommodate and pay for them if they are going to work in the black economy. It would make much more sense to allow them to work. Asylum seekers who fail in their applications should be allowed to remain and their cases considered sympathetically.

In the past, we were welcomed into the United Kingdom because we were needed. So many Brit ish men were killed in the Second World War that immigrants were needed to drive the economy. Their economic migrants, the Irish, were a wonderful group of people who not only supported the United Kingdom economy, but sustained ours as well. Similarly, Irish people were accepted and integrated in the United States.

The House has heard a great deal about the dramatic increase in the number of work permits being issued to people from countries outside the European Economic Area and the boon this has provided to the catering and service industry. Last week Members argued that giving work permits to particular employers would lead to exploitation by employers.

It is time we examined the integration of immigrants into society and developed coherent, human policies with which we can live. Up to now the market has dictated our policies but, given the influx of so many people from abroad, we need to think more about the implications that has for integration into schools and the workplace. These matters are of considerable importance because our society is changing. That should be looked on as a challenge and treated positively. Putting the onus on the carrier under the legislation permits the Government to act like Pontius Pilate and wash its hands of the problem. Carriers are profit driven and are hardly the people best qualified on a people-orientated basis to act as immigration officers. The stick approach should be adopted to deal severely with those who exploit immigrants and engage in human trafficking but we should try to exclude economic migrants in this regard.

The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform said the policy is to ensure anyone arriving in the State who is genuinely in need of the protection of the State is identified as such as soon as possible after they arrive so that they can immediately begin the process of integration into society and take up the rights to which they are entitled under the 1951 convention on the status of refugees. That is a laudable aspiration but how good are all such aspirations if individuals cannot get to Ireland in the first place?

Our history teaches us that we should treat people as we were treated ourselves in other countries. We should not lose our humanity. Many people emigrated and through the safe home project many old people have returned. There has been considerable support for that project.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate. The Minister of State said people are wanted and welcome and that should be the case. Many of our emigrants have returned and thank God for that because they had to leave Ireland prior to our accession to the European Community. Many of them live in my parish of Aghabog. They worked in the UK, the US and elsewhere and learned to live with people of other races.

EU workers have been able to enter Ireland freely since we took up membership. They have contributed to the build-up of expertise in the State and, in more recent years, people from applicant countries have been allowed to work here under permit. Hopefully, in the next few years they will be able to move freely similar to EU workers. However, unfortunately, people who have entered the country legally are sometimes perceived to be illegal immigrants in certain quarters and are also perceived to be taking the jobs of local people. I represent a food producing and furniture making area that has many low paid jobs but if it had not been for these workers, it would have been difficult for companies to operate at full capacity.

The legislation addresses issues relating to illegal immigrants and asylum seekers, which are difficult. We must give them support, legal rights and a helping hand while making sure they are treated humanely. I am worried about the issue of whether they should be permitted to work. My neighbours, particularly those in Monagahan town where there are many Romanian and other immigrants, point out that Irish people had no problem working in the countries to which they emigrated. It is hard to explain to immigrants that under our laws unless they have a work permit they cannot work, irrespective of whether they are willing to do so. I implore the Minister of State to examine this issue. Immigrants must wait a long time to discover whether they will be permitted to stay in the State and they should be granted short-term work permits so that they are not seen to be living off the State unnecessarily by Irish people.

Sometimes people, for whatever reason, are under the impression that asylum seekers are in receipt of better services. For example, I am working on a case involving a young girl from a town in my constituency who must obtain transport to physiotherapy sessions. She takes the same taxi as an immigrant worker who has a serious illness. The immigrant worker does not have to pay for the taxi but she does. Such anomalies are being created by us. They cause rancour and lead people to see the immigrant issue in the wrong light. These issues should be examined because, in the main, the Irish were treated well when they emigrated to the US, Australia and elsewhere. These people, like our own, are entitled to be treated well on an even and balanced basis.

Housing is also a major issue. The Department has got around the issue to some extent by taking over institutions such as the Mosney centre and St. Patrick's College, Monaghan, but I worry about putting large numbers of people in one place. I am aggrieved that the college was not retained in the education system as it was more than capable of providing a service. Local industries have had recruitment problems and they could have benefited if the college had remained open. However, it is being used to house asylum seekers but I warn against putting too many of them there. There are approximately 100 asylum seekers staying in the college currently and I heard mention of a proposal to house 400 there. However, a town the size of Monaghan could not cope with such numbers and that must not be permitted.

The number of people seeking asylum in Ireland would not be as much of a problem if it was not for the carriers. I am glad that those responsible for the deaths of the illegal immigrants who were locked into a container while being transported to Ireland were brought to court and sentenced recently. It was a criminal act to take money from people, give them an assurance that they would be brought somewhere and then bring them to somewhere totally different. Many of the families died in transit.

That is completely unacceptable. The people involved in that illegal trade must be caught and dealt with in the strongest possible way. I encourage the Government to take whatever steps are necessary to have the best possible structures in place, both at the potential ports of embarkation and the Irish ports, to ensure that a very clear message is delivered and that illegal trafficking is stamped out. With modern methods of communication, including e-mail and text messaging, any experience of easy entry to this country can be promptly reported back to their home base by the people concerned, thus encouraging others to follow.

However, in the case of countries where people are under serious threat, those affected should have access to this country and should be properly and humanely treated. The Minister of State said that nine out of ten asylum seekers are not in a position to prove their entitlement to remain in this country. I find it difficult to accept that figure but I take the Minister of State's word on the matter. Those who have to leave another country due to severe hardship or a severe threat to their lives must be given an opportunity in this country to start a new life. I have met some of those people and they deserve our assistance.

There is a rich irony in the fact that we are discussing this Bill on a day when our country is being visited by a very prominent Austrian politician to whom I wish an enjoyable stay in Ireland. He is a very skilled politician who is prominent in his own country. However, in the course of his politics, he has used the issue of immigration in a skilful, though very frightening manner. He is capable of using language and situations to maximise political support in a manner not unlike what happens in other countries nor, indeed, unlike comments I have heard from people within our own political system. I was somewhat shocked by the bombastic contribution of my Cork colleague earlier in this debate, though, perhaps, not entirely surprised.

Disappointed, perhaps.

It is only to be expected.

It is an issue on which he has made political capital in the past and derived some benefit from it. It represents a use of political debate which, in my estimation, debases all of us in the political system and should not go unchallenged. I intend to challenge it because I live in the same area, though I do not represent the same constituency. Cork is my city as much as his but my experiences are totally opposed to his. The asylum seekers who are currently guests in our city are contributing to the social and cultural life of the city. I am not saying that with a blinkered approach. I fully realise that some of those people are capable of committing criminal acts, just as is the case in society at large.

The problem with the debate we have had, both at social and political levels, is that the wrong impression has gone out. We have allowed the creation of a number of urban myths and the Government must take the blame for failing to explode those myths. Even in this House, there have been questions to the Minister for Social and Family Affairs, not only in terms of the usual shibboleths with regard to cars being provided for asylum seekers but also, on one occasion, as to whether dogs were being bought. When urban myths develop to that extent, I believe the quality of debate has reached a worrying level.

The Bill before the House is a very curious measure. It addresses certain aspects which need to be tackled. The tragedy at Rosslare Harbour appalled all of us. However, an interesting aspect of the situation was that while the people concealed in containers were Turkish nationals, they were of Kurdish ethnic background. They had come from a conflict situation of cultural, if not actually military dimensions, in which their ethnic grouping was not recognised within a recognised political state. That is one of the causes of large-scale emigration and I believe it is not adequately recognised as such by the Government. Turkey is just one example. There are similar situations in many African states. The conventional rule of thumb as to whether people qualify for residency and, ultimately, citizenship if they choose to pursue that road is very often affected by a prejudice or bias as to whether people are actually coming from relevant military, political or cultural conflict situations.

My constituency office in Cork is located in the inner city area in which many asylum seekers are living in apartment accommodation. They are people of innate charm and ability, with a capacity to contribute to our society to an extent that has not yet been recognised or legally permitted. I wish to put in context the current position of foreign nationals in this country. In my estimation, the number of asylum seekers currently seeking residency in this country is no greater than the population of Ennis. It is approximately one third of the total number of foreign nationals who are in this country legally, on the basis of work permits. The combined total number of foreign nationals, including asylum seekers and those on work permits, is roughly equivalent to the population of Limerick. Looking at the situation in that geographical context, one gets a better impression in terms of whether there is actually a problem.

The Bill refers to some small changes to the Refugee Board and the Refugee Appeals Tribunal. I am not unduly concerned about the first of those changes, which is mainly a technical matter. The other provision, in relation to the Refugee Appeals Tribunal, requires some consideration in terms of the quality of information provided to legislators and the general public as to how the tribunal is operating. We know the number of members on the tribunal, the number of cases being heard and the number rejected. The vast majority are rejected. However, we are not informed as to the particular record of each member of the tribunal in terms of any biases or prejudices which may inform their work. Those involved in the legal aspect of representing people who are seeking residency have expressed their concern to me that particular members of the unfortunately acronymed RAT have given no favourable decisions whatsoever on any of the cases which have come before them. I believe we have to question a system in which the issue of whether a person gets a fair hearing depends on which member of the tribunal deals with the case, having regard to the type of prejudice which may inform that member. I use the term "prejudice" in its widest sense. The value of such a tribunal is certainly open to question.

One of the reasons the immigration issue particularly exercises me is that I happen to be the child of Irish emigrants to the United States. It is an interesting feature of the composition of the 29th Dáil that only two Members out of 166 were born outside this island. I was born in the United States and Deputy McManus was born in Canada, the circumstances of which I am not aware. In this Dáil of 166 Members, that is far from reflecting the Irish experience of emigration. I wonder if it also helps to misinform us as to the type of biases we should have. My school-going experience was with African-Americans, Hispanics and people of east European background, and it was very enjoyable. However, another aspect of Irish emigration was that while there may have been integration in terms of education, Irish communities kept very much to themselves. In a sense, one lived in an Irish ghetto.

Debate adjourned.
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