Enda Kenny
Question:6 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting in Dublin with the Ulster Unionist leader, Mr. Trimble; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [9531/03]
Ceisteanna – Questions. - Northern Ireland Issues.
Enda Kenny
Question:7 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments in the Northern Ireland peace process; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [9561/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:8 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the political parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [9562/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:9 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [9563/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:10 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [9564/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:11 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments in the Northern Ireland peace process; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10303/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:12 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meetings in Northern Ireland with the pro-Agreement parties; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10304/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:13 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent discussions with the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10305/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:14 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached during his discussions with President George Bush in Hillsborough on 7 and 8 April 2003; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10543/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:15 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached during his meeting with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, in Hillsborough, County Down, on 10 April 2003; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10545/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:16 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached during his meeting with political parties in Northern Ireland in Hillsborough, County Down, on 10 April 2003; his assessment of the prospects for political progress in Northern Ireland in view of these talks; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10546/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:17 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached during his talks on the Northern Ireland peace process at Hillsborough with the President of the United States. [10608/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:18 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached during his talks on the Northern Ireland peace process at Hillsborough with the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10609/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:19 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached during his talks with the parties in Northern Ireland at Hillsborough; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10610/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:20 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting at Hillsborough Castle on 8 April 2003 with the President of the United States, Mr. Bush; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10655/03]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:21 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his participation in talks at Hillsborough with the British Prime Minister and the US President on 8 April 2003. [10697/03]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:22 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on the outcome of the peace process talks at Hillsborough on 10 April 2003. [10698/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:23 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on the outcome of his discussions regarding the peace process in the North with US President George Bush, British Prime Minister Tony Blair and the political parties in Hillsborough. [10853/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:24 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach his views on whether the visit of the US President to Hillsborough acted as a successful impetus to the peace process in the North; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10854/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:25 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach his views on whether the current difficulties in the peace process in the North can be resolved sufficiently in time to allow Assembly polls to go ahead in 2003; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10855/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:26 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting on 12 April 2003 with the Sinn Féin President, Mr. Adams; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11441/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:27 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meetings with the pro-Agreement parties in Northern Ireland on 10 April 2003; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11448/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:28 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11449/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:29 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the British Government; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11450/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:30 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11451/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:31 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when the Forum on Peace and Reconciliation will next meet; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11461/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:32 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach his views on whether the British and Irish blueprint document for restoring devolution in the North, published on 10 April 2003 on the fifth anniversary of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, will be successful; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11480/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:33 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meetings with the political parties in the North and the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, in Hillsborough; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11481/03]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:34 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on progress in the peace process. [11526/03]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:35 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his contacts with the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair. [11527/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:36 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the parties in Northern Ireland. [11574/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:37 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the matters discussed and conclusions reached at his recent meeting with the British Prime Minister in Athens; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11575/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:38 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the US administration. [11577/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:39 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11578/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:40 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments in the Northern Ireland peace process. [11579/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:41 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his discussions with the British Prime Minister on the margins of the recent EU summit in Athens. [11597/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:42 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his most recent contacts with the British Prime Minister regarding the political situation in Northern Ireland. [11599/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:43 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his most recent contacts with the political parties in Northern Ireland. [11600/03]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:44 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach when he next plans to meet the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, to discuss the situation in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11769/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:45 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments in the Northern Ireland peace process; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11971/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:46 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached at his recent meeting with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11974/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:47 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when he next intends to visit the United States; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11463/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:48 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the President of the United States of America; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [11576/03]
Finian McGrath
Question:49 Mr. F. McGrath asked the Taoiseach if he has satisfied himself that the Sinn Fein leader has clarified the words "should" and "will" in the context of the IRA statement in the current crisis in the peace process. [12616/03]
Finian McGrath
Question:50 Mr. F. McGrath asked the Taoiseach if he will make his views known to Prime Minister Blair regarding the postponement of the elections in the North. [12617/03]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:51 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, in Dublin on 6 May 2003. [12624/03]
Enda Kenny
Question:52 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his discussions with the British Prime Minister in Dublin on 6 May 2003; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [12679/03]
Joe Higgins
Question:53 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached during his talks on the Northern Ireland peace process in Dublin on 6 May 2003 with the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [12785/03]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:54 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on progress in the peace process. [12803/03]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:55 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, in Dublin on 6 May 2003. [12805/03]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:56 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach the discussions he has had with the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, David Trimble. [12806/03]
Trevor Sargent
Question:57 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach his views on whether his discussions in Dublin with the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, have proved significant in the search for a way forward in the peace process; if he will give an update on the recent developments; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [12866/03]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 6 to 57, inclusive, together.
I reported to the House last week on recent developments in the peace process. Both Governments remain fully committed to the Good Friday Agreement and it is our template for future progress in Northern Ireland. In recent weeks and months real progress has been made. This progress is reflected in the Joint Declaration of the two Governments and associated documents published recently. The declaration contains many elements that we can and will take forward as part of the ongoing implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, for example in the areas of policing, criminal justice, equality, human rights and some aspects of normalisation, and that work is taking place.
It is regrettable that it has not proved possible to establish a basis for the early restoration of the devolved institutions in Northern Ireland. I have made it clear that I disagreed with the decision to postpone the elections. I believe that this decision causes more problems for the process than it solves.
Continuing strong partnership between the two Governments is essential to achieving progress and both Governments will continue to work together to try to create the trust and confidence necessary to sustain inclusive government in Northern Ireland. This was underscored at the meeting I had in Farmleigh last week with Prime Minister Blair.
All of us have a collective responsibility to make this process work and we will continue to work and meet with the parties to try to advance matters. In this regard, I met the Leader of the SDLP, Mark Durkan, and his colleagues last week and I expect to meet the other pro-Agreement parties in the period ahead. For their part, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Northern Ireland Secretary of State will meet next week at a meeting of the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference and together also expect to meet the parties over the coming weeks.
The Joint Declaration represents real progress across a range of issues which had proven difficult, if not intractable, up to now. This progress has to some extent been obscured by the inevitable focus on the remaining areas of difficulty. These remaining issues have now crystallised to this: on the one hand, the necessity to remove concerns around the commitment to exclusively democratic and non-violent means and, on the other, the need for each community to have confidence in the commitment of the representatives of the other to the full implementation of the Agreement. This means that we must have a response from the IRA which makes clear that there will be a definitive end to all paramilitary activity such as those referred to in paragraph 13 of the Joint Declaration. It means that we must have an unequivocal commitment by Unionists to the full and inclusive operation of all the institutions of the agreement.
I welcome the progress that has been made by the republican movement and the most recent statement by the IRA. However, it is essential that we have the clarity necessary to move on.
The agreement is the only sustainable basis for a fair and honourable accommodation between Unionists and Nationalists. The absence of trust and confidence is central to the current difficulties. The parties themselves must make a contribution to building trust by giving each other the reassurances that are needed to allow people to move forward together.
I hope that the parties will use the time ahead to advance their dialogue with a view to rebuilding trust and confidence in advance of the elections in the autumn. It would also be helpful if the parties and community leaders used their influence to ensure that the people of Northern Ireland enjoy a summer free from trouble and tension. That would also be a major contribution to achieving a restored climate of trust and confidence that we can build on in the autumn.
I also deeply appreciate the assistance of President Bush and his administration, particularly Ambassador Richard Haass, who has worked closely with us in recent months and whom I will meet again next week. I have no immediate plans to meet President Bush. However, I hope to visit the United States in the autumn. The programme for my visit has yet to be finalised.
With regard to a meeting of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation, this will be a matter for the chairman and the parties participating in the forum.
The allegations of recent days about the involvement of British intelligence in collusion with the RUC Special Branch have brought this to a new level. I am glad the newly-appointed British ambassador is in the House today. I met him this morning and wished him well.
I express the widespread concern and anxiety that a great number of people here feel about the allegations made in recent days which build on reports in respect of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings, the 29th anniversary of which is on Saturday, and the shocking indictment represented by some of the details emerging from the Stevens report.
After 14 years of investigation, Stevens recorded and found the secret co-operation within the RUC Special Branch and British military intelligence ranged from wilful failure to keep records to the absence of accountability, the withholding of evidence and information, the extreme element of using agents involved in murder and pointed out clearly collusion in the murders of Pat Finucane and Brian Adam Lambert, and further pointed out that it gave a basis for the public view that a dirty war was conducted by security forces in Northern Ireland against members of the Catholic community. Given that level of indictment from Stevens and the fact that the details of the report have not been published and given the level of outrage and the understanding of the hurt caused to the families of those involved in the Dublin-Monaghan bombings, compounded by the fact that Mr. Justice Barron has said he has not received proper co-operation from the British authorities, does the Taoiseach consider he should take this level, as leader of the Government, to the British Prime Minister, and have this sorted out in so far as it is possible to sort it out? Arising from the Stevens report, has the Government considered the question of a formal request for a public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane? Since yesterday, has the Taoiseach had any briefing and update on the allegations concerning the person referred to as "Stakeknife"?
I join Deputy Kenny in wishing the new British ambassador well in his role and in his onerous task. I assure Deputy Kenny that over the years I have had direct responsibility for dealing with Northern Ireland matters. There is always an enormous range of issues on the agenda, issues about the past and what happened in the past. It is not always easy to re-write all of these issues as there is no truth and reconciliation commission. When I floated the idea of such a commission, some years ago, with the parties in the North there was no appetite for it. I used to think, five or six years ago, that this could have been the resolution. We all remember what we were told at the forum when Mr. Cyril Ramaphosa and others explained to us how the truth and reconciliation commission operated. I thought then that it would be a feature. However, there was no appetite for that but, perhaps, it will come back into focus again. Because of that and as the troubles end, and particularly since the ceasefire in 1994 which is now in operation close on nine years this September, a number of issues have come back. The big one is what is now the Saville inquiry, because of the horrendous issues of Derry which continued to feed into so many other cases, and the Stevens inquiry and what is being examined in that inquiry.
Looking back over a large number of cases from the early 1970s and right up to the Rosemary Nelson and other cases in recent years – Rosemary Nelson being the last high profile one but not the last political murder – there has been a great deal of concern around these. The Stevens work is ongoing. We have seen what has happened there. At Weston Park two years ago we agreed with the British Government that there were a number of these high level cases and what we should try to do was to get completion, which is exactly what Deputy Kenny has said. We could not take all of the cases. We could not take thousands of cases as that would never work. I understand the upset that causes to families. I have met many groups, organisations and families and I have genuine sympathy for them all, because they are uncertain about what happened. It is not just a question of post mortems, they just do not know what happened. People disappeared and all the other things that happened. We try to deal with that issue and we try to get the information.
However, we agreed to take a number of cases other than those being dealt with in the Saville inquiry and said we would get an international eminent judge with deal with them. Judge Cory, who in world terms is one of the most respected judges of the World Bar, will finish his report in the autumn and he has looked at a number of the high profile issues. In advance of that we have, at all times, supported the efforts and have called for a public inquiry. Normally, I do it each year on behalf of everybody in this House and the Irish people, on the anniversary to do with the Pat Finucane's case. This year I met the family and the British-Irish Watch group and the other groups who have dealt with this case for a long time. The Pat Finucane case is not just an Irish issue, it is supported by members of the Bar, journalistic groups and civil rights groups around the world, many of which have developed advertising campaigns. There should be a full inquiry. It will be for Judge Cory to come forward. We hope that justifies the call for a public inquiry. I am not sure if it will at this stage but, from all I know about that case and I know a fair amount, as do most people from all that has come out and all the examinations that have been done by British-Irish Watch, Stevens and others, there will be a public inquiry. That would not solve all the cases and we should not get into that. If we get into that we will go on forever. I do not say that in any disrespectful way, but I do not think it can be done. That feeds into the work done by the late Mr. Justice Hamilton who did so much work in this area, followed on by the work of Mr. Justice Barron. They also looked at a number of cases not just to do with the Dublin-Monaghan bombings but to do with Seamus Ludlow and other cases and he will report on them.
The Deputy's last question was on the security issue. I can understand Deputy Kenny asking me this question but I do not want to go into it blow by blow. I have raised with members of the British Government, including the Prime Minister, many times, MI5 and MI6. I say, with the greatest of respect, I am usually less wise after I have asked the questions than before. That is why I do not want to go down that track.
We know what that is like.
I could tell the House I would ring him, but, I have to be honest, I have gone down this road many times.
The Taoiseach's questions are dynamite.
Deputies know how hard I and others have tried to get the information from MI5 and others in relation to the tribunals under this House. That is difficult. The sequence then is the Saville inquiry and the the Irish Governments – I am conscious it was not just the Government I led, but a Government led by the parties of which Deputies Kenny and Rabbitte are members. They did an enormous amount of work in Opposition and we co-operated with them and followed it through. We got the Saville inquiry, which is important. I met the families involved in the Saville inquiry in London a few weeks ago. We know where the Stevens inquiry is at. The Cory inquiry is ongoing as is the work of Mr. Justice Barron.
I have no new information that is worth sharing with the House on the so-called person of "Stakeknife". If I had I would give it but I do not have any information.
I join Deputy Kenny and the Taoiseach in wishing the new British Ambassador well. On the Weston Park agreement in 2001 and the appointment of the Canadian judge in that regard, as I understand it that was to look into a stated number of specific cases – Lord Justice and Lady Gibson, Rosemary Nelson, Pat Finucane and two or three other cases. Does the Taoiseach consider that there would be any merit in asking Judge Cory to have included in his terms of reference the "Stakeknife" affair? Would that be an appropriate way to have this matter examined?
I join with Deputy Kenny in his references to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the implications of the weekend's revelations for those concerned in terms of their worst fears and their ongoing quest for truth and closure. Has the Taoiseach received any communication from Sinn Féin since the weekend's revelations? If so, what is his assessment, if any, of the implications of the weekend's revelations for the present state of the peace process and the need to maintain momentum?
The Taoiseach is probably being entirely frank with the House when he says he cannot answer certain questions and that his protestations to the British authorities down the years in respect of some of these murkier matters have left matters less than clear to him. I hope that gives him some sympathy for the way he leaves us on this side of the House, but that is a different matter. Can the Taoiseach indicate that in respect of our intelligence services, nobody is acting in any capacity or with any kind of authority, either within subversive organisations or the criminal underworld, to commit crime of a similar nature to what has been reported over the weekend, whatever the truth of it may be?
I understand the Stevens inquiry team will investigate the Stakeknife issue. There is some information that the inquiry team was already examining aspects of this matter over the past months. In view of this, I do not think Judge Cory will become involved. The Deputy referred to the cases in which Judge Cory is involved, including the Kevin Callan case.
I have not received any communication from Sinn Féin regarding these issues. We are prepar ing for next week's meeting of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Council, but not particularly on the issues raised last week.
I have no information on the Deputy's question about members of our intelligence services, although there is always a concern that a member of a force may be engaged in such activities. I have sympathy with the Deputy's concerns about the possibility that within a large force, somebody can communicate information or become involved in activities. We have been lucky in that there have only been one or two cases at that level. Given what has happened, it has occurred to me that it would probably be a good thing if there was a rotation of positions. That would ensure people are not confined to the same security positions, when these kinds of activity can arise, either on the official or unofficial side. I will refer the question to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform although I hope, and have no reason to believe, that there would be anything sinister going on. However, in the modern world it is perhaps more a matter of hope.
I do not wish to elaborate on the other matter raised by Deputy Rabbitte. According to my knowledge on the workings of intelligence, procedures in this country are not exactly similar to the British system, where there appears to be a Chinese wall arrangement. I do not believe that started only recently. I recall reading a long time ago a book by Harold Wilson in which he explained at great length how it operates. I have been brought up remembering that. I would say his experience was the right one.
Perhaps the Taoiseach would circulate copies of the book.
It is in the public domain.
I cannot accept what the Taoiseach has said with the calmness and equanimity he has displayed. Why has he not contacted Prime Minister Blair in the past 48 hours? Leaving aside whether Stakeknife is the person named in recent days, it is credible to believe that such an agent existed. He may have been responsible for up to 40 killings on this island, including in this State, acting as judge, jury and executioner with the support of high levels in the British Administration. Does the Taoiseach regard this as a profoundly serious matter?
I was going to ask the Taoiseach if he considers that the British Government routinely treats him and his Government with veiled contempt but he answered that question. The Prime Minister treats him with contempt when, as he has indicated, he is less wise after asking him about these matters than before. What will the Taoiseach do to get through this Chinese wall because it is not good enough that it is accepted that this is the way the spooks work and there is no fall-back?
A question, please. We are running out of time.
I have raised a number of questions. We know we cannot believe daylight from the British intelligence authorities.
The Deputy is being unfair to his colleagues who have submitted questions to the Taoiseach and will not have the chance to submit supplementary questions if he continues without asking a question.
I am not being unfair to anyone.
The Taoiseach said he will meet Mr. Haass next week. In his discussions with him will he ask where are the weapons of mass destruction that his Government told the Taoiseach existed in Iraq and which were the justification for the slaughter of thousands of people? Will the Taoiseach explain to Mr. Haass that day after day he attended the Irish Parliament and repeated faithfully – even parroted – the line of his boss, President Bush, that this was the justification for this criminal invasion? Will he tell Mr. Haass that he is duty bound to report back to the Irish Parliament on the truth or otherwise of this claim? It is patently obvious it was a fabrication on which a criminal invasion was undertaken. Does the Taoiseach accept he has a responsibility to put these questions to the representative of the American Administration next week and to report back to the Dáil on the reply he receives?
Before the Taoiseach replies, three Deputies have submitted questions which we will now take. I call Deputy Ó Caoláin.
Is the Taoiseach aware of the anger that exists across the communities in the North of Ireland at the cancellation by the British Government of the Assembly elections scheduled for 29 May? Does he share their concern and the concern of many throughout the rest of this island, at the vacuum that is being created in the absence of a democratic exercise as a result of this cancellation? Does he agree that this was done outrageously by the British Prime Minister because he feared the outcome of these elections? Does the Taoiseach also fear the outcome of these elections and can he say with certainty that he acted appropriately in insisting that they would be held, irrespective of his view of the potential outcome? There is concern and perhaps the Taoiseach would clarify the real nature of the relationship between both Governments in these matters as it would appear that there is not equity and a sharing of responsibilities between both Prime Ministers and their respective counterparts, the Secretary of State and the Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Last week the Taoiseach welcomed the publication of the IRA statement. I seek clarification of the Taoiseach's comment that if the statement had come earlier, along with Gerry Adam's clarification, it might have ended the impasse. In light of the clarity which exists and which the Taoiseach has been recorded as welcoming, does the Taoiseach now believe he is in a position to press the British Prime Minister for a rescheduling of the elections of 29 May for the coming June? Will he do that rather than allowing for an open-ended position which may have no end at all? People fear, looking at the legislation presented at Westminster that the end of the year may come and go with a further extension of six months and we may see no elections at all.
Given the further focus on the role of British military intelligence in the conflict which had waged mainly in the northern part of our island over the period 1969 to 1998, and undoubtedly since, what steps has the Taoiseach taken to press the British Government for the full and early publication of the report of the Stevens inquiry? What steps is the Taoiseach taking and continuing to take to press for a full, independent, international inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane which was orchestrated by the force research unit under the stewardship of Brigadier Kerr, a serving member of the British Army?
There will not be time. I ask the Deputy to allow Deputy Sargent to speak.
This is just a concluding point. The 29th anniversary of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings is on Saturday. Is the Taoiseach shocked that a victim of the bombing which took place on 17 May 1974 in Dublin, who had further shrapnel removed from his person on Tuesday of last week, was refused assistance to proceed with the medical procedure involved on application to the relevant Department? He was obliged to seek support from the victims fund in the North of Ireland under the aegis of the British Government.
The matter does not arise at this time. Deputy Sargent to speak.
Does the Taoiseach not feel, like many, some shame that funding is not available for victims of an atrocity here in our own city?
Time has run out for Taoiseach's questions. Does the Deputy wish to disallow contributions from his colleagues in the Technical Group?
In the brief time available, I extend my good wishes to the newly appointed British ambassador. He comes to the post at a serious juncture in the relations between our two countries if one goes by the recent newspaper reports. Do the reports have any truth in them? At the moment there is doubt and verification of the reports in equal measure. If it is found that a British agent was responsible for the killing of Tom Oliver in County Louth, will the Government seek that person's extradition to face charges of murder here? Is the Taoiseach putting serious, unresolved questions to the British Government which are already in the public domain and are raised time and again in the media as to whether the Government will insist on a date for the elections and state that the indefinite postponement is unacceptable? Even if it must be set in camera, the Government should insist that some date be set this year. Can the Taoiseach say if that will happen?
The Taoiseach will not have time to answer. I ask the Deputy to give way to Deputy Finian McGrath.
I have only a sentence to state.
The Deputy is asking too many supplementary questions.
Will the Taoiseach ask the British if their war is over?
Is the Taoiseach aware of the widespread resentment and annoyance among the vast majority of citizens about the postponement of elections in the North? Is he aware of the disillusionment people feel with Mr. Blair and Mr. Trimble? Many people on the street are saying that Mr. Trimble should hand back the Nobel Peace Prize, a view which is not represented often enough in this House, particularly by the Government parties and the two main Opposition parties. Will the Taoiseach insist that his Government represents the views of the vast majority of the people at the further talks rather than try to act as an honest broker? Will the Taoiseach represent the views of all our citizens?
The Deputy has made his point.
I urge the Taoiseach to push and create the appetite for a truth and reconciliation commission. It is a significant way to deal with the hurt and suffering endured by people because of the conflict.
Deputy Joe Higgins may have heard me state yesterday that we considered the issues over the weekend. It is not yet known what level of fact or truth is contained in them, but we look on them as profoundly serious. On Monday morning we were in touch with the British through our normal secretariat channel to make our position known and we have indicated that we will raise the matter formally next week at which time we expect a report.
Next week, I hope to meet briefly Ambassador Richard Haass to discuss Northern Ireland and to use his good offices to help us with our problems. He may update me and provide information on other matters, but my primary reason for meeting him is that. I would be anxious for him to provide me with more details about the 15,000 bodies of people who were killed which were found in recent days.
We all know about that.
I did not know about it until late last night.
The Taoiseach should ask some of his colleagues who were there when that was happening.
I ask Deputy Higgins to allow the Taoiseach to continue without interruption.
Deputy Ó Caoláin asked a number of questions. The various statements by Mr. Gerry Adams were helpful and they brought matters to a new level of clarity in two vital aspects of the process. The first was the ending of the conflict and the second related to the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons. This has been acknowledged by both governments, but, as I said last week, it did not prove possible to provide sufficient clarity to convince everyone that paramilitary activity – the third issue – was definitively at an end. This third issue remains to be resolved and I say to Deputy Ó Caoláin that while we made progress on many issues, I hope we can resolve the third one. If he asks me if it is resolved now that clarification has been provided, the answer is "no". It must be resolved in a way that everybody can understand. I said that the significance of Mr. Gerry Adam's clarifications was obvious and clear to many, but it was not clear to everyone or to everyone who will be party to the agreement. I said also that the statement of 13 April was supposed to have said it all and that I believed that an IRA endorsement would have been helpful, though I cannot say it would have been decisive had it come earlier. At the same time, I acknowledge and do not seek to minimise the significance and potential of that as we must go forward.
I say to Deputy Ó Caoláin that nobody worked harder to convince the British Government to avoid postponing the elections than I. I did not stand on my box shouting about it, rather I tried to influence the decision before it was made and I did that to the best of my ability. I do not see that postponement leads anywhere easily, nor does it resolve matters. It creates many difficulties and a vacuum. To answer the Deputy's question, we did everything we could to convince the British Government not to make a decision we opposed totally. We acknowledge, as does Deputy Ó Caoláin's party, that we have to continue to work to deal with matters.
We will continue to press matters in regard to the Stevens inquiry to achieve early conclusions. I agree with the Deputy's statement on the matter. However, it is more important that those conclusions be full rather than provided quickly. Our position with regard to the Finucane case has long been on record. We wish to see a full, sworn tribunal into the matter and we continue to press for it. Deputy Sargent asked about the Tom Oliver case, but I do not have any information on the matter. There have been many stories about this and other cases over the years. However, I do not know whether they are factual. The British Government has made its position very clear – that its war is over, but that it wants to see a peaceful resolution to all of this.
I have already addressed most of the issues to which Deputy Finian McGrath referred.
Can the Taoiseach say what wording the British Government used?
Deputy Ó Caoláin must allow the Taoiseach to continue without interruption.
What formula of words did it use?
Allow the Taoiseach to continue.
We have had endless statements from the British Prime Minister.
Could they be more explicit?
No, we have had endless statements.
It would be easy to make a statement, and there is no one better placed than I to do so, if it were just a question of adopting a one-sided point of view. I make this point with the greatest respect to Deputy Finian McGrath and all those who raised this question. I could take the position in this process of being solely an Irish Government person and the leader of the largest republican party on this island; I could adopt a purely Irish position and not care about an all-island position. The difficulty is that the Good Friday Agreement is an inclusive one, which seeks to put every party which has a certain representation into government together under the d'Hondt arrangement. Therefore, taking the above view would not help one iota in getting republicans, Nationalists, loyalists and Unionists together. If I were to take that view, I would be working against an agreement which I, along with many others, worked hard to sign. Therefore, it would be an illogical position to take. That view is shared by all the parties in the House, including Sinn Féin.
I have asked Sinn Féin, the loyalists and the Unionists many times whether they want us to work together for an inclusive agreement, which brings everyone into an executive, based on the unique characteristics of Northern Ireland which have existed for hundreds of years. For me to get up and only give a Nationalist perspective,—
The Taoiseach could do both.
—my personal views, my instincts or the views my father held would not serve to make this process work. That is why I have to ask the Unionists to convince me that they will work the agreement in total, accept North-South participation and participate in the British-Irish Parliamentary Body. Deputies Rabbitte, Kenny and others supported a change to the rules of the House to allow all the islands in this region, including the Isle of Man, Jersey, Scotland, Wales and everyone else to participate in the body – I know the British ambassador who is here today will find that unusual. However, we could not get the Ulster Unionist Party to participate and they need to explain that to us.
On the other hand, I have to say to my colleagues in Sinn Féin and, by extension, the people with whom they work hard to have some influence with, that I must be able to get the information from them to convince others that paramilitary activity has stopped. I cannot convince the Ulster Unionist Party to share government as long as it thinks paramilitary actions, such as spying in the office, are ongoing. That is the difficulty.
The British military establishment has not convinced—
The Deputy must allow the Taoiseach to conclude his remarks.
No one will be happier than me when I can convince people of these things, but I need to be empowered with the facts.
Can the Taoiseach convince himself—
I can convince myself as soon as I am empowered with the facts, but the trouble, in this phase, is that I have spent seven hard months trying to convince the Deputy's good people to provide me with the facts, but they have not done so. That is the problem which the Deputy must understand.
Not at all. We have all worked hard—