I wish to share time with Deputies Grealish, Hanafin and Kitt.
Private Members’ Business.
Irish Language: Motion (Resumed).
The following motion was moved by Deputy Rabbitte on Tuesday, 23 February 2004:
Go nglaíonn Dáil Éireann ar an Rialtas, toisc go bhfuil an seans ann i rith Uachtaránachta na hEorpa a bheith ag Éireann faoi láthair, agus go bhfuil aitheantas a fháil ag teangacha breise, go bhfuil sé ag teastáil go n-aithnítear an Ghaeilge mar theanga oifigiúil ag an Aontas Eorpaigh agus a institiúidí.
Is that agreed? Agreed.
The Irish language is not an issue which should cause division in this House. Our native language has strong supporters on all sides and all agree it should be strengthened and defended against attack or demise. There are some positive signs that the language is flourishing. There has been strong growth in gaelscoileanna in many areas of the country as is the case in my own constituency. There is a host of classes, cultural groups and clubs which is an indicator of continuing and emerging interest in Irish language, culture and dance among young and old. As we grow in confidence and affluence as a people, there is no sign of a drift away from our traditional attachment to Irish culture — quite the contrary.
Riverdance, which revolutionised traditional Irish dancing combined the best features of traditional dance with contemporary razzmatazz, sound and excitement. Riverdance has become the world's most successful music and dance extravaganza, in less than ten years achieving iconic status. In many ways, it is a modern metaphor for the creativity, confidence and international outlook of modern Ireland.
Although the Irish language has yet to achieve this renaissance in terms of popular culture, there is no shortage of vibrancy among young people for support, admiration and, at times, devotion to the language. Our Gaeltacht colleges host thousands of youngsters every year and within this cocktail of summer holidays and juvenile freedom is to be found the secret ingredient which could inform Government policy for the more successful teaching of Irish in our schools. The emphasis has to be on the spoken word in a fun, learning environment, rather than the dreaded grammar and compulsion to which we were all subjected, unfortunately with no great effect.
The central piece of the Government's programme on Irish, the Official Languages Act, was passed last July and I note President McAleese appointed the Commissioner for the Irish Language this week. I understand successive Governments have sought to enhance the standing of Irish in the EU. In this regard there have been a number of successes. The Treaty of Amsterdam in 1996 confirmed the right of citizens of the Union to write to any of the institutions in Irish and to receive a reply in Irish. I would have thought that would go without saying. Subsequently, in 2001, it was formally agreed that a response to this correspondence should be made within a reasonable period. The Irish representatives at the European Convention which negotiated the draft constitutional treaty ensured that these rights will be maintained.
The Government also requested an Irish language version of the draft constitutional treaty and this has been published. LINGUA, the Union's programme for the promotion of language teaching and learning recognises the Irish language for its projects. Last year, the Government took steps to enhance the standing of the language in the context of the reform of the staff regulations for EU officials. Following the Government's initiative, Irish can be counted as part of the language competence for officials' first promotion.
However, the fact remains that every country which signed the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and every country that signed a treaty of accession since then, had their official languages recognised as official languages of the European Union. The exclusion of Irish in 1972 by the Government was a mistake. It is possible to correct that mistake by taking the opportunity to advocate that Irish achieve recognition as a working language. What better opportunity to do this then when Ireland has the EU Presidency and when ten countries will be joining and nine languages will be added to the existing 11 official and working languages.
The current status of Irish is that of a "treaty language" in the European Union. This has meant that that each successive treaty is published in Irish as well as in the 11 other languages of the current member states. The draft constitutional treaty under consideration at the Intergovernmental Conference would fully maintain this position. The Irish language, therefore, while not an official and working language, has a status in the EU that is quite distinct. By conferring treaty status on Irish, the member states have clearly signalled their understanding of the important place the language holds in this country. In this respect, Irish finds itself in a better position compared to some other languages which are spoken in the Union. For example, Luxembourgish, which is an official language in Luxembourg and is used in its Parliament, is not an official language of the EU, nor is it accorded treaty status.
The Progressive Democrats strongly support the thrust of the Private Members' motion this evening and would consider the tabling of the motion and the debate on it a helpful contribution to the job in hand. I understand that a recently established interdepartmental working group is analysing all the options available to us with a view to identifying practical ways forward. In our view, it should not be an impossible feat to make fast progress on this matter. It is evident from the debate on this motion that there is strong political support on all sides of the House.
The size argument in regard to the numbers of people using the language is unconvincing. Many of the countries joining in May have populations smaller than ours. For example, Estonia has 1.4 million people, Slovenia has 1.9 million and Malta has little more than 380,000 people. It is a fundamental principle of the European Union that language is central to identity. Our language has survived centuries of colonisation, criminalisation and, more latterly, sophistication. It is part of what makes us unique as a race. If the European Union is truly a union of nation states, it is wholly legitimate and
desirable that, as we become bigger players in the EU, we take our language with us.
It is also illogical that although Irish is the official language at home, it is not the official language of the European Union. From May Day onwards, there will be 21 treaty languages and Irish is among them. However, among all of these languages, Irish is the only treaty language that will not also be an official language. The motion when passed must surely strengthen the Minister's hand in seeking to have Irish designated as an official language of Europe in the interim.
I thank Deputy O'Donnell for sharing her time with me.
I welcome this debate, particularly since I represent Galway West, which covers Connemara and a large portion of the Gaeltacht. While the viewpoints and analysis of the many participants may differ, we all join the discussions with the same motive — we wish to preserve, strengthen and promote the Irish language.
I have heard the points made by the proposers of this motion and my constituency colleague, the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, Deputy Ó Cuív, who is playing a leading role in support of the Irish language. It goes without saying that the Irish language organisations and their members are carrying out critical work in this regard.
It is only fair to say that the Governments in which many of the parties have served at different times have taken the opportunity to increase the standing of Irish in the EU. At a time when we increasingly see a smaller number of languages used at meetings of officials in Brussels, there have been some real achievements. Our citizens can now write to any of the EU institutions in Irish and receive a reply in Irish. The draft constitutional treaty which was published last summer was published in Irish. In a new development, Irish speakers who work as EU officials will be allowed to count the language when applying for their first promotion.
The enlargement of the EU to 25 member states will pose major questions for the EU institutions in their efforts to consider the provisions of interpretation and translation services in the future. In the European Commission alone, the number of pages to be translated is expected to increase by approximately 60% over the next two years. Financial and physical implications are involved. For example, where now there are teams of interpreters for 11 languages, there will be teams for 20 languages. There has been a widespread view for some time that the EU needed to streamline its interpretation regime. Last December, agreement was reached on a way forward.
The approach, agreed by member states, will see an increased number of working group meetings in Brussels taking place without any interpretation provision. In practice, these official level groups will work in English and French only. The future regime will encompass the provisions for a full interpretation to a limited number of working groups and a system of payment for interpretation services for existing official and working languages in the remainder of the working groups.
The European dimension of the debate on the Irish language has been the subject of much public debate in recent weeks. I am aware of the case being made that the Government should seek to increase the status of the language within the European Union and its institutions. I welcome the establishment of the inter-departmental working group to study the issue. I am pleased it will review all the options available. I hope the group will come up with proposals which the Government can raise with the institutions in Brussels. It is clear that there would be a broad welcome in the House for any opportunities that arise which would allow for the enhancement of the Irish language in the EU. In this regard the Government accepts the spirit of the motion.
The record of the Government on the Irish language is a strong one. We are aware that for the first time a statutory framework for the delivery of services through the Irish language has been delivered. The Official Languages Act is a concrete demonstration of the commitment of the Government to the Irish language. The main objective of the Act, which we all support, is to ensure better availability and a higher standard of public service through Irish. It is through this type of policy that the position of the language in our society can be reinforced and its vibrancy enhanced. The Government is to be commended for the rapid action it has taken in regard to the Official Languages Act and for investing generous resources to put it into effect.
The work of the Government on the Irish language has not been limited to the Official Languages Act. Over the past seven years, we have seen the establishment of Foras na Gaeilge, the Gaeltacht Commission and a range of other initiatives which my constituency colleague, the Minister, Deputy Ó Cuív, detailed last night. In this context, the suggestion of low expectations or broken promises on the part of the Government is a hollow one. I am confident that, if there is a practical way to improve the status of the Irish language vis-à-vis the EU, the Government will do all it can to move in that direction.
Nach iontach an rud é go bhfuilimid anseo anocht agus go bhfuil an dá thaobh sa Teach ar aon intinn gur cóir dúinn ár dtacaíocht a thabhairt don Ghaeilge agus stádas ceart a bhaint amach di san Eorap? Ag an am céanna, caithfimid bheith réalaíoch faoi seo.
Some weeks ago, I agreed to a request from Conradh na Gaeilge to have a debate on the Irish language during Seachtain na Gaeilge. Little did I know that we would be having this debate, which is equally useful in advance of it. In reality, we do not get enough time, or take the opportunity to discuss either the Irish language or any other topic in Irish. Cuireann sé iontas orm i gcónaí nuair a bhíonn díospóireacht againn sa Teach seo an líon daoine a labhrann as Gaeilge, is cuma cén ábhar atáá phlé againn.
I welcome the fact that the Opposition parties tabled the motion. It gives us an opportunity to look at the Irish language as it is today and as it can be in an expanded Europe. All of us in this House are conscious of identity. Le breis is 100 bliain anuas, tá daoine ag féachaint ar conas is féidir tacaíocht agus stádas níos fearr a thabhairt don Ghaeilge agus conas í a athbheochanú agus stop a chur le meath na Gaeilge. Looking back over the centuries, everyone, including Thomas Davis, Douglas Hyde and Ernest Blythe, recognised that the Irish language is a core and integral part of our identity. Ironically, we are discussing the importance of giving the Irish language status in Europe but, ag an am céanna, Irish thrived more when it was under threat than when it was given support. Ní gá ach féachaint siar ar na péindlithe nuair nach raibh cead ag daoine Gaeilge a labhairt,could not speak it, study it, learn it, share it, to see that it was the time the Irish language thrived most. It is to the credit of people then, and indeed since then, that people have continued to recognise the importance of our identity. I do not accept that an increased status for the Irish language in Europe is the only thing that will ensure its continued revival and support. I accept, however, that it would be a great support to all these people, mé féin ina measc, a labhrann Gaeilge agus a bhfuil grá acu don teanga.
Some Members said that their constituencies include large Gaeltacht areas. Níl aon Ghaeltacht i mo dháilcheanntar i nDún Laoghaire, ach deirfinn go bhfuil níos mó daoine a labhrann Gaeilge ansin ná mar atá in an-chuid dáilcheantair eile. For a constituency formerly known as "Kingstown", the strength of the Irish language in terms of the gaelscoileanna agus teaghlaigh le Gaeilge will perhaps come as a surprise to some people. Tá ceannáras Comhaltas CeoltóiríÉireann sa dáilcheanntar fosta.
It is this type of development which continues to strengthen the Irish language. One sees magnificent new buildings for Coláiste Eoin and Coláiste Íosagáin a méadaíonn meas na ndaltaí ar an áit ina bhfuil siad ag foghlaim. This is a wonderful school which always attracted students. It will now attract even more students because of the great facilities. This is the type of practical support the Government is giving to the Irish language agus an rud céanna leis na gaelbhunscoileanna freisin. Is breá liom an t-airgead agus an tacaíocht atá á tabhairt do ghrúpaí sa ghalltacht a fheiceáil mar, cé go bhfuil a lán ar siúl do lucht na Gaeltachta, ba mhaith liom tuilleadh do dhaoine a dhéanann an-iarracht an Ghaeilge a úsáid mar ghnáthchuid dá saol féin.
Members spoke about teaching Irish and the spoken Irish. Go dtí gur toghadh don Teach seo mé, ba mhúinteoir Gaeilge agus staire mé. I have always placed strong emphasis on the spoken language as the only way to ensure that young people will grow to love the language. I can see why having greater opportunities in Europe to translate and interpret would provide great job opportunities for our young people for whom the written language and the spoken language is their first love and skill. There would be great opportunities in this regard.
Roimh Nollag, bhí mé ag láinseáil leabhar agus foilseachán An Ghúim don bhliain seo chaite, ócáid an-dheas. The range and extent of publications available in Irish, both for very young children and academics, was impressive. Bhí an-mheas agam ar an dá phuipéad nua atá aige, two hand puppets being used to teach primary school children and junior infants called Lug agus Gog. The imagination of people in enabling the most effective devices to be used in the teaching of language is to be recommended.
Cé go bhfuil mé ag caint faoin ghalltacht agus daoine ansin a labhrann Gaeilge, ní mhairfidh an Ghaeilge muna bhfuil an Ghaeltacht féin bríomhar. Le roinnt blianta, feicimid an méid airgid agus cúnaimh atáá dtabhairt don Ghaeltacht, do na mná tí agus na cúrsaí samhraidh sa Ghaeltacht. An litir is deise a fuair mé laistigh den cúpla mhí seo caite ná a letter from the bean an tí with whom I stayed when I was in secondary school. Tá sí anois ina nochaidí ach bhí sé an-dheas gur scríobh sí chugam le fáil amach cad é atá ar siúl agam. Seo an sórt tuiscint atá i measc daoine a labhrann Gaeilge, agus feicimid sin le Teachtaí ar an teilifís nó an raidió, Raidió na Gaeltachta agus TG4 ach go háirithe, a dhéanann sár-obair an Ghaeilge a spreagadh agus daoine eile a mhealladh isteach leis an teanga a labhairt.
Ba mhaith liom díriú isteach ar chúrsaí Gaeilge, go háirithe na cinn a eagraítear lasmuigh den Ghaeltacht do dhaoine óga. Sa chathair seo, eagraítear cúrsaí gach bliain for children who are too young or who might not have the right standard of Irish to go to the Gaeltacht. These are fun day courses for children ar nós Brú É a eagraítear i gColáiste na Carraige Duibhe. From the ages of five to 15 these children are encouraged to go to summer camp in the same way as they would go ordinarily to a soccer, football or tennis camp. However, this is a fun summer camp through Irish where children get the opportunity to develop their love for the Irish language. Ní thugaimid aon tacaíocht do chúrsaí mar sin agus is cóir dúinn féachaint an féidir aon tacaíocht a thabhairt dóibh le daoine a mhealladh leis an Ghaeilge a úsáid agus ansin níos déanaí, nuair a bheidh caighdeán ard acu sa Ghaeilge agus iad níos sine, is féidir leo dul chuig an Ghaeltacht agus cúltur agus atmaisféar a bhláiseadh.
Ag filleadh chuig an rún, labhair daoine anocht about the great progress that has been made in regard to the Irish language over many other languages. It is always encouraging when one reads the Central Statistics Office figures and realises that the number of people who say they can speak Irish is growing. Whether those people or Members present would read all the documents from Europe in Irish is debatable. I for one would find them difficult enough to read in English without having to read them in Irish. We need to introduce a sense of realism and practicality about this. Is it necessary to translate thousands upon thousands of pages of technical detail into Irish? We can at least work towards progressing a system or recognition of the Irish language which would not involve any unnecessary work. While such a move might provide jobs in interpretation and translation services, we need to be practical and realistic.
An interdepartmental group has been set up to examine how we can progress this issue. The motion proposes that we progress it during our Presidency. This proposal does not belong exclusively to our Presidency ach tarlaíonn gon-aontófar an Eoraip nua ar 1 Bealtaine agus tá deis ann féachaint an féidir linn dul ar aghaidh leis seo. Chomh maith le daoine eile ar dhá thaobh Tí, tááthas orm labhairt ar son stádais cirt a thabhairt don teanga san Eoraip, ní fheadar cad é an stádas sin agus conas gur féidir á bhaint amach.
Ag dul siar 30 bliain ó shin, agus daoine ag déanamh a gcuid oibre ar an ábhar seo, níor cheap daoine that Europe would become so expanded that we would be dealing with many languages. We cannot go back 30 years, but we can go back a few months to see exactly what increased status we can give the language, although not only for the sake of its revival. The Irish language will survive without Europe. It has survived mostly when it was in pain of threat, but we should support those people, na heagrais Gaeilge agus na daoine a labhrann Gaeilge agus a dhéanann an-obair ar a son. Is féidir linn cabhrú leo freisin.
Taispeánann an díospóireacht seo cé chomh láidir agus atá an tacaíocht don teanga. Bhíáthas orm an tacaíocht céanna a fheiceáil agus mé ag labhairt sa díospóireacht faoin ábhar seo cúpla seachtain ó shin sa Seanad. Bhí díospóireacht den scoth againn sa Teach eile an uair sin. Is léir go bhfuilimid ar comhaigne faoin scéal agus go bhfuil gach páirtí ag seasamh le chéile ar son na teanga.
This debate has demonstrated the great well of support and affection for the Irish language in this House. This comes as no surprise to me and it is also no surprise that the support is cross-party and extends to all regions. While there are many issues on which Members might have serious and strong differences, the Irish language is not one of them. No party has ownership of this issue and, wisely, no party would claim one.
I had the honour of participating in a Seanad debate last month when a similar motion was discussed. Senators from all parties showed similarly strong support for the maintenance and promotion of the Irish language. The debate was a lively one and demonstrated a heartfelt wish to see the language flourish with particular emphasis on how we can encourage the interest of our young people in the language. It was a pleasure for me to listen to the many native Irish speakers. We are fortunate to have a considerable number of them in this House, including my colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Hanafin.
The debate on the position of the Irish language in our society strikes a deep resonance and the contributors from all walks of life bring a variety of issues to the discussion, approaching it from historical, cultural, social, economic and psychological directions. While the viewpoints and analyses of the many participants may differ, we all join in the discussion with the same motive, a strong wish to preserve and promote the Irish language. The debate often stirs strong passions and highlights the truly profound material and emotional investment individuals and communities make in a central aspect of our culture and identity.
The deep commitment to improving the standing of the Irish language reaches well beyond this House. In particular, I wish to acknowledge the role played by the Irish language organisations and communities for the strenuous efforts they have made over many decades. The vibrancy of the language is a tribute to their work and I know they are especially concerned to ascertain if there is an opportunity to enhance the status of the Irish language in an enlarged European Union.
The commitment of the Government to the Irish language is not in doubt. My ministerial colleague, Deputy Ó Cuív, spelt out last night the progress that has been made over the past seven years.
Not very clearly
The Official Languages Act, on which the Minister, Deputy Ó Cuív, has shown great leadership, is in place and the implementation phase is under way. The Act's overriding aim is to ensure that public services through Irish are more widely available and to a better standard than before. The Government is committed to the implementation of the Act, something that will require serious levels of financial and human resources.
I welcome the appointment this week of the Commissioner for the Irish Language, who will be based in Galway and will have the task of supervising and monitoring the implementation of the Act. This legislation poses a great challenge for public bodies, which will need to build their capacity to deliver services to customers and to issue publications in English and Irish in the medium term.
The Government has taken action to promote Irish across a spectrum including by taking innovative measures in areas of business employment and education. I am aware there is a high level of interest in the debate on the use and standing of the Irish language in the European Union, and this pace has gathered in recent weeks. I received representations on the matter. In addition to the Seanad, the Forum on the Future of the Europe debated the matter in January. There was significant public discussion on this subject in those recent weeks. Much of the discussion has situated the issue in the context of the negotiations on a new constitutional treaty, the impending historic enlargement of the Union on 1 May and Ireland's Presidency of the Union. A number of different views have been offered by interested parties on the potential that these and other avenues present for the improvement of the status of the Irish language.
In order to have this matter examined as fully as possible, the Government recently established an interdepartmental committee and it is only right that this should thoroughly examine the issues relating to official and working language status. Some of them are complex and are deserving of full consideration. There is a range of issues to be examined, including the translation of documents and the availability of interpretation services at meetings.
That the Government wishes to have these matters examined should not be read to mean that it has a negative view on them. It was heartening to hear such strong support in the debate for the Irish language. It also is heartening to know that, outside this House, there is great commitment and concrete results to show for it, as my colleague the Minister of State, Deputy Hanafin, outlined. The increase in the numbers and locations of gaelscoileanna is especially encouraging. This is the case in my constituency of Dublin South and many other parts of the country.
The two Governments led by the Taoiseach have displayed a serious approach towards the need to foster the language. I have little doubt that this will continue to be the case, including in the context of the status of the Irish language in the European Union. In this regard and taking into account the need for the Government to examine the issue as thoroughly as possible, I am happy to support the spirit of the motion. Cuirim fáilte roimh an díospóireacht agus tá mé sásta tacaíocht a thabhairt do spioraid an rúin agus tá súil agam go mbeimid in ann oibriú le chéile leis an ábhar tábhachtach seo a chur chun cinn.
Tá mé ag roinnt ama leis na Teachtaí Gregory, Finian McGrath, Cowley, McHugh agus Boyle, san ord sin.
Tá sin aontaithe.
Molaim leasú Uimh. 1:
An méid seo a leanas a chur isteach sa líne dheireanach, i ndiaidh "institiúidí":
"agus a iarraidh ar Choimisiún na hEorpa an leasú cuí ar Rialachán 1, 1958, a dhréachtú agus a chur faoi bhráid na Comhairle Airí".
Fograím díoma nár iarr moltóirí an rúin seo orainn i Sinn Féin nó ar na Teachtaí neamhspleách ár n-ainmneach a chur leis an rún, is trua sin. Fáiltím, áfach, roimh an chinneadh atá acu glacadh lenár leasuithe. Is céim chun tosaigh sin.
Díoma eile ná go bhfuil an Rialtas ag dul i gcoinne na leasuithe atá os ár gcomhair. Ní thuigim meon an Rialtais in aon chor, mar níl ann ach hypocrisy. Oíche aréir, dúirt an tAire go gcaithfí athrú ar bith i stádas oifigiúil na Gaeilge a dhéanamh trí Rialachán 1, 1958 a athrú. Níl i leasú s'againne ach díreach an modh sin a bheith luaite chun stádas na Gaeilge a bhaint amach. Ní thuigim é. Má tharlaíonn sé go bhfuil baill an Rialtais ag dul i gcoinne na leasaithe, impím orthu, fiú anois, athrú poirt a chur orthú féin. Níl mé chun díriú isteach ar na buntáistí a thiocfaidh as aitheantas breise ar son na Gaeilge san Aontas Eorpach; tá sé sin déanta cheana féin ag an Dr. Pádraig Ó Laighin go han-mhaith, agus b'fhiú an doiciméad sin a léamh muna bhfuil sé léite ag duine de na Teachtaí sa Tigh.
Tá mise ag lorg chearta na Gaeilge mar cheart. Mar Ghaeilgeoir agus mar Éireannach, tá leatrom déanta orm, agus tá mé ag impí ar an Rialtas an leatrom sin a chur dínn. Bhí mé anseo aréir nuair a bhí an tAire, an Teachta Ó Cuív, ag labhairt ar an chás seo, agus is oth liom a rá nár athraigh an méid a bhí le rá aige m'intinn faoi sheasamh an Rialtais thar na blianta faoin Ghaeilge.
Ag am amháin ina ráiteas, bhí an chuma air go raibh sé ag cur an mhilleáin ar Chonradh na Gaeilge nár thóg siadsan raic faoin cheist seo i 1972 agus go raibh siad ró-ghafa le cur i gcoinne an Chómhargaidh féin. Bhí an ceart aige; bhí siad gafa leis sin ag an am. Roimhe sin, ag an am, agus ina dhiaidh sin, bhí siad ró-ghafa ag déanamh iarrachtaí cearta teangan agus daonna a iomrascáil ó Rialtas an Stáit seo. Dá mbéadh an Stát seo dearfach i leith na gcearta sin agus i leith na Gaeilge, b'fhéidir go mbeadh an t-am ag Conradh na Gaeilge agus eagrais deonacha eile obair an Rialtais a dhéanamh chomh maith.
Dúirt an tAire aréir go raibh sé go hiontach go bhfúil grúpa oibre bunaithe chun an cheist seo a chiaradh. Tá an grúpa oibre sin 30 bliain ró-dhéanach. Cén fáth nach raibh sé ann ag an am? Cén fáth nach raibh sé ann ó shin in ainneoin go raibh acmhainníá n-éileamh ag daoine difriúla? Dúirt an tAire chomh maith go gcaithfimid teacht ar na fíricí uilig. Sin an ráiteas a dúirt sé anseo sa Teach aréir.
Bhí sé ag caint faoi Chonradh na Gaeilge aréir. Ní raibh an ceart aige.
Ní raibh. Bhí sé mícheart, ach dúirt sé gur cheart dúinn féachaint ar na fíricí uilig. Tá fochoiste bunaithe aige, ach ní gá. Is féidir leis an bhfochoiste sin a scoir mar tabharfaidh mise na fíricí dó. Níl stádas ag an Ghaeilge mar theanga oifigiúil oibre san Aontas Eorpach; sin fíric amháin. Níor lorg aon Rialtas an stádas sin ariamh; sin fíric eile. Tá deis againn anois é sin a lorg, ach go háirithe toisc go bhfuil an Uachtaránacht againn agus go bhfuil go leor teangacha eile ag teacht isteach agus ag fáil an stádais céanna atáá lorg againne. Tá sé sin ag tarlú i mbliana. Ní gá ach rún simplí chun leasú a dhéanamh ar Rialachán 1, 1958 chun é sin a dhéanamh, agus is féidir é a lorg go héasca ó Chomhairle na nAirí ag an chéad chruinniú eile, nó fiú níos déanaí ag an chruinniú i Meitheamh.
Muna ndéanfar é sin, agus muna nglacfar leis sin, beidh orainn leanúint ar aghaidh leis an troid seo mar a rinne Gaeilgeoirí agus lucht tacaíochta na Gaeilge thar na blianta. Impím ar an Aire na céimeanna simplí seo a thógáil gan mhoill, gan ligint do mhoilleadóireacht agus na leithscéalta a thogann ó na státseirbhísigh stop a chur leis, mar a rinne na mandarins frith-Ghaelacha a bhí in Iveagh House i dtús báire i 1972. Caithfimid an deis atá againn a thapú. Ba cheart don Aire dul sa seans agus ceannasaíocht a ghlacadh. Cé atá i gceannas anseo: na státseirbhísigh nó an Rialtas? Níor chóir go nglacfadh aon Rialtas leis an meon go gcaithfear bheith cinnte go mbúfar an cheist sula gcuirfear é. Má cuirtear an cheist, tiocfaidh an duais amach anseo. Níor chóir go mbéadh an Rialtas nó an tAire ach go háirithe ag brath ar an chacamas a bhíá chur os ár gcomhair aige dár teideal non-paper (m.d. 139/02), mar níl ann ach sin — dréacht de chacamas de shórt éigin. Níl stádas dlíthiúil ar bith ag baint leis, agus níor chóir go mbeimis ag díriú ar cheist Mhálta. B'fhéidir go mbeadh ceisteanna tíortha eile ar nós Latvia ní b'fhearr. Impím ar an Rialtas glacadh leis an leasú agus leis an rún uilig.
Ba mhaith liom ar dtús an addendum atá thíos ar an gclár in ainmneacha na dTeachtaí Neamhspléacha a mholadh, agus a chur ós comhair na Dála anocht, sé sin, go dtiocfaidh an Rialtas ar ais chuig an Dáil roimh 1 Meitheamh 2004 le freagra ón Aontas Eorpach ar an rún seo.
Tá sé an-suntasach go bhfuil sé i gceist ag an Rialtas vótáil anocht i gcoinne an addendum atá curtha síos ag na Teachtaí Neamhspleácha ar an rún atá os ár gcomhair anocht. Tá sé thar a bheith soiléir gurb é a bhí i gceist ag an Rialtas ná glacadh leis an rún gan vótáil ar bith, gan oiread agus faic dá laghad a dhéanamh faoin rún, agus gan faic a dhéanamh chun aitheantas a fháil don Ghaeilge mar theanga oifigiúil de chuid an Aontais Eorpaigh.
De réir cosúlachta, ós rud é go bhfuil an addendum de chuid na dTeachtaí Neamhspleácha curtha leis an rún, bhéadh ar an Rialtas teacht ar ais chuig an Dáil le toradh a chuid iarrachtaí, sé sin, teacht ar ais le freagra ar an gceist ón Aontas Eorpach, ach níl an Rialtas sásta fiú an méid sin a dhéanamh. Ba chóir go mbéadh náire ar Fhianna Fáil go háirithe vótáil i gcoinne an addendum bunúsach seo. Tá a leithéid de chladhaireacht ó Fhianna Fáil leis an seasamh sin dochreidte do gach aon duine sa tír seo a thugann dílseacht don teanga náisiúnta.
Cuireann teacht isteach na dtíortha nua san Aontas Eorpach ceist na dteangacha náisiunta i gcomhthéacs nua. Dhiúltaigh na tíortha nua ar fad don stádas lenar ghlac an tír seo don Ghaeilge, rud a fhágann an Ghaeilge mar an t-aon teanga oifigiúil Stáit a bhfuil stádas níos ísle aici san Aontas Eorpach ná mar atá ag teanga oifigiúil aon bhallstáit eile. Is é Rialtas na hÉireann féin a d'iarr an stádas áirithe sin nuair a bhíÉire á glacadh isteach san Aontas. Anois, le linn Uachtaránacht na hEorpa a bheith mar chúram againn, is cóir dúinn lánstádas oifigiúil oibre a iarraidh don Ghaeilge. Tá sé scanallach agus dochreidte nach bhfuil Fianna Fáil, de réir cosúlachta, sásta an méid bunúsach sin a dhéanamh.
I thank the Ceann Comhairle for the opportunity for speaking to this motion on the Irish language and on the urgent need to have it recognised as an official language of the European Union and its institutions. The fact that the motion is before the House shows clearly another example of the direction Europe is taking and the urgent need to ensure that diversity and difference are accommodated in a Europe based on principles of equality and justice. I support the motion and demand that the Government become more organised and ensure respect for our language. Failure to do so is cultural vandalism and part of the "tipping the cap" syndrome that sadly exists in our society.
San am céanna, tá orainn go léir obair le chéile ar son ár dteanga. Tá an Rialtas seo lag, agus tá ar gach duine tacaíocht a thabhairt don tairiscint seo. An rud is tábhachtaí anseo anocht ná go n-iarrann Dáil Éireann ar an Rialtas an deis a thapú, ós rud é go bhfuil Uachtaránacht na hEorpa ag Éirinn agus ós rud é go ndéanfar teangacha oifigiúla breise de chuid an Aontais a aithint de thoradh na 11 ball nua breise, le cur in iúl don Aontas Eorpach gur mian leis go n-aithneofar an Ghaeilge mar theanga oifigiúil de chuid an Aontais Eorpaigh agus a chuid institiúidí. Tá ar gach Teachta Dála anseo tacaíocht a thabhairt don rún seo. Sin an rud is tábhachtaí sa díospóireacht seo.
This issue is above party politics and above any Deputy. It is about our language, culture and country, and about asserting our difference and independence. That is why I support the motion. The disregard shown for our national language is typical of this Government's short-sighted vision. Some Cabinet Ministers — I stress some — are like parasites feeding off the Irish nation and killing it slowly at the same time. Is there any pride left in the political establishment of this State? Do its members care that they will be remembered as those who presided as the Irish nation and culture evaporated off the face of the earth? They are the same people who moan to us about funding TG4 while they see nothing wrong with spending €40 million on electronic voting.
It is time for Members of this House to put Ireland first. They seem to care more about their masters in Europe than for the majority of our citizens. I urge all Deputies to put political differences aside in this debate and to put our language first. Let us unite in demanding that the Irish language be recognised as an official language of the EU and its institutions. I am amazed the Government is not supporting the addendum from the Independent group.
In 1973 Ireland joined the European Community. At that time Irish was, and still is, the official language of Ireland. However, for no good reason, the Government at the time of joining the European Community, did not seek to have Irish adopted as an official language of the European Community. It adopted a dog in the manger attitude, displayed an inferiority complex and sought only to have our country's official language recognised not as an official language but as a treaty language, an inferior status for the language.
After May this year, there will be 21 treaty languages. It is a shame for Ireland that Irish, in the absence of Government action, will be the only one among them that will not be an official language. It is unacceptable that as countries signed accession treaties, the regulation governing the language regime of the institutions was amended to give recognition as official languages to the national languages of the new member states. As far as I know, this has been done in every case with the exception of Ireland.
Language is central to people's identity and, therefore, linguistic diversity must be respected. The draft treaty establishing a constitution for Europe contains an objective that "the Union should respect its rich cultural and linguistic diversity and should ensure that Europe's cultural heritage is safeguarded and enhanced." I ask that the Government take that objective on board, apply it to Ireland and set the process in motion for recognition of the Irish language as an official working language of the European Union. It is entirely a matter for the Government to make the arrangements for Irish to be recognised as an official working language by informing the European Union that it wishes to have the relevant regulations modified to include Irish as an official working language.
I am absolutely amazed that the Government proposes to vote against the amendment to the motion tabled by the ten Independent Deputies in the Technical Group. That addendum merely calls on the Government to report to Dáil Éireann on the response of the European Union by 1 June 2004. The decision to vote against our addendum indicates that the Government has no intention of pursuing the objective of official recognition.
Molaim an rúin in ainm na dTeachtaí Dála Neamhspleácha nach mór don Rialtas teacht ar ais don Dáil agus tuairisc a thabhairt ar fhreagra an Aontais Eorpaigh ar stádas na Gaeilge roimh 1 Meithimh 2004.
Ba cheart don Rialtas oibriú go cruaidh air seo. Tá sé an-tábhachtach go mbeidh an Ghaeilge mar theanga oifigiúil san Aontas Eorpach. Tá na mílte daoine ann a bhaineann an-taitneamh as bheith ag labhairt na Gaeilge agus tá a lán daoine óga ag baint úsáid aisti sna Gaelscoileanna, rud iontach a thugann dóchas don teanga. Tá suim agam féin sa teanga mar tá baint agam le rásaí na ngeoltaí in Aicill agus bímid ag plé na rásaí as Gaeilge gach samhradh.
An t-aon rud a chaithfidh an Rialtas a dhéanamh ná a rá leis an Choimisiún Eorpach go bhfuil sé beartaithe aige go mbeidh an Ghaeilge ina teanga oifigiúil san Aontas agus an acquis communicaire a aistriú go Gaeilge. Tá an obair sin tosaithe cheana. Beidh a lán postanna le fáil air sin, go speisialta dóibh siúd atá cleachtaithe sa Ghaeilge.
D'éist mé leis an Aire Ó Cuív agus tá an-suim aige sa teanga agus suim aige go ndéanfar an rud seo. Níl sé déanta, áfach, agus caithfimid an cheist a chur cén fáth. Tá géar-ghá leis seo a dhéanamh agus ba cheart go bhfuil náire ar an Aire nach bhfuil an Rialtas chun é a dhéanamh. Níl locht ar an Aire go fóill ach beidh muna bhfaighimid freagra maith ar 1 Meithimh 2004.
Is fearr go mall ná go breá, mar a déartar, agus tá seans againn go mbeidh daoine in ann an Ghaeilge a labhairt i bParlaimint na hEorpa. Tá sé scanallach don tír seo nach raibh Seán Ó Neachtáin agus Mary Bannotti in ann Gaeilge a labhairt gan cead a fháil. Ní mór don Rialtas teacht ar ais le freagra maith ar an rún seo.
On my relatively few visits to the European Parliament to Green group meetings, I have always taken the opportunity to make a 30 second introduction as Gaeilge just for the mischievous pleasure of seeing translators scurrying around trying to find out what language is being spoken. Such an action was taken by the Fianna Fáil MEP, Brian Crowley, on his first day in the European Parliament. Ultimately, such actions ring hollow and only show the subordinate nature of the Irish language in the European Union. That makes it more necessary for a motion of this nature to be passed with what seems to be the fully expressed view of this House.
Comhdháil Náisiúnta na Gaeilge issued an interesting fact sheet as Fraincis, as Béarla agus as Gaeilge listing 15 reasons the Irish language should become an official language of the EU. It is in order to place those 15 reasons on record. The first reason is that the present situation is anomalous, and that has become fairly obvious from the contributions of many to this debate. The second reason is that the opportunity now exists anois, an deis mar a déarfá. The third reason is that no renegotiation is needed, even though the Green Party could suggest several areas of renegotiation in different European Union treaties. The fourth reason is the question of Irish national identity. While we have improved in terms of national self-confidence through economic improvements, linguistic confidence is still beyond many of us. I lack the confidence to make a contribution in this House as Gaeilge and I hope that situation will change. My party leader literally speaks for the party on the Irish language. We hope that in the long run more of us in the parliamentary party will attain the standard he so successfully maintains.
Other reasons include the shame factor, the inferiority complex attached to the language and the fact that we have a capacity to make this change now. In terms of graduates and school leavers in particular, there are economic reasons for pursing official language status. Each year this House takes on legal students for work experience in the translation section. As European Union legislation is becoming increasingly part of our legislative code, such an opportunity and a facility should exist for Irish students and graduates to work within the legal framework of the European Union.
Other reasons listed by Dr. Liam Mac Cóil include the fact that we would translate for ourselves in Brussels. Irish translators are part of a subordinate unit to the English translation service. There is no compulsory Irish in Brussels. While English is a working language, official language status would raise that of Irish.
The cost argument is not an obvious one because it is negligible. European citizenship for Irish speakers can only be enhanced through the recognition of Irish as an official EU language and, ultimately, the language can and will prosper as a result of such recognition.
Ba mhaith liom mo chuid ama a roinnt leis na Teachtaí Gilmore agus Upton.
Agreed.
Tugaim lán-tacaíocht don rún seo atá molta ag Páirtí an Lucht Oibre, an Teachta Rabbitte ina measc, chun stádas oifigiúil a thabhairt don teanga Ghaeilge. Bhí mé ag éisteacht leis an díospóireacht, agus bhí chuile dhuine á rá go bhfuil suim mhór sa Ghaeilge agus go bhfuil gach duine báúil di. Labhair siad faoi na rudaí atáá ndéanamh ag an Rialtas i leith fhorbairt na Gaeilge. B'fhéidir go bhfuil cuid de sin fíor.
Ag an am céanna, áfach, is é an fáth go bhfuil an brú ag teacht i leith stádas oifigiúil a thabhairt don Ghaeilge ag an bpointe seo ná go bhfuil seans ag an Rialtas seo nach raibh ag Rialtas ar bith cheana ón am a ndeachamar isteach sa Chómhargadh i 1972. Tá an Uachataránacht ag Éirinn faoi láthair, agus tá an Taoiseach mar Uachtarán ar an AE. Tá deich dtír eile ag teacht isteach, agus tabharfar stádas oifigiúil dá dteangacha. Tar éis 1 Meitheamh, ní bheidh an seans sin againn aríst, mar ní bheidh Uachtaránacht againn aríst mar atá againn faoi láthair. Cibé rud atá an Rialtas á dhéanamh, nó cibé rud nach bhfuil an Rialtas á dhéanamh, is é an príomhrud — an rud bunúsach anseo — ná go bhfuil seans ag an Taoiseach mar Uachtarán ar an AE an jab seo a dhéanamh agus deireadh a chur leis. Níl sé i gceist go mbeadh chuile phíosa páipéir á aistriú go Gaeilge, agus tá a fhios ag gach duine ón méid daoine atá ag labhairt na Gaeilge agus ón mbrú atá thart faoin tír, sna gaelscoileanna sna grúpaí atá ag déileáil le forbairt agus labhairt na teanga, go bhfuil easpa misnigh acu siúd má fheiceann siad gur theip ar an Rialtas aríst an rud sin a dhéanamh.
Nuair a bhí mé féin i mo leaid óg agus ag fás suas, agus le ceithre scór bliana anuas, séard a bhí ina phríomhaidhm ag lucht Fhianna Fáil ná athbheochan na teanga. Le linn chuile thoghcháin ghinearálta, luaíodh é sin, ag chuile ard-fheis agus le chuile cheannaire de pháirtí an Aire, bhíodar ag labhairt, thíos san RDS nóáit éigin eile, faoi athbheochan na teanga, agus dúirt siad go raibh sé ina phríomhaidhm ag lucht Fhianna Fáil.
Anois, tá seans ag an Aire agus ag an Rialtas an rud seo a thógáil go hidirnáisiúnta. Ní thiocfaidh an seans aríst. Dóibh siúd atá thuas ansin agus do na daltaí atá thart faoin tír, don aos óg agus don ghlúin atá ag fás suas, ba cheart, san Uachtaránacht dheireanach seo, go gcuirfeadh an Rialtas brú ar dhaoine chun an jab a dhéanamh. De réir mar a thuigimse é, níl deacracht ar bith ag baint leis. Níl ar an Taoiseach ach an litir a scríobh chuig an Uasal Prodi agus an rud a mholadh go hoifigiúil mar Uachtarán ar an AE, agus glacfar leis. Má déantar é sin, beimid sásta anseo sa Teach go bhfuil glactha leis an moladh. Ní thuigim ar chor ar bith cad chuige nach bhfuil fonn ar an Rialtas teacht ar ais chuig an Teach le labhairt faoi fhreagra an AE don rún a mholfaidh an Taoiseach. Faoi láthair, tá am fágtha againn. Cibé Aire atá ag tabhairt freagra ar an rún seo, ba mhaith liom go n-iarrfaí ar an Rialtas go gcuirfí an moladh go foirmeálta agus go hoifigiúil roimh an gCoimisiún, go mbeadh litir scríofa ag an Taoiseach mar Thaoiseach agus mar Uachtarán ar an AE go ndéanfaíé seo. Dá nglacfaí leis sin — tá súil agam go nglacfar leis — bheadh fonn ar an Rialtas teacht ar ais anseo ar son díospóireachta sa Teach seo chun glacadh leis an rún seo.
Mar a dúirt mé, tá mé buíoch de cheannaire Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre agus de na páirtithe eile as an rún a chur síos, agus tugaim lán-tacaíocht don rún seo. Tá súil agam, sa deireadh thiar thall, go dtiocfaidh Fianna Fáil agus na hAirí amach á rá go cinnte go raibh sé ina phríomhaidhm ag a bpáirtí athbheochan na Gaeilge a chur ar bun agus, ní hamháin go raibh siad ag déileáil leis sin ach go bhfuil siad ag cur stádas oifigiúil idirnáisiúnta ar ár dteanga dúchais anois.
Tááthas orm an deis seo a fháil labhairt ar son an rúin seo go dtabharfar aitheantas don Ghaeilge mar theanga oifigiúil oibre san Aontas Eorpach. Bhí mé anseo aréir nuair a labhair an tAire Ó Cuív. Labhair sé go ginearálta faoin Ghaeilge, ach ar ndóigh, ba bheag a bhí le rá aige faoin rún féin. Cinnte, níor chuir sé i gcoinne an rúin, nó níor mhol sé aon leasú dó. Ag an am céanna, níor shoiléirigh sé dúinn cad é seasamh an Rialtais ar stádas na Gaeilge san Eoraip. Níos tábhachtaí, b'fhéidir, níor chinntigh sé dúinn cad a dhéanfadh an Rialtas faoi. Is dócha go bhfuil an Dáil anocht chun glacadh leis an rún tábhachtach seo, ach níl mise dóchasach ar aon nós go bhfuil an Rialtas i ndáiríre faoi agus go bhfuil sé chun an beart a dhéanamh agus aitheantas a thabhairt don Ghaeilge. Chuala mé an tAire Ó Cuív aréir ag leagadh síos coinníollacha, leithscéalta agus fadhbanna le ligint dúinn smaoineamh go bhfuil an Rialtas agus é féin ag déanamh a ndíchill i leith na Gaeilge ach, faraor, go bhfúil rialacha Eorpacha éigin ag cur ina gcoinne. Bhíóráid an Aire Uí Chuív an-chasta, agus níos casta fós ós rud é gur athraigh sé a script. I mo thuairim, tá cuid de na hathruithe idir an script agus an méid a dúirt sé sa Dáil an-tábhachtach. Comhairlím dóibh siúd a bhfuil suim faoi leith acu san ábhar seo comparáid a dhéanamh idir script an Aire a scaipeadh do na Teachtaí anseo aréir agus an méid a dúirt sé sa díospóireacht.
Document No. 2.
Leirionn sé sin, cé go bhfuil an Rialtas ag glacadh leis an rún, nach bhfuil sé ar intinn aige ar chor ar bith aon rud a dhéanamh faoi i ndáiríre.
The Government is accepting the motion because, I presume, it would be a step too far for it to oppose it. It does not appear, however, that it intends to do anything serious about the motion. The inconsistencies between the script which the Minister circulated last night and the speech he actually he delivered here demonstrate that quite clearly. It is a case of there being many a slip between script and speech. I will examine four areas of the Minister's speech to the House last night. First, he told us, as is usual with a difficult question, that the Government had established an interdepartmental group to look into the question and to examine the options. He told us in the script:
Tá an grúpa ag déanamh iniúchadh ar réimse roghanna ag súil gur féidir an bealach is praiticiúla a aimsiú le cur le stádas na Gaeilge san Eoraip.
But what he actually said in the course of his speech was that the purpose of the group and, indeed, the meetings with Comhdháil Náisiúnta na Gaeilge, to which he referred, were for the purposes of "an Ghaeilge a chur chun cinn". That is a somewhat different emphasis.
The second issue is the Minister's reference to the treaty signed by the Government last December. Dúirt sé go bhfuil a fhios ag an Teach go bhfuil an conradh aontachais daingnithe ag Éire trí ionstraimí daingnithe a bhí leagtha isteach ar 18 Nollaig 2003 agus nach féidir le hÉire nó aon bhallstát eile téarmaí an chonartha aontachais a phlé in athuair. The Minister is saying because it was signed on 18 December, it must, therefore, be reopened and renegotiated. However, that is not the case and it is open to the State to assert that the Irish language is the official language that it wishes to use in the European Union.
The Minister then dealt with the reasons Maltese has become one of the official working languages of the Union and why there is a difference between the Maltese and Irish positions. Dúirt sé, "Agus na moltaí seo á ndéanamh ag an gCoimisiún, is cosúil gur bhunaigh sé caighdeán áirithe a úsáideadh mar shlat tomhais agus úsáid na Máltaise á mheas aige. Léiríonn athbhreithniú ar na caighdeáin sin gur rinneadh an cinneadh sin air go n-úsáideann na hinstitiúidí ar fad i Málta an Mháltais a áirítear ina measc sin an Parlaimint, an Rialtas agus na cúirteanna".
The Minister drew attention to what he calls the "slat tomhais". Maltese is used generally in the Maltese Parliament and that is the criterion used by the Commission to decide whether a language should be an official language. The Minister has laid down in advance the excuse that will be trotted out later. He will return to the House to say the Government supported the motion but the "slat tomhais" has defeated it.
Towards the end of his contribution the Minister veered off his script entirely and referred to the obligation on Members to use the Irish language more frequently. He referred to his time in Conradh na Gaeilge as a youth and the number of times he uses the language. However, he left out an interesting paragraph in his script, which reveals another excuse that will be trotted out.
Sa scríbhinn, deir sé "chaithfeadh an Coimisiún an moladh a dhéanamh don athrú sin agus, mar sin, le go n-athrófaí stádas na Gaeilge, chaithfeadh an Coimisiún cuí a dhéanamh don Chomhairle maidir leis an rialachán agus chaithfeadh an Chomhairle a aontú air sin d'aon ghúth.".
This is the fourth in a sequence of excuses that is being lined up. While the Minister agreed with the motion and outlined how much he has done for the Irish language, which I acknowledge, he has lined up a sequence of excuses and conditions that will be trotted out when the Government puts its hands up and says it did its best but it could not achieve its aim.
Tá an Rialtas ag leagan síos na coinníollacha agus leithscéalta seo ionas go mbeidh sé in ann a rá go ndéarna sé a dhícheall ach nach raibh sé in ann an beart a dhéanamh sa deireadh.
The teaching and learning of Irish and its official recognition has been the subject of much passionate and emotive debate for many years. This debate is positive in terms of setting the scene regarding the official recognition of the Irish language by the EU. However, in the lead up to the Presidency, the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs suggested the window of opportunity it provided should be used to promote Irish. This is a cop out on the part of a Minister and a party which is so committed to the Irish language and its promotion. Mar a dúirt an Teachta Kenny, sé ceann de na príomhaidhmeanna i gcónaí ag an Rialtas ná athbheochán na teanga. Tá an seans aige anois sin a dhéanamh. A token gesture should not be made towards the revival of the language and its status and the opportunity to have the official status of the language recognised and copperfastened should be grasped.
Chun go ndéanfaí an Ghaeilge a aithint mar theanga oifigiúil don Aontas Eorpach, is gá go gcuirfeadh Rialtas na hÉireann in iúl don Aontas gur mian leis go ndéanfaí a amhlaidh. Tugann an tUachtaránacht an seans sin dúinn ár n-ionad iomlán san Eoraip a athaimsiú.
Le síniú an chonartha aontachais is déanaí, chuir Éire fáilte, le héifeacht ó 1 Bealtaine amach, roimh deich mballstát nua agus naoi dteanga oifigiúil nua san AE. Ba cheart go mbeadh an Ghaeilge ina measc sin agus an stádas céanna ag baint leis. Tá mórán buntáistí ag baint le stádas na Gaeilge mar theanga oifigiúil. Bronnann stádas oifigiúil buntáistí fostaíochta do shaoránaigh na dtíortha atá i gceist. Ón lá comharthaithe amach, chuirfeadh an tAontas na rialacháin agus treoracha ar fad ar fáil as Gaeilge, mar a dhéanann sé le gach teanga oifigiúil eile. Mar atá an sceal faoi láthair, ní cheadmhach mar cheart ach teangacha oifigiúla a úsáid i bParlaimint na hEorpa. Ligtear do chomhaltaí teangacha eile a labhairt i gcúinsí teoranta ach tá sé riachtanach cead a iarraidh agus a bheith tugtha roimh ré.
Gach bliain, bíonn éigeandáil ann faoi chaighdeán na Gaeilge san ardteist, nó faoin laghdú ar an méad daltaí a dhéanann an scrúdú. Nuair a bhaineann teanga stádas idirnáisiúnta amach, cabhraíonn sé le buanú na dteanga féin trí dhearcadh níos fabhraí di a chothú i measc lucht labhartha.
The EU will have 20 officials language from 1 May. Ireland and the Irish language will be disadvantaged until it has the same status as the other 20 languages. The language should not only be given token recognition during the Presidency. It is welcome that Irish will be spoken and promoted during the Presidency but there is a need to confirm the status and equivalence of the language together with all the other European languages that have official status. The recognition of Irish as an official language will provide opportunities to seek and obtain employment. The laws of the Union will be provided in Irish and Irish MEPs will have the right to address the Parliament in Irish. These are tangible advantages but the promotion and recognition of the language would also have a cultural value. A number of the concerns relating to the teaching and learning of the language should be removed. The relative and importance of the language would be appreciated and recognised and the Government should dispense with its ambivalence in regard to its commitment to the status of the Irish language in Europe.
A window of opportunity is available to the Minister during the Presidency to outline a timeframe and put a plan in place whereby the status of the language can be copperfastened. It is not enough, nor is it acceptable, to issue vague and non-commital statements on the issue. Many of the positive developments relating to the language have been mentioned. There is a fresh interest in many of the values associated with the language through scholarships and teaching and its culture and traditions. There is an opportunity to consolidate this interest through the conferring official status on the language in the Union.
Tá sé tábhachtach go bhfuil an díospóireacht seo againn. I dtús báire, ba mhaith liom a rá go gceapaim go bhfuil meas ar an teanga sa tír seo inniu nach raibh ann le tamall. Tá sé le feiceáil, mar shampla, sna bunscoileanna lán-Ghaeilge atá ag obair leo go héifeachtach ar fud na tíre. Tá siad ag spreagadh daoine óga leis an teanga a úsáid go coitianta agus go nádúrtha. Tá an scéal céanna sa chóras scoile i gcoitinne. Dá bharr, sílim go bhfuil athrú mór tagaithe ar dhearcadh na ndaoine óga ar an teanga. Molaim freisin sár-obair Raidió na Gaeltachta agus TG4. Táimid uile brodúil as a gcuid oibre, agus go háirithe an "súil eile", difriúil ghéar a thugann siad ar chúrsaí — agus ní hamháin ar chúrsaí spóirt. Is soiléir freisin go bhfuil an-obair á déanamh ag na heagrais Gaeilge. Gabhaim búiochas pearsanta agus buíochas an Rialtas leo. Is soiléir freisin go bhfuil an-obair amach is amach á dhéanamh ag na heagraithe Gaeilge. Ba mhaith liom mo bhuíochas phearsanta agus buíochas an Rialtais uile a ghabháil leo. Ní déarfainn go mbeadh an díospóireacht seo againn murach a gcuid oibre agus a gcuid brú. Go mba fada buan agus éifeachtach iad.
Tá sé leagtha amach ag an Rialtas — agus chun an fhírinne a rá, ag gach Rialtas ó bhunadh an Stáit — ár ndícheall a dhéanamh chun an teanga a choinneáil beo agus í a neartú ar fud na tíre. Tá dea-scéal spreagúil le hinsint againn inniu. B'fhiú do gach duine anseo dul ar ais agus ráiteas an Aire Gnóthaí Pobail, Tuaithe agus Gaeltachta sa Teach seo aréir a léamh. Is leor domsa a rá gur ainmníodh, ar an Luan seo caite, an chéad Choimisinéir Teanga ariamh san tír seo — dul chun cinn stairiúil chun stádas na teanga a fheabhsú agus a neartú.
The debate on the Irish language in the European Union has gathered pace in recent weeks. It is understandable that this should be so, with enlargement only months away and Ireland holding the Presidency of the Union. A variety of points are being made in correspondence with public representatives and through the media on the merits of the case to include Irish as an official and working language of the Union. The Government is listening to these points. I echo another point made last night by the Minister, Deputy Ó Cuív. The fact that the Government has drawn attention to some of the practical difficulties involved does not signal in any way a lack of will on our part.
We have recently established an interdepartmental working group which is continuing to analyse all the options available to us. This working group is examining a range of issues, some of which involve complex considerations, with a view to identifying additional practical and sensible opportunities to enhance the status of the Irish language. Each option will be thoroughly examined.
A critical question which needs to be considered is the exact meaning and scope of an official and working language of the Union. It is generally understood that official and working language status allows for the translation of all official documents and the provision of a comprehensive interpretation service for a range of meetings. The point might legitimately be put by some in Europe that this might infer that at least a significant part of business conducted by Irish political and official representatives would be done through Irish. We would also have to consider the task of translating the estimated 85,000 pages that make up the EU acquis.
When the Taoiseach addressed this issue in the House on 28 January he confirmed that he was very open to efforts to improve the standing of the Irish language in the European Union. He also recognised that our case might not be strictly comparable with others and he expressed the hope that a middle way forward might be found.
Before any action is taken, we need to take a thorough, methodical and balanced approach. The interdepartmental committee should be allowed to continue with its work to consider, among other things, the issues relating to translation, interpretation and intervening in Irish, to which this issue gives rise. We will need to examine fully the exact scope of what we are discussing in this debate before we make any request to the Commission.
Our approach should be to move forward in a determined but sensible way and along the lines I have described. Until we have completely examined the issues involved, it would be premature and unwise to consider the precise basis on which we would approach the Commission. In short, and pending the outcome of the work of the interdepartmental committee, an attempt to define the timing, manner and content of an approach to the EU would be precipitate. It is for these reasons that the Government does not intend to act in the manner prescribed by the two amendments, although it will report to the Dáil on the possibilities of progress at the earliest feasible opportunity.
The Government accepts the spirit of this motion and will continue to work on enhancing the use and status of the Irish language in the European Union. I reiterate my view that there is genuine goodwill on all sides towards the Irish language in the House. Cad chuige nach mbeadh? It is very strong on the Government side, mar a bhí ariamh, and we have demonstrated this by making real strides in areas where successive Governments have struggled to register progress. Many of the issues touched on in this debate go to the heart of the discussion about how best to maintain and strengthen the language, a debate which we have had among ourselves for decades. Logically, we must be careful that we are not perceived to be making demands on the EU that we would not make of ourselves. It is vital that the solutions we seek are positive for the standing and development of the language. Such solutions must be practicable and sustainable. The Government is determined to work hard to find them.
Mar a duirt mé, tá grúpa oibre ag plé na ceiste tábhachtaí seo. Go háirithe, beidh an grúpa ag diriú ar dheiseanna oiriúnaí a aithint chun an teanga a chur chun cinn san Aontas Eorpach. Tá a fhios ag an ngrúpa go bhfuilimid ag iarraidh dul ar aghaidh go luath, agus go bhfuilimid ag tnúth le tuarascáil uathu chomh tapaidh agus is féidir.
Mar a déarfaí i mBéarla, níl aon rud ar an bpláta sa Bhruiséal. Bheadh sé ciallmhar mar sin fanacht leis an tuarascáil sar a chuirimid tús le gníomh ar bith. Idir an dá linn, glacann an Rialtas le spriod an rúin seo. Mar atá a fhios ag cách, táimid beagnach uile anseo sa Dáil ar aon bharúil faoin scéal, ach caithfimid na deiseanna a aithint i dtús baire. Níl an dara rogha againn. Nuair a bhéas siad againn, déanfaidh an Rialtas a dhícheall chun moltaí an ghrúpa a chur i gcrích chomh tapaidh agus is féidir.
Is pribhléid dom cupla focal a rá ar son an rúin seo. Is mian liom a rá go bhfuil údair an rúin seo ag glacadh leis an leasú a moladh ag Sinn Féin agus leis an addendum in ainm na dTeachtaí Neamhspleácha.
Gabhaim mo bhuíochas le gach duine a ghlac páirt sa díospóireacht. Tá daoine ann a labhrann Gaeilge sa Teach — ina measc mo chomhainmneach, an Teachta Joe Higgins, a labhrann Gaeilge go minic — nach raibh seans acu labhairt. Tá an ceart ag an Aire go bhfuilimid go léir ar aon bharúil faoi chás thábhachtach na Gaeilge ach nílimid den bharúil céanna faoin gcaoi is fearr chun dul ar aghaidh ag an bpointe seo. Tá sé ag teastáil uainn go nglacfadh an Rialtas le rún ón Teach seo iarratas a chur ar aghaidh go Coimisiún na hEorpa go n-aithneofaí an Ghaeilge mar theanga oifigiúil. Sin atá uainn.
Tá daoine a deir nach bhfuil an t-am ceart fós. Dúradh é sin faoi Raidió na Gaeltachta agus faoi Theilifís na Gaeilge. Deirtear i gcónaí nach bhfuil an t-am ceart. Ach tagann amanna agus muna dtógtar an seans atá ann — mar atá sa gcomhthéacs atá ann faoi láthair — beidh an seans caillte.
Bhí mé sásta leis an méid a dúradh ag na cainteoirí ar fad a labhair anocht. Labhair an Teachta O'Donnell anocht i bhfábhar an rúin. Níl an tAire Gnóthaí Pobail, Tuaithe agus Gaeltachta i láthair anocht. Tá sé in áit éigin san Eoraip, sa domhan nó ina chroí féin. Labhair sé areir go maslach agus go dúr cantalach. Níor phléigh sé an cheist. Caithfidh mé nithe áirithe adúirt sé a cheartú. Labhair sé faoi Málta aréir, mar shampla, agus bhain séúsáid as "non-paper". Is féidir le héinne glaoch ar an gCoimisiún agus cóip den pháipéar seo a iarradh. Ní bhfaighfear í, mar níl aon stádas ag baint léi. Bhí ar an Aire é sin a admháil nuair a cuireadh brú air aréir. Mar sin féin, bhí sé ar Raidió na Gaeltachta ag baint úsáid as an bpáipéar céanna.
Labhair an tAire faoin am nuair a bhí sé ar Choiste Gnó Chonradh na Gaeilge. Mhaslaigh sé Conradh na Gaeilge. Dúirt sé gur chuir Conradh na Gaeilge i gcoinne dhul isteach i gComhphobal na hEorpa agus dá bhrí sin, nach raibh seans ag an gConradh aon aird a thabhairt ar cheist na teanga ag an am. Bhí sé ag caint leis féin faoi sin. Nuair a bhí an tAire ar Choiste Gnó Chonradh na Gaeilge scríobh an Conradh go dtí an Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha ar 1 Lúnasa 1970, ar 15 Meán Fómhair 1970 agus ar 7 Deireadh Fómhair 1970. Fuair an Conradh freagra ar 8 Feabhra 1971 ag glacadh leithscéala go raibh na litreacha caillte ag an Roinn agus ag lorg cóipeanna breise ionas go bhféadfadh an tAire freagra a thabhairt orthu. Nuair a fuair an Conradh freagra faoi dheireadh i Mí Feabhra 1971 dúradh, "Dar ndóigh, níor tháinig an t-ábhar seo [ceist na teanga] faoi chamáin fós".
Nuair a d'fhoilsigh an Rialtas Páipéar Bán i Mí Eanáir 1972, dúradh ann:
Tá an Ghaeilge á haithint mar theanga oifigiúil de chuid na gComhphobal mhéadaithe. Beidh teanga na mballstát nua eile, an Béarla, an Danmhairgis agus an Ioruais ina dteangacha oifigiúla freisin, maraon le teangacha oifigiúla an Chomhphobail atá ann faoi láthair, eadhon, an Fhraincis, an Ghearmáinis, an Iodáilis agus an Ollainnis.
Níl sé sin fíor. Ní raibh na rudaí adúirt an t-Aire oíche aréir faoi Chonradh na Gaeilge nó faoi Mhálta fíor. Leanann sé ar aghaidh chun rud áirithe eile a rá, díreach mar an rud céanna a bhfuil mé tar éis éisteacht leis cúpla noiméad ó shin, faoin méid oibre a bheadh ag teastáil agus go gcaithfí na paipéir uilig a aistriú. Níl sin fíor ach an oiread. Tá sé leagtha síos sa gconradh gur féidir le hinstitiúid ar bith de Comhphobal na hEorpa a leagan síos cad iad ná páipéir agus na téacsanna a chaithfaí a aistriú. Ansin dúirt go dtéann sé go mall ach sa deireadh sroicheann sé an sprioc atá uainn. An rud atá á iarraidh uaidh agus ón Rialtas ná an fhírinne a insint i leith an ruda seo, an rud atá muid ag éileamh ar gach taobh den Teach, is cuma má tá Teachtaí neamhspleách nó ina mball pháirtí, agus rud éigin a dhéanamh ag an bpointe seo, nuair atá an seans againn.
Cén sórt seans é? Ní bhaineann sé le teanga amháin nó le haistriúchán, baineann sé le haitheantas, féinmheas, ilgnéitheachtas cultúir agus rud atá tábhachtach domsa, mar dhuine nach labhrann Gaeilge ón gcliabhán, ná teangabháil a dhéanamh don oidhreacht atá ann ó thaobh cultúir, litríochta agus ceoil de. Níl muid ag cur éilimh ar éinne sa Chomhphobal nach bhfuil muid ag cur orainn féin. Ní léacht ón Aire Ó Cuív a bhí ag teastáil uainn aréir. An rud a bhí ag teastáil uainn ón Aire aréir ná a bheith ionraiciúil agus an cheist a fhreagairt an bhfuil sé i bhfábhar prionsabal an rúin. Ní raibh sé sásta sin fiú amháin a rá nó an fhírinne a rá faoin gcomhthéacs atá ann ó thaobh na dtéacsanna i gComhphobal na hEorpa. An bhfuil sé toilteannach an iarracht a dhéanamh agus glacadh le comhairle uainne go bhfuil an t-atmaisféar tráthuil faoi láthair les a dhéanamh? Is é sin an Ghaeilge a bheith san áit atá a bhfuil teangacha thíortha eile ar nós An Eastóin nó An Laitvia. Ní bheidh siadsan ag iarraidh go nglacfar cruinnithe san mBruiséal nó i Londain trí mheán a dteanga féin. Níl muid ag iarraidh sin ach an oiread. An rud atá uainn nó ag am nuir a bheidh níos mó ná 20 tír ann, agus 20 teanga oifigiúil aitheanta, go mbeimis san áit chéanna. Tá sé soiléir dúinn go léir sna blianta atá le teacht go mbainfí úsaid as trí nó ceithre teanga, mar beidh sin praicticiúil agus réalaíoch. Cén fáth nach féidir leis an Ghaeilge bheith i measc na dteangacha oifigiúla eile?
Rud eile a rá, go bhfuilimid in ann dul chun cinn a dhéanamh ar bhealach éigin eile. Is féidir, dár leis an Aire, sórt éabhlóid a dhéanamh ón stádas mar theanga conartha. Níl sin fíor ach an oiread mar na hathraithe a tháinig i gconradh Amsterdam, nuair a bhí mé féin mar Aire, agus na hathraithe i gconradh Nice, tháinig siad ar iarratas na Spáinnigh agus na bPortaingéiligh. Ní raibh baint dá laghad acu le stádas teanga conartha Éireann. Sin an fhírinne agus sin an sórt dallamullóg atá an tAire ag iarraidh a chaitheamh ar ár súile. Sin an fáth go mbeidh mé ag glacadh leis na leasuithe. Aimsíonn leasú Uimh. 1 an próiseas agus ina dhiaidh leagtar síos amchlár fána mbeidh dualgas ar an Rialtas teacht ar ais don Dáil agus a rá go raibh an job déanta aige agus an freagra a fuair sé.
Tá muid soiléir, áfach, faoin rud atá an Rialtas ag déanamh. Tá sé i bhfabhar Gaelscoileann, an cheoil Gaelaigh; na staire agus gach rud eile ar fud na tíre a luaigh na hAirí Stáit agus daoine eile. Tá muid an-bhuíoch go bhfuil siad i bhfabhar na nithe sin. An cheist anocht, áfach, an bhfuil an Teach seo sásta a rá leis an Rialtas go bhfuil muid i bhfabhar stádas oifigiúil don Ghaeilge, rud nár tharla trí bhotún i 1972.
Ionas go mbeimid ionraic, is féidir leis an Aire a stair féin a léamh. Dúirt sé go raibh sé ag déanamh tagairt do leabhar ard fheis Conradh na Gaeilge 1971 nuair a bhí sé ag déanamh na quotations sin. B'fhéidir go bhfuil sé deacair don Aire nithe áirithe a chuimhniú ach cuirfidh mé in aigne iad dó má tá sé ag teastáil uaidh. Chomh maith leis sin, ón méid a tharla anocht, bhí sé béasach agus ba léir go bhfuil suim ag daoine sa Ghaeilge ach is cuma faoi sin. Tá súil agam go sroichfidh sé an leibhéal béasa atá ar fáil de ghnáth imo dháilcheanntar féin.
Tá sé tábhachtach ní amháin glacadh leis an bprionsabal ach glacadh leis an commitment féin é a chur i gcrích leis an gCoimisiún. Mar a dúirt an Teachta Gilmore, tá sé suimiúil an rud atá an Rialtas a rá: an moladh teacht on gCoimisiún agus tá an tír agus an Rialtas seo sórt neodrach ar an gceist. Níl sé neodrach ar an gceist, caithfidh sé an t-iarratas a chur ar aghaidh chuig an Coimisiún, tosnóidh an Coimisiún ar an obair atá ag teastáil agus beimid go léir sásta ag an bpointe sin.
Rud eile a bhíá phlé ar Raidió na Gaeltachta. Cé hiad na daoine atá inár gcoinne? An bhfuil an Coimisiún i gcoinne an ruda seo? Tá sé léirithe agam an sórt cur i gcéill agus rud bréagach a bhí ráite faoi Mhálta. Níl an Coimisiún ina choinne. An bhfuil ball de Chomhairle na nAirí ina choinne? Níl aon fhianaise go bhfuil. An bhfuil costas ro-mhór ag baint leis? Níl. An bhfuil sé fíor go gcaithfimid gach rud a aistriú? Níl sé fíor. An rud atá tábhachtach nó go n-aithnítear an tábhacht atá ag baint, ó thaobh cultúir de, ní amháin le húsáid teanga ach go mbeidh an teanga aitheanta mar ghné dár bpearsantacht féin. Beidh na glúinte faoi chomaoin an-mhór ach go háirithe don Dr. Pádraig Ó Laighinn as ucht an éachta atá déanta aige ar son an ábhair seo, agus do na heagrais ar fad a locht páirt san fheachtas.
Tá sé tábhachtach nár luaigh muidne sa Dáil go raibh muid ag déanamh rogha idir an rud seo a chur ar aghaidh in Aontas na hEorpa agus spriocanna eile atá againn ar son na Gaeilge sa tír seo. Rinne an Rialtas an argóint oíche aréir agus anocht nach bhfuil an ceart againn an rud seo a éileamh go dtí go bhfuil spriocanna áirithe bainte amach againn sa tír seo féin. Sin rud eile bréagach agus léiríonn sé an seoiníneachas atá ann i leith na Gaeilge. Tá muid ag caint faoi cheart i gcomhthéacs ceartanna eile. Tá muid ag caint faoi bhotún uafásach, rud iontach a rinneadh sna 1970s, b'fhéidir ar mhíthuiscint. B'fhéidir go raibh daoine eile ann agus cheap siad go mbeadh uallach ró-mhór orthu an Ghaeilge a labhairt i bhfóram idirnáisiúnta. Tá sé in am deireadh a chur leis an bhfrithintleachas sin agus a ghlacadh leis an bpearsantacht agus an cruthachas atá ar fáil i leith cúrsaí teanga agus ceoil. Ba chóir go mbeimid mórálach as an stair atá againn, an méid atá bainte amach againn agus an samhlaíocht is féidir linn a úsáid chun nithe níos mó a bhaint amach, nithe déanacha agus cothromaíocht ar son na hEorpa.
Tá muid san Eoraip le fada agus sna 1970í dhiúltaigh muid glacadh leis an seans a bhí againn ár dteanga a bheith aitheanta mar theanga oifigiúil. Tá sé thar am go gcuirimid deireadh leis sin. Ag an bpointe nuair atá an Eoraip ag leathnú, nuair atá tíortha nua ag teacht isteach, ba cheart úsáid a bhaint as an seans agus a rá leis an Chomhaontas go bhfuilimid anois ag iarraidh gan bheith mar éiscíoch ach bheith ar chomhionannas le tíortha eile san Eoraip agus go mbeidh ar dteanga aitheanta mar theanga oifigiúil. Nílimid á dhéanamh seo ar bhonn eacnamaíochta, fiú go bhfuil buntáistí eacnamaíochta ann, nó ar bhonn sóisialta, ach ar bhonn cultúrtha go bunúsach. Tá fealsúnacht ag baint leis, sé sin, san am atá le teacht go mbéadh na glúnta atá le teacht in ann rá go raibh muidinne ar a laghad, tar éis 30 bliain de bhotúin uafásacha, sásta an t-iarratas a dhéanamh chun ár bpearsantacht agus ár gcearta féin a bhaint amach i leith cúrsaí teangan. Sin an fáth go gcaithfimid an vóta a dhéanamh i bhfábhar an rúin seo, an leasú agus an addendum. Sin an rud atá uainn, agus sin an rud a iarraim ar an Rialtas a dhéanamh; gan bheith i gcoinne an rúin, an leasú nó an addendum.
Amendment put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 51; Níl, 65.
Tá
- Boyle, Dan.
- Breen, James.
- Broughan, Thomas P.
- Burton, Joan.
- Connaughton, Paul.
- Costello, Joe.
- Cowley, Jerry.
- Crowe, Seán.
- Cuffe, Ciarán.
- Deasy, John.
- Deenihan, Jimmy.
- Durkan, Bernard J.
- Enright, Olwyn.
- Gilmore, Eamon.
- Gogarty, Paul.
- Gormley, John.
- Gregory, Tony.
- Hayes, Tom.
- Healy, Seamus.
- Higgins, Joe.
- Higgins, Michael D.
- Hogan, Phil.
- Howlin, Brendan.
- Kehoe, Paul.
- Lynch, Kathleen.
- McCormack, Padraic.
- McGinley, Dinny.
- McGrath, Finian.
- McGrath, Paul.
- McHugh, Paddy.
- Mitchell, Gay.
- Mitchell, Olivia.
- Morgan, Arthur.
- Moynihan-Cronin, Breeda.
- Murphy, Gerard.
- Noonan, Michael.
- Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.
- Ó Snodaigh, Aengus.
- O’Dowd, Fergus.
- O’Sullivan, Jan.
- Pattison, Seamus.
- Penrose, Willie.
- Rabbitte, Pat.
- Ryan, Seán.
- Sargent, Trevor.
- Sherlock, Joe.
- Shortall, Róisín.
- Stagg, Emmet.
- Stanton, David.
- Upton, Mary.
- Wall, Jack.
Níl
- Ahern, Michael.
- Ahern, Noel.
- Andrews, Barry.
- Ardagh, Seán.
- Aylward, Liam.
- Brady, Johnny.
- Brady, Martin.
- Browne, John.
- Callanan, Joe.
- Callely, Ivor.
- Carty, John.
- Cassidy, Donie.
- Collins, Michael.
- Cooper-Flynn, Beverley.
- Coughlan, Mary.
- Cregan, John.
- Cullen, Martin.
- Curran, John.
- Dempsey, Tony.
- Dennehy, John.
- Devins, Jimmy.
- Ellis, John.
- Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
- Fleming, Seán.
- Gallagher, Pat The Cope.
- Glennon, Jim.
- Grealish, Noel.
- Hanafin, Mary.
- Haughey, Seán.
- Hoctor, Máire.
- Jacob, Joe.
- Keaveney, Cecilia.
- Kelleher, Billy.
- Kelly, Peter.
- Killeen, Tony.
- Kirk, Seamus.
- Kitt, Tom.
- Lenihan, Brian.
- Lenihan, Conor.
- McCreevy, Charlie.
- McEllistrim, Thomas.
- McGuinness, John.
- Moloney, John.
- Moynihan, Donal.
- Moynihan, Michael.
- Mulcahy, Michael.
- Nolan, M.J.
- Ó Fearghaíl, Seán.
- O’Connor, Charlie.
- O’Dea, Willie.
- O’Donnell, Liz.
- O’Flynn, Noel.
- O’Keeffe, Batt.
- O’Malley, Fiona.
- Parlon, Tom.
- Power, Peter.
- Ryan, Eoin.
- Sexton, Mae.
- Smith, Michael.
- Wallace, Dan.
- Wallace, Mary.
- Walsh, Joe.
- Wilkinson, Ollie.
- Woods, Michael.
- Wright, G.V.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Ó Snodaigh and Stagg; Níl, Deputies Hanafin and Kelleher.
Amendment declared lost.
I move amendment No. 2:
To add to the motion:
"; and calls on the Government to report to Dáil Éireann on the response of the European Union by 1st June, 2004."
Amendment put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 53; Níl, 65.
Tá
- Boyle, Dan.
- Breen, James.
- Broughan, Thomas P.
- Bruton, Richard.
- Burton, Joan.
- Connaughton, Paul.
- Costello, Joe.
- Cowley, Jerry.
- Crowe, Seán.
- Cuffe, Ciarán.
- Deasy, John.
- Deenihan, Jimmy.
- Durkan, Bernard J.
- English, Damien.
- Enright, Olwyn.
- Gilmore, Eamon.
- Gogarty, Paul.
- Gormley, John.
- Gregory, Tony.
- Hayes, Tom.
- Healy, Seamus.
- Higgins, Joe.
- Higgins, Michael D.
- Howlin, Brendan.
- Kehoe, Paul.
- Lynch, Kathleen.
- McCormack, Padraic.
- McGinley, Dinny.
- McGrath, Finian.
- McGrath, Paul.
- McHugh, Paddy.
- Mitchell, Gay.
- Mitchell, Olivia.
- Morgan, Arthur.
- Moynihan-Cronin, Breeda.
- Naughten, Denis.
- Noonan, Michael.
- Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.
- Ó Snodaigh, Aengus.
- O’Dowd, Fergus.
- O’Sullivan, Jan.
- Pattison, Seamus.
- Penrose, Willie.
- Perry, John.
- Rabbitte, Pat.
- Ryan, Seán.
- Sargent, Trevor.
- Sherlock, Joe.
- Shortall, Róisín.
- Stagg, Emmet.
- Stanton, David.
- Upton, Mary.
- Wall, Jack.
Níl
- Ahern, Michael.
- Ahern, Noel.
- Andrews, Barry.
- Ardagh, Seán.
- Aylward, Liam.
- Brady, Johnny.
- Brady, Martin.
- Browne, John.
- Callanan, Joe.
- Callely, Ivor.
- Carty, John.
- Cassidy, Donie.
- Collins, Michael.
- Cooper-Flynn, Beverley.
- Coughlan, Mary.
- Cowen, Brian.
- Cregan, John.
- Cullen, Martin.
- Curran, John.
- Dempsey, Tony.
- Dennehy, John.
- Devins, Jimmy.
- Ellis, John.
- Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
- Fleming, Seán.
- Gallagher, Pat The Cope.
- Glennon, Jim.
- Grealish, Noel.
- Hanafin, Mary.
- Haughey, Seán.
- Hoctor, Máire.
- Jacob, Joe.
- Keaveney, Cecilia.
- Kelleher, Billy.
- Kelly, Peter.
- Killeen, Tony.
- Kirk, Seamus.
- Kitt, Tom.
- Lenihan, Brian.
- Lenihan, Conor.
- McEllistrim, Thomas.
- McGuinness, John.
- Moloney, John.
- Moynihan, Donal.
- Moynihan, Michael.
- Mulcahy, Michael.
- Nolan, M.J.
- Ó Fearghaíl, Seán.
- O’Connor, Charlie.
- O’Dea, Willie.
- O’Donnell, Liz.
- O’Flynn, Noel.
- O’Keeffe, Batt.
- O’Malley, Fiona.
- Parlon, Tom.
- Power, Peter.
- Ryan, Eoin.
- Sexton, Mae.
- Smith, Michael.
- Wallace, Dan.
- Wallace, Mary.
- Walsh, Joe.
- Wilkinson, Ollie.
- Woods, Michael.
- Wright, G.V.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Gregory and Stagg; Níl, Deputies Hanafin and Kelleher.
Amendment declared lost.
Motion agreed to.