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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 15 Jun 2004

Vol. 587 No. 2

Garda Síochána Report: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann

—noting the commitment in the programme for Government to increase the numbers of gardaí by 2,000;

—noting conflicting statements by Ministers in recent weeks concerning the closure of Garda stations;

—noting increasing public concern about the unacceptable level of public order offences;

—deploring the Government's delay in publishing the SMI Report on Garda Síochána Structures and Organisations

—demands that the Government immediately publish this report and indicate how its commitment in the programme for Government to increase garda numbers will be met.

I wish to share my time with Deputies O'Dowd, McCormack and Ring.

I take the view that our Garda force is not a political pawn to be manipulated for the benefit of the political parties in Government. This applies whether the Minister, Deputy McDowell, is making empty promises about increasing garda numbers or whether he is avoiding straight answers on the closure or downgrading of Garda stations. Now the elections are over and the Government parties have got an appropriate response from the people, we need a post-11 June version from the Minister on plans for the Garda Síochána.

An important report has been on the Minister's desk for the past six months. The information in this report was paid for by the public. The public is a stakeholder in the outcome of this report. I am strongly of the view that the public is entitled to the publication of the report so that it can debate it and be consulted on it. I also take the view that the 12,000 men and women in the Garda Síochána are entitled to see that report because they are not only stakeholders but shareholders in the future of the Garda Síochána and are entitled to be fully consulted and to have their views taken into account. What we do not want is the drip-feed to the media on the basis of suiting the Minister in regard to information in that report. I say publish and be damned. The public is entitled to the full information in that report, as is the Garda Síochána. If the Minister has anything to say or any announcements to make on the report, any such announcements can only be considered in the context of the publication of the full report, otherwise it cannot be properly assessed.

Since the foundations of the State, the Garda Síochána has provided unrivalled service and marvellous commitment. The Garda was one of the first pillars of the State to be put in place by the provisional Government in 1923. I do not believe I would be overstating it if I said it was an institution of the State. Despite occasional criticisms, there is an incredible degree of goodwill towards the Garda. People have confidence in the gardaí and they take great comfort from seeing a garda on the beat, but there is a problem.

When travelling to Leinster House — I come a long distance from west Cork — there is a fair chance that the only garda I am likely to see will be at the gates of the House. Why is that? We must consider that fact. Having gardaí on the beat not only eases the mind of the public, but it thwarts the deeds of the criminal. Since this Government came to power seven years ago, it has choked the resources of the Garda to such an extent that it is now quite rare to see a garda on the beat.

Another important point to make in regard to the Garda Síochána is that it is an unarmed force. It is a point I need to make because one of the many passing references from the Minister which got a headline some months ago was one to the possible arming of gardaí, which would be a disastrous mistake.

The motion leads off on the question of Garda station closures. Local Garda stations serve a far greater purpose than one might initially believe. They do more than serve as an office for the gardaí; they are a focal point in the communities which they serve. They serve as a link between the gardaí and those communities. What is also important is that the Garda Síochána can give great service when it has information. The more Garda stations, whether in the inner cities or in rural areas, the more information available to members of the force serving in them.

That gives rise to the question of the position on Garda stations. What is their future? What is the situation in regard to the downgrading or otherwise of Garda stations? I am totally confused. In Templemore last month, it was reported that the Minister clearly indicated some Garda stations were to close. I understand that was not in his script, which makes it even more confusing. If Garda stations are to close, the Minister should make a clear statement on the issue and give us the list of the stations he has in mind.

To make the issue even more confusing, there was a statement from the Minister's colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, on local radio in his area categorically stating that no Garda stations would close in Laoighis-Offaly. Has he seen the list or is he merely improvising on the hoof for local consumption in Laoighis-Offaly? What is needed is a full and comprehensive statement on this issue. According to newspaper reports on future plans for the Garda Síochána, there is a suggestion that a range of stations will be downgraded. Such downgrading would obviously have implications for the service and the numbers available in such stations as well as for opening hours.

I cannot emphasise too much the importance of the Minister's being absolutely up front on this issue. The local elections are over and the people have made it clear they are not satisfied with the way this Government is carrying on its business. One of the major changes which must take place is that all members of this Government should be open, transparent and honest. I suggest that is even more important in the case of the Minister, Deputy McDowell, in regard to Garda stations.

The same issue arises in regard to the equipping of the Garda Síochána. A recent case in the District Court in Cork showed that the law did not match the equipment the Garda Síochána had or possibly the equipment did not match the law. What was absolutely clear in that case was that the Garda was not being properly equipped with modern equipment to enable it to enforce the law. The modern criminal is very much up to pace on the issue of technology. Modern technology enables criminals to operate in a different way and, therefore, as far as technology is concerned, the gardaí must be in a position to cope with any modern advances.

In the case of drug dealing, the idea of drugs being exchanged on the streets is gone. I understand there are few street corner drug dealers. The modern modus operandi is dial-a-deal. The dealer has a car and a mobile telephone and is, in many instances, untraceable.

From the point of view of equipment, gardaí must be fully resourced, but they have not been. A commitment must be given by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform in terms of the balance of resources available during the remainder of his term of office.

The real problem facing the Garda Síochána is the lack of numbers. This problem has long been recognised. It is not rocket science. It was fully admitted and isolated by the Fianna Fáil Party and the Progressive Democrats as the main issue regarding the Garda Síochána prior to the last election. That resulted in a clear and unequivocal commitment from both parties to increase Garda numbers. There was no doubting the figures. It was proposed to employ 2,000 extra gardaí, in addition to the 11,800 gardaí already employed. That promise was reinforced in the programme for Government entered into immediately after the election, yet what has happened? It is not only that the extra numbers have not been provided, but what is worse, from the point of view of the Garda Síochána and members of the public who want them, the necessary facilities to provide for extra gardaí have not even been put in place.

Other than an occasional promise or a headline from the Minister, there is not even a draft plan to put in place the necessary facilities which will start the process of increasing the output from Templemore. The college there is now operating at full capacity. It is not possible for extra numbers to be trained there on the basis of existing facilities. It is time we knew exactly what will happen.

At one stage when this matter was raised with the Minister, it elicited the usual weasel words, "when economic circumstances permit". There was no question of economic circumstances being a factor when these promises were made. In any event the figures show that economic circumstances are not an issue. The promise that was made should be kept. I want the Minister to now spell out exactly the Government's intention in this respect and what will be done to address this need during the remaining few years of the lifetime of this Government. Unless there is an accelerated rate of recruitment, the numbers might be lower at the end of the term of this Government, taking account of Garda retirement and other circumstances.

This is all a backdrop to the increase in crime levels and concern about it among the public. I get sick and tired of reading that the level of this or that crime has increased or decreased by 2% and of massaging and manipulation of the figures. From the published official reports the figures are clear. There were 85,000 headline crimes in 1998, the first full year in office of the parties in government. The figure in 2002 was 106,000 crimes. We read occasional headlines and statements from the Minister that the level of a particular crime has increased by 2% or decreased by 4%. There are lies, damned lies and statistics. Let us not avoid the point. There is an enormous increased level of crime here, partly due to an increasing level of urbanisation. There are many ways of dealing with this problem. One is to have a sufficient number of gardaí. That is accepted and recognised by everybody, yet the commitment to provide them has not been kept. What is the Minister's reaction to the failure to honour that commitment? What strategy will be put in place to address this need over the next two years, or is the Minister throwing in the towel on addressing this issue?

On that front, another aspect must be taken into account. We should be slow to send young offenders or perpetrators of minor crimes to prison. We should use alternative strategies to deal with them. There is a need for prisons, but there is some confusion about the issue. The Minister made announcements about building new prisons, but these are plans on paper. It will be many years before new prisons are built whereas a number of prisons have been closed but that is not set out on a paper plan. Approximately, one in every 20 convicted criminals is on early or temporary release. There is a shortage of prison places. Our prison system runs at about 98% of capacity every day. We seem to be rapidly heading back to the revolving door syndrome. It is important that the Minister's plans in that regard are fully spelt out.

The motion notes the commitment to increase Garda numbers by 2,000. It also notes the conflicting statements concerning the closure of Garda stations. The Government should let the public know what is planned. Making vague, general policy statements and then expecting the Garda Síochána to bear the political flack because of restricted budgets is not the way to deal with this issue. It is important that we have clear statements from the political head responsible, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, and if there is political flack, it is not in the interests of members of the Garda Síochána that it is diverted to them. The Minister is paid to take the flack. The approach I outlined is not an acceptable one to be followed by the Government or the Minister.

The motion also notes the level of public concern about the unacceptable level of public order offences. That speaks for itself. We have given the figures, but there has not been an answer from the Government. The motion deplores the Government's delay in publishing the SMI Report on Garda Síochána Structures and Organisation. Drip-feeding it to the public is not the way to deal with it. The Government should publish it and get the Minister's reaction to it. Six months is long enough for it to have been left gathering dust on the Minister's desk.

These are enormously serious issues for members of the public and members of the Garda Síochána. It is time for a change of approach. The message from the general public is clear. The Minister might be the first in the firing line from the point of view of a change of approach. The approach adopted in recent years has not worked. The implementation report should be published. The Minister should indicate clearly what will happen to Garda numbers over the last couple of years of the Government's term of office.

I agree with my colleague about the state of law and order. It is clear the Government is failing in every respect, particularly in terms of the promises it made before the last general election. If one reads The Irish Times website, one can see the assessment of the newspaper’s correspondent before that election was that the Fianna Fáil-PD coalition’s plan for 2,000 extra gardaí was the key to its election programme. However, the plan was not implemented. The core of the Fianna Fáil-PD manifesto lies in tatters, while crime is increasing in every respect.

Since 1998, the first full year of the current Government's term in office, official annual crime figures have increased from 85,000 in that year to nearly 106,000 in 2002. There has been a small reduction since then but, nevertheless, crime has never been so bad and the Government has been dealing with the issue ineffectively. We have heard more blather from the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform than from any other Minister for years, but where is the action? Where are the gardaí who are so badly needed? The Minister has failed to keep his promise and the Government's approach to law and order is a disgrace — it is all talk and no action.

Firearms offences are increasing on our city streets and hardly a week goes by without someone being shot in connection with drug-related activities. It is a shame and a disgrace. There was an awful tragedy in Tallaght recently when an innocent person was murdered in bed by people with guns. What is the Minister doing about it? Where is his action plan? What is his approach? Where is his credibility? At this stage he does not have any.

The incidence of rape has increased by over 30% and over 1,300 additional households were burgled in the 12 months to the end of March this year. Approximately 25,652 houses were burgled in that period. What a failure.

Extra gardaí are badly needed but other measures are also required. This side of the House does not have a problem with examining a reorganisation of the Garda Síochána. The Minister should examine what other countries have done to deal with crime. Cities such as New York, Los Angeles and San Francisco have managed to deal with late-night crime. The reality in Ireland, however, is that there are less gardaí on duty late at night and at weekends than during the day. It is hard to find a garda on the beat in urban areas late at night and at weekends. The Minister should ensure that Garda resources are reallocated within his existing budget so that gardaí will be available to patrol late at night, including weekends. Most gardaí should be on duty when most crimes are committed. The Minister shouts loudly about law and order, but if he is committed to public order he should ensure that gardaí are available at such times. He has failed to do so.

I recently tabled a question to the Minister asking him how many gardaí were on duty in County Louth on St. Patrick's Day, but he could not tell me. When I tabled another question asking how many public order offences were committed in County Louth on St. Patrick's Day I was told there was one in Drogheda, seven in Dundalk and 14 in Ardee, the smallest town in the county. Those statistics told me absolutely nothing, however, except that there were probably more gardaí on duty in Ardee that night than in Drogheda, which has a population in excess of 30,000. I have been told that there were four gardaí on duty that day in Drogheda. Will the Minister confirm that? He has refused to answer my questions in the Dáil and will not provide facts and figures. The Minister has failed miserably.

Some 2,000 additional gardaí were promised by the Government during the 2002 general election campaign, which was to be in addition to the creation of a traffic corps. The Minister has conceded that this will not now be created. This is despite the fact that his colleague, the Minister for Transport, Deputy Brennan, continues to delude himself and the public that the traffic corps will be created. The result is that the positive impact of the penalty points system is being eroded because there is a lack of enforcement by the Garda. Roads deaths are currently up 12 on the figures for the corresponding period last year.

A road safety expert, commissioned by the Department of Transport to examine the effectiveness of road safety measures, was able to drive the length and breadth of the country without encountering any Garda presence. What is going on? What is the Government doing? It has frozen and is doing nothing about this issue. It is all talk and no action.

The National Safety Council has no confidence in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform to enforce penalty points, as the Department refuses to resource the Garda Síochána. The NSC's chairman, Mr. Eddie Shaw, said recently that it was a matter of profound, personal disappointment that it has not been possible to convince the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform that investment in modern technology and supporting management and administration resources for road traffic law enforcement is a worthwhile priority for our community or the Exchequer. That is a damning indictment and it shows the Minister's total lack of commitment to deal with these issues. Gardaí support this view themselves. They claim that with existing resources they can only carry out 3% of the spot checks required of them and, therefore, it would be impossible for them to meet the increased requirements anticipated under the, as yet, unpublished national road safety strategy 2003-2005.

The Minister should also examine the issue of drug driving. A study into drug use by motorists has found that of 2,000 specimens analysed by the medical bureau of road safety, almost 16% tested positive for one or more drugs. Cannabis was the drug most commonly found in six out of ten drivers who tested positive. Of the samples taken from drivers under 25, some 25% tested positive for drugs, while the figure was 19% for the 25-34 age group. They are worrying statistics.

Other statistics are even sadder. We are shocked every weekend to read of more deaths occurring in road accidents where only one vehicle is involved. In many such cases there must be a deep suspicion that alcohol or other drugs were involved in such crashes. The only way to reduce these deaths is by having more gardaí to enforce the law, especially late at weekends, but the Minister is failing utterly in his duty.

Illegal drug use is on the increase but I want to praise members of the Garda Síochána for their commitment in seizing drugs, particularly heroin and cocaine. If gardaí are not on the beat in the affected communities, however, we will continue to experience an increase in such problems.

There is low morale in the Garda Síochána due to the Minister's lack of action. The Government lacks conviction to do the work and make the necessary investment to combat crime. It has failed utterly in this regard. The Minister rides his white horse in pursuit of law and order but he may as well be in the sands of Libya because he is not beating the problem of crime. He needs to reappraise radically the promises he made and to examine the money in his kitty. It should be invested where it is needed most in the Garda Síochána's fight against crime in our communities.

It gives me no pleasure to speak on this motion because there is great concern about the issue in rural Ireland. The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform recently attended a Garda ceremony at which he referred to the closure of rural Garda stations. This is at a time when there is more crime and people no longer bother to report it because, in some rural Garda stations, there is no one to report it to. Instead, people must speak into a microphone at the station without knowing whether anyone is listening. They have decided as a result that there is no point doing so.

This Government and its predecessor brought before this House legislation on pub opening hours which has been the greatest disaster ever to befall this country and it is now time the Minister and his Department re-examined the issue. I left the count centre in Castlebar last Sunday night and travelled through two different towns. It reminded me of English football thugs on the rampage, as they are in Portugal again this week. One sees 300 to 400 people coming out of night-clubs and on to the streets, belting, kicking and battering one another, yet there is no Garda presence.

The Minister gave a commitment to the people that he would increase Garda numbers by 2,000. However, more gardaí are retiring early and going on sick leave because of the pressure of the job and the injuries they receive from thugs late at night while on the job. We have fewer gardaí on the street than 20 years ago despite our growing population and this, along with the incidence of new crimes and an influx of foreigners into the country, places an increasing amount of pressure on the Garda Síochána.

I have great confidence and faith in the force when it is given the resources it needs. When Veronica Guerin was murdered, drug dealers in Dublin city thought they could do what they liked. However, when the Garda was given the resources, manpower and legislation, it dealt with them. They were hunted out of the city and many of the criminals are now behind bars, an achievement on which I compliment the force. All of this proves the point that if the Garda is given the resources, it can do the job.

Like politicians, some gardaí have not upheld the honour of their wonderful uniform. At the foundation of the State, the first Government established the Garda Síochána and my grand-uncle, Joe Ring, helped to do so. He died in the service of his country and I am proud of him and the people who have worn the uniform. The people who discredit the uniform by not doing their job properly must be weeded out and dealt with. That is not a criticism of the force of whose members I am proud for the excellent job they do. However, anyone who does not obey the law must be dealt with.

The Minister gave a commitment which he must honour. The people spoke last weekend and sent a strong message to the Government that it cannot get away with broken promises. People want to feel safe in their homes and believe that if they telephone a Garda station, they will have as quick a response as possible. In most areas in which the Garda has the resources, its members have done their job well. President Bush is to visit the country in a few weeks' time and the Minister will deploy thousands of gardaí from rural areas in the cities. The same has happened during Ireland's EU Presidency. Gardaí were taken from every station throughout the country and re-deployed in Dublin city. That is not right or fair because rural Ireland, as well as every other part of the country, deserves to be protected.

Whatever it takes, whether it is money, resources or space in Templemore for recruits, the Minister made a commitment which he should honour and let the people know they can be protected by the Garda Síochána. He should give the force the resources. It can do the job, as it has proven in the past and I know will do again.

I strongly support the Fine Gael motion. I am disappointed with the feeble response in the Government's amendment to the motion. It asks the Dáil to note the Government's firm commitment to achieving a strength of 14,000 gardaí. However, the Government has no real commitment to that statement because, two years after the promise was made in the Government parties' general election manifestos, it has still not been fulfilled. How firm is a commitment which has not yet been achieved? Will the Government take a lesson from the election results and realise that people will no longer tolerate false and broken promises?

The Government amendment to the motion goes on to note the significant increase in the budget provision for the Garda Síochána of more than €1 billion, for the first time representing an increase of 75%. However, what has that 75% increase achieved? It has not achieved anything in Galway city. In 2000, 159 gardaí were stationed in Millstreet Garda station and 41 in Salthill, which covers Salthill to Oughterard and Lettermore. However, just three years later, Salthill's complement had fallen to 39 gardaí and Millstreet's increased to 163. Four years later, the same number of gardaí are stationed in Galway city. This has happened under the reign of this and the previous Administration in which the Minister's party and Fianna Fáil were partners.

In that time, the population of Galway city has increased by anything up to 10,000 or 12,000 people. New housing estates have been built on each side of the city, bringing with them new problems. There are now vast suburban areas in which there are no facilities such as playing pitches or community halls. People congregate on the streets, antagonise and make life impossible for others living on the estates and who have enough problems moving there. Although it is not within the terms of this motion, such facilities should be provided before the houses are complete.

I was canvassing last week in an area in which vast tracts of open space which were supposed to be developed have been left derelict because some hitch prevented the builder from doing so and the residents must live with the problems such a situation brings. There is also a great deal of rented property on such housing estates, a minority of tenants of which are on rent supplement and making life a hell for their neighbours who live in fear, yet nothing can be done about it. I approached the health board on the matter, which confirmed that a named person was in receipt of rent supplement. When I asked if the rent supplement could be stopped because of the anti-social behaviour, I was informed the health board has no authority to do so. If the house in question were owned by Galway City Council, it could evict the tenant on proof of anti-social behaviour. However, nothing can be done about people in rented properties paid for by taxpayers through rent supplement because there is no provision for doing so. Will the Minister address this?

The former Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, looked worried on last night's edition of "Questions and Answers". He was the Minister for "zero tolerance", but the current Minister is the Minister for zero action. I hate to say that and I do not mean it personally but no action has been taken to fulfil the Government's election promise.

The Government amendment also acknowledges that the deployment of Garda resources is a matter for the Garda Commissioner based on his professional assessment of operational requirements. If that is the case, why should a promise to increase the number of gardaí by 2,000 be used for political advantage in an election?

There is a growing problem in the cities. Deputy Ring referred to night-clubs, the legislation in regard to which I have never understood. There are five or six night clubs in Galway City all of which close at 2.30 a.m. or 3 a.m. when 2,000 young people, including members of my family, come out on the street. The chipper or the take-away is packed. People queue for taxis and there are bound to be disturbances. As a parent, when the members of my family go out at night I do not know whether they will come home safely. There should be a regulation whereby there would be staggered closing hours, by agreement with the night clubs. One night club should close this week at 1 a.m., another at 2 a.m. and another at 12.30 a.m. and the order could be reversed the following week so that people would come on to the streets in an orderly manner, go to the take-away, get a taxi home in a safe manner.

I ask the Minister to provide the promised 2,000 gardaí and not to allow that commitment become another broken promise of the Government.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"—notes the Government's firm commitment to achieving a force strength of 14,000 members;

—acknowledges the achievement in 2003 of a Garda force strength in excess of 12,000 members for the first time since the founding of the force;

—notes the imminent achievement during 2004 of the current maximum authorised strength of the force at 12,200 members;

—notes the significant increase achieved in the budget provision for the Garda Vote, bringing the total allocation to the Garda Síochána to over €1 billion for the first time, which represents an increase of over 75% on the €600 million allocated in 1997;

—welcomes the recent decrease in the level of recorded crime and the success of the Garda Síochána in combating public order offences;

—congratulates the Garda Síochána on its ongoing successes in countering subversion and terrorism and in seizing illegal drugs and the proceeds of organised crime;

—congratulates the Garda Síochána on its success in investigating and detecting murders committed by criminal gangs;

—welcomes the publication by the Minister of the Garda Síochána Bill 2004 and its objective of radically modernising the Garda Síochána and of establishing the independent Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission;

—acknowledges that the deployment of Garda resources is a matter for the Garda Commissioner based on his professional assessment of the operational requirements;

—commends the Government's record in continuing to strengthen the criminal law over the past seven years through unprecedented legislative reform;

—welcomes the Transforming State Assets Initiative whereby existing Garda accommodation is being replaced by new, more appropriate accommodation;

—notes the programme of modernisation and reform for the Garda Síochána currently in train under the Strategic Management Initiative and supported by the Garda Síochána Bill 2004;

—welcomes the publication of the final report of the Garda SMI implementation steering group, the contents of which have been the subject of widespread consultation among interested parties;

—welcomes the open and transparent consultative and drafting process which produced the final report; and

—considers that the Report will be of significant assistance to the Commissioner of the Garda Síochána in preparing the first three-year strategy statement under the terms of the Garda Síochána Bill once enacted."

The motion by the Fine Gael Party seeks to raise, or should I say generate, concern over different aspects of the Garda Síochána, namely Garda numbers, the closure of Garda stations and the final report of the Garda SMI steering group, as well as the level of public order offences.

On the issue of Garda numbers I wish to affirm, as the amendment does, that it is the Government's policy and firm commitment to achieve a force strength of 14,000 members.

Does the Minister mean that?

Before the last election Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats, in separate manifestos, made that commitment. After the last election the two parties put in place a programme for Government which had that as one of its principal features. Those are solemn commitments. They are commitments which bind politicians. They cannot be reneged upon. They cannot be cast aside. They demand implementation.

Any Government which respects the mandate it receives will implement it. Some weeks ago I asked the Government, in view of the situation which now exists, to give me permission to bring before it proposals for the implementation of that commitment. I intend to bring those proposals before Government. It is my intention that the additional 1,800 gardaí who will have to be recruited to reach the target fixed by the Government will be recruited at the rate of 600 per annum from 2005 onwards.

That is not good enough.

We are committed to the implementation of the full ceiling of 12,200, which is the current authorised strength. There was a temporary situation in Government finances which required that a cap be put on further growth in the Garda Síochána. A commitment is a commitment and will be delivered upon. That is the beginning, the middle and the end of it.

We will believe it when we see it.

We will believe it when we see them on the streets.

The reason this commitment was entered into is that Ireland has a growing population. Ireland is increasingly urbanised and has increasing challenges in terms of the drug culture, the drink culture and areas where the Garda was never engaged in such numbers previously, for example in immigration control and such matters to which reference has been made by Opposition speakers.

Presidents' visits.

Also President's visits and the prevention of international terrorism. The case for the extra Garda is easily made.

Coupled with that is a point which has been made by Deputies O'Keeffe and O'Dowd that the Government is also committed to a proper implementation of our road traffic law. The road traffic law is a matter of lives. Implementation or non-implementation of the road traffic law is a matter which is reflected in lives lost and lives ruined by long-term injury and vast costs to the Exchequer arising out of both types of tragedy which they incur. The imperative to increase the size of the Garda Síochána in accordance with the Government's commitment is clear and unequivocal. Whatever grounds of a budgetary nature have existed to hesitate before engaging in increased expenditure, those grounds must give way to delivery on a solemn commitment. It is my intention and that of the Government that this should be done.

Without wishing to be divisive, I should remind the Opposition that its criticism on this issue is particularly hollow. The strength of the force declined from 10,882 on 31 December 1993 to 10,827 on 31 December 1994, declined further to 10,816 in 1995, and declined even further to 10,804 on 31 December 1996. Not alone that, but in the last general election the Fine Gael and Labour parties set out their respective programmes for the Garda Síochána and the criminal justice system and neither made any commitment whatsoever to an increase in the strength of the Garda Síochána.

We did not break any promises.

In fairness to the Fine Gael Party it said it would establish a special commission to look at the strength of the Garda Síochána but without any commitment to its outcome.

We would have it done by now.

The motion asks how the commitment to such an increase in numbers will be met. There will be logistical challenges. One need have no doubt about that.

The commitment will be met by making whatever changes are necessary in the manner in which the Garda Síochána is trained. Templemore will have to be used more intensively to give effect to the requirement for this major increase in Garda strength. I have spoken with the Garda Commissioner no later than yesterday about the necessity to get an increased number through Templemore. It can and will be done. I am committed to ensuring that the Garda Síochána has, in addition to sufficient personnel, all the resources it needs to deal efficiently and effectively with the challenges it faces.

What happened?

I am particularly pleased to have secured an increase of an extra €91 million in the Garda Vote for 2004 over the 2003 Estimate of €954 million. This represents a 9.5% increase in the Garda Vote for 2004. The Garda budget is at an historic high, having reached €1.054 billion. The resources secured for the Garda Síochána are an increase of 75% over the figure allocated in 1997. The budget for Garda salaries, wages and allowances includes an increase in overtime provision of over €7 million, from €51 million to €58 million in a single year, which is a significant increase of 13.3%. In addition, an extra €7.5 million for Garda overtime was provided to take account of the EU Presidency obligations.

It is very generous of the Minister.

The motion also raises the question of the closure of Garda stations. Let me deal with this along with a related issue raised by the motion, namely the alleged delay in publishing the final report of the Garda SMI steering group.

The strategic management initiative in the Garda Síochána has been under way since 1997 and a great deal of work has been done. Far reaching recommendations in a previous Garda SMI report on performance and accountability have been included in the Garda Síochána Bill which is currently before the Seanad. The current report is the final report of the Garda SMI steering group. It deals with important aspects of the organisation and structure of the Garda Síochána, and it will inform the Garda Commissioner of the kind of strategic planning envisaged for the Garda organisation when the Garda Bill is enacted.

The allegation that this final report of the Garda SMI group has in some way been suppressed is absurd. The report covers many aspects of the organisation and structure of the force and it was entirely natural that careful consideration of its proposals was warranted before the publication of the report and the response to it. However, in order to prevent the distraction of any claim by the Opposition that the report is in some way being kept secret, I am making copies available. It is published today and can be read on the Department's website.

We got something out of the Minister.

In compiling this report a lengthy period of consultation was undertaken by the Garda SMI steering group and a related review group. I take this opportunity to thank them for their commitment and dedication to the task. This was an inclusive, consultative process involving Garda management, the Garda representative associations, officials of interested Departments and outside consultants. In a nutshell, their task was to give advice and make recommendations as to how the very challenging and wide ranging proposals for change and enhanced efficiency in the Garda Síochána made in an earlier report of a different grouping — the 1997 steering group on the efficiency and effectiveness of the Garda Síochána — could be translated into reality.

Before describing briefly the other main recommendations of the report, let me go straight to the issue raised by the motion, namely, the closure of Garda stations. The Garda SMI report makes recommendations on the use of Garda stations in the Dublin metropolitan region — and that region only — and proposes four different types of station based on public demand. During the course of reviews it was found that between 80% and 90% of customers call to Garda stations during regular office hours. There are very few callers outside these hours and fewer still during the night.

The types of station being proposed range from divisional headquarters with offices, custody suites, staff facilities and a public office on a 24-hour basis, to public offices which would open between one and eight hours a day to facilitate the various requirements of the public. The objective of reduced public opening hours is to get gardaí out from behind public counters at times when there is little demand for their services, and out on the beat on the streets of the city where they are needed. The report estimates that these proposals to change the opening hours of public offices in about a dozen stations in the Dublin metropolitan region could release the equivalent of 240 full-time gardaí and sergeants onto the streets at night when their visible presence would assist in the prevention of crime. That is exactly the point that Deputy Ring was making in his speech.

That is the speech the Minister gave to Mr. Tom Brady in the Irish Independent last week.

I emphasise that I have made no decision on this or any other proposal in the report. Indeed, in this and other aspects of the report, the Garda Commissioner will, under the provisions of the Garda Síochána Bill, have enhanced responsibilities in preparing proposals for organisational reform, and I believe this report will be of considerable assistance to him in that task.

What about the 40 stations that will be downgraded?

Other key recommendations of the report include the re-structuring of Garda headquarters to ensure better emphasis on strategy, planning, evaluation and performance management, including the appointment of a third Deputy Commissioner to head up a strategy and performance branch; and the reorganisation of Garda regions, divisions and districts throughout the country, reducing the number of regions by one, reducing the number of divisions by five and reducing the number of districts by between 20 and 32.

Will the Minister name them?

This is in the report. They have not been identified in the report.

Other recommendations include the outsourcing of the maintenance of the Garda fleet; new improved procedures for the presentation by gardaí of evidence in court, including the establishment of a criminal justice management unit in the Dublin metropolitan region; the Garda national drugs unit to have a more co-ordinated national policy and strategy on drugs; the establishment of an organised crime unit within the National Bureau of Criminal Investigation; the creation of a new head of procurement, with improved procurement processes, to achieve greater efficiencies; a more pro-active approach to community policing, with clearly defined roles, functions and management practices; and a clearer definition of the respective role of each rank.

All of these recommendations, each important in its own respect, will fall to be considered for implementation as part of the on-going process of Garda reform, a process which has already delivered tangible results. Under the umbrella of SMI, for example, new rosters have been developed and agreed with staff associations and where introduced so far have enabled management to ensure greater operational presence on the streets at peak times. A new financial management framework has been established, headed by a civilian director of finance and assisted by financial and management accountants. This has played no small part in bringing about significantly improved budgetary discipline. This will be vital in enabling the Commissioner to accept responsibility as Accounting Officer for the force under the Garda Bill which, as I have mentioned, implements key recommendations of the previous SMI performance and accountability report.

Those are the key recommendations of the Garda SMI report. That is what it says, and that is all it says, about the public opening hours of Garda stations in Dublin. The House will see that there is no grand plan to close Garda stations — though some will be disappointed to hear that. In fact, the House will be interested to hear details of the extensive programme of building and renovation of Garda stations that is under way. The OPW, which is responsible for funding capital works to Garda stations, expects that some €13 million will be allocated this year to the Garda building programme. A further €5 million, approximately, will be spent on more minor works projects. In addition, there is provision in the Garda Vote of €6.6 million for the maintenance of Garda properties. In all, 2004 will see in the order of €25 million spent on various Garda building projects. This does not include additional funding expected from the transforming State assets initiative.

What about the 40 headquarters being downgraded?

I have had discussions with the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, at the OPW who has commenced a pilot scheme of equity exchange — part of the transforming State assets initiative. The pilot scheme involves eight Garda stations in Tipperary and Limerick. The aim of the scheme is to replace the existing Garda accommodation at these eight locations with eight new, more appropriate facilities by offering for sale the existing stations. No closures are involved and no station will be vacated until its replacement has been provided and is operational. I am sorry to disappoint the House again.

I understand that the OPW has appointed external consultants to progress this matter and they are expected to report to the board shortly. If this pilot proves successful, it is intended to extend the scheme to other areas and stations.

More generally, the transforming State assets initiative involves the sale of properties which are surplus to requirements across the public sector. Surplus funds accruing will be re-invested in four key areas earmarked by the Government. Two of these areas are the purchase of sites for Garda stations and the Garda buildings maintenance programme. This re-investment process has already begun and the Garda programmes have already begun to see the benefits.

In my part of Dublin, within a Tiger Woods drive, there are four Garda stations. If Tiger Woods had a clear line of vision from St. Stephen's Green he could hit Pearse Street Garda station, Kevin Street Garda station, Harcourt Terrace Garda station and Harcourt Square Garda station. It may well be that Members think that is satisfactory, but I do not. I think our changing population requires different solutions. For instance, Kevin Street Garda station is housed in the remains of the medieval palace of St. Sepulchre. Another is housed in a very valuable site on Harcourt Terrace which, combined with an old butter testing station, must be one of the most valuable inner city sites and is about a two minute walk or less from Harcourt Square, which is the location of Garda headquarters. These issues must be borne in mind.

During the period 2002-03 the following stations were completed: Kilmacthomas area HQ, County Waterford; Cobh district HQ, County Cork; Kilrush district HQ, County Clare; Thomastown district HQ, County Kilkenny; Tourmakeady, County Mayo, basic unit; Roundstone, County Galway, basic unit; Clifden district HQ, County Galway; Blanchardstown, special drugs unit; Ballymore, County Westmeath, basic unit; Rathangan, County Kildare, basic unit; Ballinrobe area HQ, County Mayo; Kilmihil County Clare, basic unit; Mill Street, County Galway, additional accommodation; and phase 3 of the Talbot premises, Santry, major Garda stores and repository.

The motion also refers to the level of public order offences, and let me say a few words on that.

There have never been more resources available in the fight against crime. The number of gardaí has increased to an all-time high. The funding for the Garda Síochána has passed the €1 billion mark. The Commissioner has very significant resources at his disposal in terms of a well-trained and highly-motivated force, specialised units, infrastructural assets and technical assistance to respond to the challenges of the fight against crime.

It is undeniably the case that in recent years excessive alcohol consumption has led to an increase in the number of offences. While factors such as an increase in disposable income available to individuals and fundamental changes in the values held by some in our society, contribute to this increase, they cannot be used to justify public order offences. As Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform I am committed to bringing the necessary resources and legislative provisions into place to tackle this issue. The Intoxicating Liquor Act 2003 and the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Act 2003 have given gardaí significant additional powers to deal with public order offences and street crime. As a result of the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Act 2003, gardaí can now target a range of premises where disorder is known to occur. This does not only apply to licensed premises.

The Intoxicating Liquor Act 2003 places restrictions on the sale of alcohol to those under 18 years and drunkenness on the premises. Licence holders are very much aware of these stringent provisions and it is my view that they are more vigilant as a result. Since the introduction of the original Intoxicating Liquor Act in 2000, to which Deputy Ring referred, and its strengthening through further legislation in 2003, 713 licensed premises have been prosecuted through the courts resulting in 377 convictions, including 275 closure orders.

The administration of the national age cards scheme by the Garda Síochána has facilitated the gardaí, in co-operation with the licensed trade, in addressing and combating the problem of under age drinking. In advance of those legislative measures, the gardaí in Cork established a partnership with the local entertainment industry, the local district Judiciary and Cork City Council, the result of which was that, in 2003, there was a 33% reduction in public order offences and, in the first part of this year, there was a further reduction of 17%.

I urge local authorities to make use of the powers they have been given under the Intoxicating Liquor Act to decide policy on closing hours in their areas and whether 2.30 a.m. is an appropriate closing time. I have given those powers through the Act, which we piloted through this House, to members of local authorities and I hope they will now avail of them.

I do not want to bore Deputies with statistics on offences detected and dealt with under Operation Encounter and its successor, Operation Boulevard. Deputy O'Keeffe suggested that I am massaging figures or lying through statistics, but the Garda Síochána, not the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, has reduced crime over the past two years. The rate of crime is decreasing. That does not refer only to serious crime——

That is reported crime.

Would the Deputy hear me out? The number of homicides is declining consistently, as is the number of public order offences which are recorded through PULSE, not on the back of an envelope.

What is the last annual figure for headline crime?

The annual figure has shown a decline in public order offences. For which figure is the Deputy looking?

What was the last official annual figure?

There was a reduction of 18% in the first quarter of 2004 in assaults causing harm compared with the same period last year. The number of aggravated sexual assaults was down 54% and the number of murders was down 36% in the first quarter of this year compared with the first quarter of last year. These are the achievements of the Garda Síochána. It is quite easy for Opposition Members to denigrate the achievements of the Garda or to say these achievements are illusory——

We are denigrating the Minister.

We are denigrating the Minister who will not give the force the resources.

——or in some sense unreal. I know they are real and tangible and I congratulate the Garda Síochána on all it does.

The Minister is plucking figures out of the air.

He should tell that to the people.

International comparisons contained in the National Crime Council's report, Crime in Ireland, show that Ireland has a relatively low crime rate. Of the countries studied by the council, only Switzerland, Greece, Russia and Japan had lower rates of violent crime. These are the facts, although the Deputies opposite may not like to hear them.

To say that with a straight face takes a fair nerve. Where did the Minister get hold of that?

It is true. The Government has put through a considerable amount of criminal law reform and it has been proactive in bringing forward legislation. In the past seven years, 24 criminal justice Bills have been enacted.

The Minister has skipped the section in his script headed "Subversion and Terrorism". What about the killers of Detective Garda Jerry McCabe?

I am about to produce a further criminal justice Bill soon which I hope will receive strong support in both Houses.

We want more order.

I propose in that Bill to introduce a statutory power to preserve crime scenes which, unfortunately, is lacking; a general power on the issue of search warrants; increased detention powers of up to 24 hours for serious arrestable offences; some amendments to the Criminal Justice (Forensic Evidence) Act 1990, in particular to reclassify saliva as a non-intimate sample for DNA purposes——

More promises.

——extend the power of the prosecution to appeal in limited circumstances on points of law; general provisions, mostly of a technical nature, to improve efficiency in the prosecution of offences; make a provision on the admissibility of statements by witnesses who subsequently disown, disavow, refuse to testify or retract their original statements; and make provision for fixed penalty procedures in respect of lesser public order offences.

The introduction of a statutory provision allowing for a fixed penalty procedure in respect of certain lesser public order offences will enhance the power of the Garda Síochána to deal with such offences in an efficient and effective way and offer an alternative to a court prosecution. Such a procedure would be similar to the fixed penalty procedure in respect of road traffic offences whereby a person charged with a relevant offence is issued with a written notice indicating that if he or she pays the appropriate penalty within a certain period, he or she will avoid prosecution before the courts.

I also intend to bring forward proposals to Government to seek approval for the inclusion — whether on publication or on Committee Stage — of firearms control provisions in the Bill. In addition, I am examining the issues surrounding sentencing in relation to drug trafficking offences and firearms offences, and if I consider it appropriate, I will bring forward further measures to strengthen the law in that area. The criminal justice Bill represents a comprehensive package of anti-crime measures which will impact on all types of crime. My proposals will be effective yet measured to ensure the necessary balance is achieved between maintaining the rights of the individual while at the same time ensuring the optimum protection of society against the criminal.

The Law Reform Commission recently published a consultation paper on the establishment of a DNA databank and I am examining the issues highlighted there and look forward to hearing the views and opinions of those who will take part in the consultation process. It is my intention to draw up proposals which would, having regard to constitutional requirements and the requirements of the European Convention on Human Rights, permit as extensive a databank as possible. I intend to bring these proposals to Government in due course.

The achievements and objectives I have set out demonstrate clearly the determination of the Government to strengthen the Garda Síochána. We have significantly increased the strength of the force. It is now at a record level and will increase further. We will keep our commitment on that.

There is no evidence for that.

That is a departure from previous practice.

We have significantly increased the resources available to the force so that its annual budget now stands at more than €1 billion, and we continue to invest heavily in Garda stations and infrastructure. We have secured Oireachtas approval for many improvements to the criminal law and propose further amendments to strengthen the investigative powers of the Garda Síochána. We have published the Garda Síochána Bill, which no other Government or Minister has done, the most radical reforming measure in the history of the Garda Síochána.

Our commitment to the force and its fight against crime is clear and the amendment I propose to the motion is a fair reflection of this. I commend the Government's amendment to the House and ask the Government to reject the ill-thought out and ill-prepared motion of the Opposition.

I want to share time with Deputies Burton and Durkan. I compliment Deputy O'Keeffe on putting forward this fine motion on Private Members' business. It was interesting to hear once again the Minister's work of fiction. He has, however, learnt a lesson from the local elections, namely, he will clearly and unequivocally increase the Garda force and lay less emphasis on closing Garda stations. He is in the business of extending, renovating, rebuilding, replacing——

Painting and decorating.

It is a hard life.

——and decorating, etc. The local election results have begun to hit home and the Minister realises that the gung-ho policy may be going down the tubes. Is not he the Minister who said on one occasion that if there were more gardaí put on the beat, more crime would be detected and crime figures would increase as a result? I doubt that he intended to put it in quite that way but he was acknowledging the fact and he has done his best to ensure that there are no extra gardaí on the beat. As a result, the amount of crime that might otherwise be detected has not been detected and the figures happen to be relatively stable.

There were two commitments on justice in the Government manifesto, on both of which the Government has reneged. One was to produce night and weekend courts, and the other was to employ 2,000 extra gardaí. These promises have patently not been delivered and, half way into the Government's term, there is no sign of delivery.

The Minister has acknowledged on numerous occasions in the House that it will be impossible to recruit 2,000 gardaí during the term of office of the Government because Templemore does not have the capacity to accommodate such numbers. He also stated that Rome was not built in a day and these additional gardaí could not be recruited during the first or second years of the lifetime of the Government. When its five-year term of office has passed, only a fraction, at best, of those 2,000 gardaí will have been recruited. No steps have been taken, in remedial terms, to extend the existing facilities at Templemore, to provide new facilities there or to do anything that would allow the additional gardaí to be recruited.

I am in possession of figures which show that in the past two years 833 recruits graduated from Templemore, while 813 gardaí retired. It would be difficult to reach the target of 2,000 additional gardaí on the basis of those figures. The Garda Representative Association, GRA, stated that at the current rate of progress it will be 2038 before the target figure is reached. There is no point making commitments and bold statements that these will be delivered upon when such delivery is clearly not taking place and when there are no steps or measures in place to ensure that it will take place in the future.

The Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Deputy Parlon, has entered the Chamber.

Two potential leaders together.

They will have plenty of time to plot.

Deputy Costello should not lose his train of thought.

Far from it. The Minister of State is another who — no more than the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform — learnt a lesson from the local elections.

Plus five seats in Laoighis-Offaly.

And very proud of it.

The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform should not run away.

Before the Minister departs, I wish to bring a matter to his attention. He might not be aware that the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, is on record as saying that no Garda stations will be closed in Laoighis-Offaly. The Minister is nodding.

It is a cast iron guarantee.

The Minister may have more difficulty in proceeding with station closures than he may hitherto have thought would have been the case.

There is no way the recruitment promised can be delivered upon because the capacity does not exist at Templemore. No steps have been taken to provide that capacity. Action will have to be taken in that regard. Either the capacity will be provided at Templemore or it will have to be provided elsewhere. I previously put forward a proposal in this regard. The Grangegorman development agency Bill was promised before the most recent general election and it was promised on numerous occasions prior to the local elections. It has not yet appeared, even though it was promised this session. When the Dublin Institute of Technology is transferred to Grangegorman, I propose that an extra faculty, namely, a police academy, be added to the existing six faculties. This would allow us to provide a location at which young Garda recruits could complete their training in an urban setting in proximity to their peers attending a third level institution, namely, the DIT.

I have always considered that it is undesirable that all Garda training should take place in a sort of secondary boarding school located in a rural setting and removed from the urban environment where most policing takes place. In addition to establishing a police academy at Grangegorman, we could approach the PSNI which is also encountering difficulties because its old college in Belfast is in a bad state of repair. I imagine it would not be impossible to suggest a location at which training could be provided for members of the police forces from both parts of the island. We should move forward with such an initiative because it would foster co-operation. We desperately need to provide additional capacity in respect of Garda training. The new facilities to which I refer should be provided in an urban setting, particularly as more than 60% of the population lives in that type of setting.

Crime remains a major problem despite what the Minister says, with 300 serious crimes committed daily. Due attention has not been paid to serious headline crimes. The Minister referred to public order crimes and stated that a serious problem exists. There is also a serious problem as regards crime in the community. This gives rise to concerns about the security of elderly people and creates fear. There is a lack of liaison and contact between the Garda and members of the community in many instances. A great deal of work should already have been done in this area. The legislation promised, the Garda Síochána Bill, should already be in place so that with the local elections over the liaison committees could be established to provide a community link between the Garda and local authorities. It would have been great if this could have been up and running at this stage. However, there is no sign of it at all. That is another promise which has not been delivered upon.

The incidence of a number of headline offences is growing rapidly. One of the most serious of these is sexual assault. The numbers of such assaults have increased dramatically in every one of the past five years and many of them go unreported. We are, therefore, only seeing the tip of the iceberg and do not yet have the real figure.

The other area in which there has been a major increase is the incidence of gangland crimes and murders. The easy availability of firearms is a matter of concern. Those who commit gangland crimes are seldom caught, prosecuted or sent to prison. This is a worrying phenomenon that has not been dealt with and there is no evidence the Minister has a policy in respect of it.

How will the position be improved if the Minister proceeds to close urban Garda stations? He referred to getting 240 gardaí out from behind their desks and on to the streets. The Garda Representative Association has agreed to accept civilian personnel working in Garda stations in place of gardaí. It has stated that, instead of the 240 gardaí to which the Minister refers, 700 officers could be released on to the streets if there was a process of civilianisation in respect of non-official Garda duties. A great deal of work could be done on that. The Minister will not get extra gardaí out on to the streets by closing Garda stations. He proposes to close the Fitzgibbon Street and Mountjoy stations in my constituency, both of which are located in areas where intensive crime levels exist. This proposal will go down very badly with communities that are already under pressure.

There are many issues we could discuss in respect of this valuable motion. The Minister must look at the broader picture. He must consider the entire criminal justice system, in respect of which he does not have a policy. He must consider the number of gardaí, the manner of the force's operations, its accountability and structures and ensure they are linked to accountability. He must also look at the courts and the fact that they are operating in a chaotic fashion. In addition, he must consider the prisons which are in a squalid condition. The Minister is closing down prisons left, right and centre.

I welcome the motion and hope the Minister will listen to what is said in respect of it.

It is the Government's failure to produce any kind of serious response in respect of community policing which hurts and afflicts people most. People's lives, homes and property are being damaged and their enjoyment of the benefits of economic growth are, in many instances, being destroyed as a result of harassment and petty and serious crime. The people's sense of security and well-being has been taken away. Women are afraid to walk the streets at night. Young men and teenagers are afraid to go into town at night. The Government has shown complete indifference to the kind of suffering people are experiencing due to the failures of policing in communities.

It is not rocket science, but the critical response where crime has been getting out of control around the world has been to introduce community-based policing. We know this from cities like New York, Baltimore, Boston and Chicago. Gardaí need to be taken out of Garda stations and cars to get back in touch with local neighbourhoods. The Garda must sit on those people involved in serious criminal activity to deter children and others who are followers who would drift into trouble if there were no policing. Otherwise, these people will engage in gangsterism and harassment of their neighbours. I raised this matter with the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform six or seven times, but he has still not got the message that unless there is a serious change in attitude by him, the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and senior gardaí to the value of community policing, we will not address this crisis that bedevils almost every community in the country. The strategic management report on the Garda Síochána, which the Government has not published, specifically addresses the failure of the senior structure in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and the Garda Síochána to address community policing.

My area of Blanchardstown, Dublin 15, is one of the fastest growing communities, not just in Ireland but in the whole of western Europe. We have had an increase in population of 30,000 to the current level of 70,000. The population is greater here than in the cities of Limerick, Galway or Waterford. In 1997, at the end of the rainbow Government, we had 18 community gardaí for a population which was then around the 50,000 mark. In 2004, after all the years of economic growth, the Minister acknowledged in a letter to me that we now have 19 community gardaí.

A beautiful estate of 600 new houses has been built for social and affordable housing. In spite of pleas from people, including me and the county manager, to make policing an integral part of this new housing development, to have a Garda presence in the form of a community garda, neither the Garda Síochána nor the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform responded. The county manager had to arrange stone picking operations where council workers were employed to go around housing estates to identify potential missiles in the rubble left in the area to prevent windows being broken. This is the usual response when a group of up to 20 young people is asked to move away from a garden wall by a householder putting his or her children to bed. People who are different are also vulnerable; they are targeted by these thugs.

People call the Garda in vain. We have fine gardaí in Blanchardstown but very often it appears that if a cow is lost in Cavan, community police are taken there, or to areas such as that of the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, and Dublin is bereft of any kind of policing. The Minister of State may smile but he would not do so if he came to the area in the evening time when the streets are owned by thugs, not decent people.

Come home to Parlon country.

The debate gives us an opportunity to review the performance of the Government and, perhaps, to advise it on how it might change direction between now and the end of its term of office. This calls for the re-naming of certain ministries. For instance, there should be a Minister for the shortage of housing or housing waiting lists. There should be a Minister with responsibility for bed waiting lists or overcrowding in hospitals. There should be a Minister for school accommodation shortages, which is a serious issue at present. There should also be a Minister for rising crime.

Before he left the House, the Minister, Deputy McDowell, made various references to the effect that my colleague, Deputy Jim O'Keeffe, had accused him of massaging the figures, which he denied. In fact, he has massaged the figures so well he would get a job with most football teams, some of which are being relegated.

Like Kildare after last Sunday.

If the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, is short of work in his Department he could assist the Minister with the massaging that is taking place because he is a past master at massaging. He should know the time for massaging has come and gone.

In 1997, the Progressive Democrats manifesto stated that, in Government, it would increase Garda numbers by 1,200 to reach the full complement of 12,000.

The Deputy should pull out his own manifesto.

The Minister of State should allow Deputy Durkan to speak without interruption.

That was written on page 5. After five years of Government, or misgovernment as the case may be——

Taxi drivers are hoping the Deputy's party will get into power.

In 2002 the figure was increased by a further 2,000.

Eircom shareholders are praying the Deputy's party will get into power.

The Minister of State must allow the Deputy to speak without interruption.

The Chair should put the Minister of State out of the House.

It is evident the Minister, Deputy McDowell, and the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, are completely oblivious to what is going on around them.

What worries me most is that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform regularly condemns rising crime. Instead of making statements about it he should do something. He should initiate steps that would have an impact on the increase in crime. During the recent election campaign he decided to close half the Garda stations. He also intends closing half the prisons. He will obviously let the prisoners out, some of whom are guilty of serious crimes against members of the Garda Síochána. That should resonate with the Minister of State and his senior Minister because the day they do that is the day they relinquish authority to the mandate they received from the people.

The solemn promises made by the Progressive Democrats and Fianna Fáil parties in Government in the past five years are now completely gone. There is a need for another ministry to be set up — the ministry of broken promises. I suggest a significant period of time be given to this because it will be fully occupied for the next two and a half to three years. There will be all the time in the world to examine issues of housing, education, health and justice. To that can be added a plethora of other broken promises made at local level, which include some made by the Minister of State when he referred to opening up the whole county. One would think he was in Idaho a short time ago from the manner in which he was encouraging people to go there from Dublin. Mind you, that process has come unstuck in the interim.

In spite of all this hooh-hah about increasing the strength of the Garda Síochána, after seven years of performance by that side of the House the number of gardaí in the Carlow-Kildare division has increased by two members. That is truly a monumental performance on the part of the Government after seven years of hard slogging. At the same time it is talking about closing additional Garda stations and prisons. I do not know what else it has in mind.

Between now and the end of its term of office, I hope the Government will examine its collective and individual consciences and ask where it went wrong, why it made such promises, what it was at, what it intended to do and what verdict the people will give on its performance.

Debate adjourned.
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