The Taoiseach must be tired. I was tired just listening to the reply.
Ceisteanna — Questions (Resumed).
I confess, I was tired.
The Taoiseach deserves a week off after that.
There is no such thing in this business.
The Taoiseach did not even mention the orchid that is called after him. I do not know whether it is capable of being transplanted to Ireland.
This is a hothouse.
I would like to ask the Taoiseach about his current plans in respect of the European constitution referendum. What are his views on this matter? What type of campaign is the Government planning in terms of raising awareness of the issues involved? Does he agree that a campaign of information ought to be started as soon as possible and that a copy of the new draft constitution should be circulated to every household in the country? Does he see a role for the National Forum on Europe in promoting awareness about the constitution?
The formal signature of the European constitution takes place next week. Coinciding with that we intend to issue two documents, a short explanatory memorandum and a more detailed one. These will be put into libraries as well as public and community buildings immediately to achieve as wide a circulation as possible. I agree with the issue of communicating with each household. It is just a matter of timing as to when that begins. We should start with the short explanatory memorandum and the longer document and try to get wide circulation for those. The National Forum on Europe has a key role to play. I raised with President José Manuel Barroso recently the fact that I would appreciate a visit from a number of commissioners in the early part of next year to discuss aspects of the campaign to try to focus more debate on it. I have also suggested to him that it would be useful for him to meet with Ministers to address as many issues of the European constitution as possible. We also are seeking to debate issues around the constitution in as broad a forum as possible, through the social partners, the trade unions and their members, employers, chambers of commerce, education establishments etc. The idea is that there is as broad a discussion and knowledge of the European constitution as possible, prior to making a decision on the date. I believe Deputy Rabbitte would agree that unlike other referendums there are many useful things in the constitution for many areas of Irish society. We need to ensure that this is broadly understood. While there has been much talk about the European Convention and the European constitution over the last few years, I am apprehensive as to how much of this may have filtered through to the general public. From next week we need to commence actively engaging on the issue over the next few months. To reply positively to the Deputy's question, a short explanatory document is ready and will be published next week. A more detailed one will follow for those who require it. We will definitely do house to house coverage, but not yet. However, arrangements will be made for this. We will commence next week to actively engage with the issues across a broad spectrum and work with the National Forum on Europe as much as possible towards inviting people to participate in it and debate the issues.
I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. In terms of his reference to President Barroso, has he raised the matter of the dispute between the European Parliament and Commission in respect of the appointment of the Italian nominee, and is he concerned about the clash between these two key EU bodies? Does the Taoiseach believe that the appointment to the Commission for Justice is an appropriate one and has he plans to raise it with fellow European leaders? Did he raise it with President Barroso and if he did, what was the outcome?
I did raise this matter with President Barroso. As the Deputy knows several problems arose involving a number of commissioners. The Italian one got most of the media attention. There are obvious concerns that issues have arisen which have created strains within the groups. The ratification of the full Commission is set for next week and it must be ratified as one group. The President told me that he is engaging in collective discussions with presidents of the various groupings to see whether a satisfactory way forward may be found. He outlined to me what the commissioner-designate stated and while it raised concerns, he hopes to be able to deal with the issues involved in these discussions. I am not sure about the likely outcome of these initiatives. He was not prepared to say what compromises might be reached in the discussions. However, I got the distinct impression that while he is prepared to work with the presidents towards finding a resolution, he does not want a conflict with the European Parliament at the outset.
I would like to ask the Taoiseach two questions. The first is about Myamar-Burma. During its Presidency of the European Union Ireland recognised the military regime in Burma, even though Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy, is still under house arrest. The Taoiseach will be aware that the NLD won overwhelming support from the people of Burma in 1991, but that election was never recognised by the military regime. In September the European Council reaffirmed its support for the NLD and for the release of its leader. It urged that the NLD should be allowed to participate in a national convention that should be really democratic. No progress has been made on these issues.
Given the appalling level of human rights abuses in Myamar-Burma and the lack of respect by the military regime for any sort of democracy, does the Taoiseach still stand over the decision taken by his Government? I note a former special adviser to the Taoiseach, Mr. Peter McDonagh, wrote a strong article in The Irish Times of 5 October to the effect that the European Union must stand against what he termed a very nasty regime. Is the Taoiseach satisfied that his Government was able to stand against a very nasty regime, or why did he do what he did?
In respect of the National Forum on Europe, the period in the run-in to the referendum to be held on the European constitution will be quite contentious. I do not want to see a situation as applied prior to the first Nice treaty debate where the public were not given sufficient information by Government and the agencies of Government to be fully informed as to the decision they would have to make. Can we get clarification, before we come to this year's budget, that sufficient moneys will be made available to the National Forum on Europe to allow it hold meetings throughout the country and involve itself in local radio and public debates — in participative democracy, so to speak — so that in the run-in to the referendum on the European constitution the public will be fully informed about the issues and will be able to make their decision in the light of that information? Will the Taoiseach ensure that forum is given sufficient resources and the facilities to do the job we all hope it can do and lend to the support given by politicians who support the constitutional treaty?
The simple answer is "yes". I have already stated that resources will be provided to allow the forum to do a good job in bringing people together so that issues can be debated. It needs the resources to do that. We did that in 2002. Extensive resources were put in as per the figures I have given. The dissemination of information is crucially important to allow people understand what is in the constitution because, overwhelmingly, these issues are positive. Already, the ETUC and the TUC have come out strongly in favour of the constitution, as have many other groups in Europe as well as many community groups who help social solidarity. These are all helpful but as I said in reply to Deputy Rabbitte, it is important that we get out as much information as possible. We will start that next week with the simple document, and the more detailed, in as user friendly a way as possible. They will be followed later with the document that will go to all households. We will do everything we can in that regard.
I agree with Deputy Kenny that we cannot take things for granted. We have been debating the constitution here. I gave up the Government nominee's position so that we would have more Opposition Members in the convention. That has helped. Deputy John Bruton also played a key part in the process, which attracted much interest here in the convention aspect. Later I had the honour during the Irish Presidency to conclude these matters. All these things help but we now have to explain them to the public. The answer to the Deputy's question is "yes".
On Myamar, as the Deputy is aware, to try to bring things together we had agreed that we would make progress based on certain conditions. It was always envisaged that the progress would be tentative, not only on the release of Aung San Suu Kyi but that we would see her party engaged in the forum taking place in their country and that they would make progress.
To be frank with Deputy Kenny, everything that could go wrong with Myamar from the point of view of making progress has gone wrong. They have made no progress. They have broken all their promises. Yesterday, they changed their Prime Minister and, I am subject to correction, but from what I picked up in Vietnam, that will only make things worse. I hope I am not unfair to the new Prime Minister but that was my information. There are 52 million people in Burma. Not a semblance of progress has been made. Because Yan Peter Balkenende, the President of the current EU Presidency, was not in attendance due to illness, I dealt with that issue in Vietnam. We strongly condemned Burma. They had a representative at the meeting. Needless to say they did not like what I was saying on behalf of the European Union. I was speaking on behalf of the European Union for that session.
My sense is that they are not listening. The military is in control. They have not completed any of the measures set out in the criteria in Tullamore, and it continues to be a major difficulty. Listening to the responses of their representative it appears they do not accept any of the criticisms of the rest of the democratic world. There is some concern about Aung San Suu Kyi because she has not had as much contact as she would normally have with international authorities, although I understand from the British Government that she is safe. I am aware there is concern, however.
On Deputy Kenny's last point, we have not gone ahead with our diplomatic process on the basis that they did not honour their arrangement, so that is on hold.
Last week, the Secretary General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, visited Ireland. He addressed the National Forum on Europe and spoke to the Taoiseach and members of the Government. I would like confirmation from the Taoiseach that Ireland will do whatever is necessary to meet its target for overseas development aid by 2007. Will the Taoiseach confirm to the House that we will meet the target of 0.7% of GNP by 2007?
I was struck by a comment made by Deputy Gay Mitchell some time ago. We have been very strong on this issue and he speaks with great conviction on it. He said we should legislate to ensure this happens. It would be a demonstration of real leadership by the Government, not only for ourselves but for other nations, if this target was achieved and if there was no messing with it. Would the Taoiseach agree that would be a useful measure which would receive support from this side of the House?
While he was here Kofi Annan said it was very important that countries lived up to their international responsibilities. In his address to the forum he said an additional 30,000 police and army personnel were needed by the United Nations. Is it envisaged that the Government would supply further numbers of either gardaí or Army personnel to troubled spots throughout the world? In that regard, he said the increased numbers from China were very welcome. Given the number of trouble spots throughout the world where murder, rape and genocide take place on a daily basis, does the Taoiseach share the view that we should look to the future and that our personnel, by consent under the normal criteria, would participate more fully in peacekeeping and peace enforcement in trouble spots throughout the world?
On overseas development aid, we have driven that issue strongly for the past number of years. While increased economic growth always changes the formation and makes the actual sum higher, we have continued to drive that issue forward. We have gone from €150 million or €160 million to €480 million. Economic growth of 6% or 7% drives it on also. We are widely acknowledged, both in the World Bank and the IMF, for what we have achieved. We are now seventh out of 193 countries, which is a huge commitment by the Irish people. Irish taxpayers are paying almost €0.5 billion and we have to continue to drive that on to try to get to 0.7% as quickly as possible. Needless to say it is a target we hope to reach but it is substantial money which is important, as one of the issues we have had to deal with this year.
I met representatives of many aid organisations at the AIDS conference in 2001 and the development goals conference in 2000. There are as many arguments made about the money we are actually giving, the way we are giving it and whether it is going to the right organisations. The Deputy is aware of the argument about Uganda. I spent hours discussing the issue of Uganda with various organisations and the money we were giving. We must increase the money but we also must ensure we get value for it, that the regimes are in order and the projects in place. That is an issue — one cannot simply pour in the money without watching how it is controlled. We give a good signal everywhere which is important to our missionaries around the world, both religious and lay, of which there is now probably more. It is greatly appreciated. Many of our people, from former President Robinson, to Bob Geldof, Bono and others who lead in this area, find it helpful to receive more money and while I understand the knock-on effect of that, even if we were to get the full figure we would move only a few paces.
Some countries are at 1.1% because they have been able to use oil resources but we are committed to driving it on and putting in further money. At the same time we must be cautious and ensure we get value for programmes because for the past year I have spent more time dealing with problems arising from the money we have given than the money we did not give. I am committed, however, to driving it on.
Would the Taoiseach consider legislation?
That is not necessary. We must justify this, and to get to that point we need almost an additional €200 million. The Department and the Minister of State dealing with this is working with the organisations which are very good. It is a matter of planning and of maintaining certainty. If along the way it becomes necessary to legislate perhaps we should do that. It is good for the country. While we may fight about resources in other areas this question involves a bigger issue.
On the question of additional military and police personnel, Kofi Annan has spelt out very clearly that he needs extra people in many places. He is particularly anxious to involve more French-speaking countries. As he said publicly when he was here, he is quite pleased that he has additional Chinese resources, and in Haiti, a back door to the United States, he is using Chinese troops which is quite a change from the position some time ago. We have honoured several commitments in Liberia and elsewhere. He did not ask me for any further commitments but often we are asked for a few senior people. Several of our officers and gardaí working abroad are well-known and are continually sought for new assignments, or when they finish an assignment are asked to go to another one. We have always tried to accommodate that and continue to do so.
Seachtain sul ar labhair an Taoiseach i bParlaimint na hEorpa, dúirt an Rialtas go raibh sé tar éis iarratas a cur isteach faoi stádas oifigiúil oibre don Ghaeilge. Cén dul chun cinn atá déanta ó shin? A week before the Taoiseach addressed the European Parliament the Government announced it had applied for official working status for the Irish language in the European Union. What progress has been made on that application and where does it stand?
In light of last week's announcement that the European Commission would provide funding of €60 million for the peace programme and €15 million for the International Fund for Ireland in each of the two years 2005 and 2006, will the Taoiseach advise the House of his firm support for the realisation of a Peace III programme after 2006, bearing in mind the important work carried out at community level? What steps have been taken or are intended to secure that commitment? What is the Taoiseach's view of the fact that the British Government did not seek a similar amount of EU peace funding in this round as in the previous round? Would he agree that the only consequence of that can be a significant reduction in the level of funding for projects which aim to address the multi-faceted legacy of the past 30 years of conflict?
The Government decided on 14 July to initiate the process of discussions with the other EU member states and the EU institutions with a view to achieving the provision of Irish as a working language under EU Regulation 1-1958. The regulation is the legal instrument that governs the working language regime among governments, EU institutions and officials. The discussions in Brussels with the representatives of other member states and the EU institutions focus on securing agreement on the practical modalities to meet the objective. Our ambassador and staff have been talking to representatives of most of the other member states. The decision must be unanimous so everybody must come on board. The discussions also explore the practical options open to us which would allow for the enhancement of the status of the Irish language in the EU. The discussions so far are going well but will take some time because of the procedures.
At the last meeting of the European Council that I chaired, we passed a resolution that the peace funding would continue.
What are the figures?
I cannot give the figures off the top of my head but I can check them for the Deputy. We got the resolution.
Is the Taoiseach committed to Peace III?
That resolution allows us to continue it into the Peace III forum but if the Deputy wishes I can confirm that.
Does it continue post-2006?
Did the Taoiseach's media-watching unit tell him about the splendid colour photograph printed in some daily newspapers of him sitting beside His Highness Sheik Khalifaand many other well-nourished emirs and princes of the kingdom of Bahrain? So snugly did he fit in with their excellencies that had he put on the traditional head-dress we would not have been able to tell him apart.
It was 47 degrees there.
That shows the practicality of the dress the people wear. The Taoiseach should perhaps have taken a leaf from their book in that respect if not in others.
Maybe so.
Several of the countries he visited raise serious questions about democratic, civil and human rights for their people. In Malaysia in particular police have recently broken up or prevented peaceful demonstrations and meetings, and have harassed and arrested opposition leaders. Did the Taoiseach raise these issues in his discussions with senior leaders there? Was this really a repeat of what Governments of which the Taoiseach was a part did? A ministerial colleague of his on going to Baghdad in the 1980s dealt with business in Baghdad, and only months after the Halabja massacre did not raise the monstrous crimes that Saddam Hussein was carrying out. Did he raise serious issues about peoples' civil rights or was it a matter, to quote W. B. Yeats, of "fumbling in the greasy till"?
In virtually all the countries he visited 95% of the population or more would have vehemently opposed the criminal invasion of Iraq by President Bush and Prime Minister Blair. Did he discuss the situation in Iraq in any detail, and did any of the leaders on behalf of their peoples raise with him the logistical support which he and his Government gave to that criminal invasion and continue to give to the United States military for the ongoing occupation in Iraq, through the use of Shannon Airport for US troops?
The occasion for the photograph referred to by the Deputy was the opening of an Irish medical college for doctors, dentists and paramedics. There are about 650 people from the Gulf who are involved in education in this country. It is a huge tribute to the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland that it can open a university of that status, as it is to the former president of the college, Mr. O'Malley, who moved out there and set up this college with a large number of Irish lecturers. It is a great achievement for the college and the ability to educate so many people in the Gulf rather than in Ireland will bear fruit in the future.
The Department of Foreign Affairs always puts items of civil rights and civil liberties on the agenda. In fairness to all of these countries, they are quite happy to explain their position and their side. I do not always agree with how they do things. In Malaysia, there are 98 members of parliament and 96 of them are in Government and two are in opposition. Obviously it is not similar to the system we——
That would not deter Deputy Joe Higgins.
A totalitarian State.
Sometimes this Parliament feels like that as well.
The Taoiseach without interruption.
A group that has one member almost gets the same amount of time as a group with 40 members. It also has that similarity. To be fair to them, they have different cultures, different ways of doing things and different systems. However, they do take criticism and the points have been made. They are all involved in their own way in reform. I discussed the Iraq issue with all of the leaders as I was interested in their views. While all of these countries are friends of America, they are all very concerned about the actions America took in the first place. They thought it was ill-advised, they saw the dangers in it and they worry about the region. It is interesting that all of the countries in the region have far more concerns about Iran than Iraq. That is the issue that is on their minds and for another day. I did talk to them about it. They are concerned about how the issue can now be resolved and how it can be brought back to normality.
Did they know about the Taoiseach's party?
All of these countries facilitate the United States in enormous ways. While they have differences, this is what happens. These are countries that are close to the United States and are friendly with them. The small support that we get is considered trivial to them. That is disappointing news for the Deputy.
I want to ask about the European Council meeting in November. Tá suim agam a fháil amach an bhfuil ceist faoi stádas na Gaeilge ar chlár an chruinnithe sin. Cathain a bheidh sé i bhfoirm páipéir ar chor ar bith? Mar, chomh fada agus is eol dom ón Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha, níl ann ach caint faoi láthair, agus ba cheart go mbeadh ní ba mhó ná caint i gceist má tá an Rialtas i ndáiríre. Cathain a bheidh sé sin ann?
From what I can see, there has been no perceptible progress on human rights in Burma to explain that country's membership of the Asia-Europe meeting. Can the Taoiseach identify any progress in that regard, which justifies Burma's membership of the meeting? As Prime Minister, I am sure the Taoiseach would not like to be under house arrest, as is the case in Burma.
In his meeting with Kofi Annan, what did the Taoiseach say to him regarding the commitment of 0.7% of our GNP to overseas development aid? Was a timescale clearly laid down? Was Kofi Annan under the clear understanding that 2007 would be that date? It was very much part of the Government's Security Council achievement that 2007 was nailed down. As the Secretary General of the UN has declared that the war on Iraq was illegal under international law, does the Taoiseach agree with him? Did he give the Secretary General his view on the legality of that war? What is that view?
We are now in discussion with all the member states and the institutions on the status of the Irish language. Those discussions will continue. It might take some time but they are going ahead in a progressive way. The Government of Myanmar did not live up to its commitments, it did not live up to the issues that were put to it back at the time of the Tullamore Foreign Council. It has not released Aung San Suu Kyi and has not allowed her party to engage in the conference that is currently going on. It has done nothing, quite frankly. As I stated yesterday, a new premier has been put in there which, if my information was correct from what I heard in Vietnam, will make things even more difficult. We are not making any progress in Myanmar. I gave the EU position in the absence of Jan Peter Balkenende at the meeting.
Kofi Annan stated this country was a model country regarding overseas development aid. He greatly appreciated what we are doing and that we were making progress and that we are heading towards €500 million. We had no discussion on the target but it is our aim to get to that target. It has all the significance that I mentioned earlier to Deputy Kenny. It is a harder target to achieve but we continue to try to make much progress. What we have done, or what the taxpayer has done, has been acknowledged. We have to be careful with the figures.
All along I said that the legal position on Iraq is not clear. Kofi Annan has given his view. The important thing that happened last year was that after all of the arguments, there was a clear resolution in October 2003 that allowed people participate. That brought certainty to the multinational force. Until then there was not legal certainty. I said that in this House from day one. Kofi Annan has given his views.