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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 15 Dec 2004

Vol. 595 No. 3

Housing (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2004 [Seanad]: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

While this is a short Bill, it is an important step forward in the Government's policy of assisting first-time purchasers of affordable housing. The purpose of the Bill is to make statutory provision to enable housing and planning authorities to secure the clawback which applies in the event of a resale of an affordable house where it was first sold or made available by them to eligible persons at a discount from market value. Specifically, the legislation is required to allow private lending agencies to provide mortgage finance to affordable housing applicants. It will also facilitate the direct sale of affordable units by a builder under Part V to persons nominated by a planning authority.

The Government's general approach to the housing market is to seek to ensure conditions allow the market to respond as effectively as possible to demand while recognising that some individuals require specific support to address their accommodation needs. In the context of the unprecedented demand arising from the economic growth and demographic changes of the 1990s, the focus has been on increasing supply. The policy is working. It is likely that by the end of this year more than 400,000 new housing units will have been built since we came into office in 1997. Total housing stock will have grown by more than a third since the early 1990s. It is a significant achievement that we are delivering new housing at six times the rate of our neighbours in the United Kingdom.

While the construction industry deserves credit for the record levels of output, the Government has also done its bit. Without the range of actions taken to relieve the bottlenecks that were seriously retarding supply in the mid to late 1990s, current output levels would not have been achievable. Record levels of housing output are partly a reflection of significant investment in infrastructure, increased residential densities and major increases in throughput by the planning system. It is even the case that some commentators have recently wondered about a danger of over supply in the housing market.

Not if one is living in a hostel.

Not if one is living in Galway.

It is sensible to plan for long-term sustainable levels of output to avoid the cycles that have, at times, disrupted housing markets in various countries. For the foreseeable future, we must maintain output at a high level as demographic and economic factors continue to underpin strong demand for housing.

It is worthwhile dwelling for a moment on the demographic changes that have contributed to the unprecedented demand for housing. While the general population grew by approximately 8% between 1996 and 2002, there was much greater level of growth of 18% in the key household formation age group of 25 to 34 years. These statistics explain a great deal of the pressure on the housing market. Concurrently, average household size in Ireland has steadily declined. The impact of population growth and social change, including marital breakdown and the greater tendency of elderly people to live alone, indicate that Ireland is moving closer to EU norms of household size. The trends continue to have an impact on demand for housing. When these factors are combined with economic growth, rising employment and income levels and historically low interest rates, it is unsurprising to find the demand for housing has risen sharply.

While we may not see the same level of escalation in future, demographic factors point to a continuing need to increase Irish housing stock. The national spatial strategy seeks to quantify and plan for the increase over the long term. It is worthwhile to note that the projections underpinning the strategy suggest the number of households in 2020 will be approximately double the level they were a mere 12 years ago in 1992. A continuing challenge is to ensure that this growing stock is delivered in a sustainable manner. The Government remains committed to the continued implementation of measures to boost housing supply and improve affordability. The Government will continue to assist low-income groups and those with social housing needs through a range of targeted social and affordable housing programmes.

The facilitation of access to affordable housing by first-time buyers is a very important objective of Government policy. We will continue to monitor and review housing developments and policies as necessary to achieve this aim. Our policy has been to make housing supply more responsive to demand to moderate house-price increases and improve the affordability of and access to housing, especially for first-time buyers. There is clear evidence that the measures introduced by the Government to boost supply are having effect. It is likely that 2004 will prove to have been the tenth year of record overall house completions. The latest figures available indicate that more than 60,000 units were built in the first ten months of the year. From 2001 to end of October 2004, more than 240,000 units were completed in the State.

Increased supply supported by Government measures has led to the supply of houses in many areas by the market at affordable prices. Furthermore, survey data available to the Department indicates that first-time buyers are active in the market and have purchased 43% of new houses. The changes to the stamp duty regime in this year's budget will help to improve access to the second-hand housing market for first-time buyers. The changes will also reduce the dependence of first-time buyers on the new house market and ultimately impact on house price inflation in new homes at the starter end of the market.

In addition to measures to support a market response to unprecedented demand, the Government has emphasised the delivery of targeted schemes of affordable housing. The affordable housing initiative under Sustaining Progress and the Part V mechanism are major elements of the Government strategy for the provision of affordable housing and are expected to deliver substantial output over the coming years. Part V is fully operational in all local authorities and all relevant residential planning applications are subject to a Part V agreement. However, the pace of activity in particular areas and, inter alia, the provision of Part V housing units are dependent on the level and commencement of private sector residential development and the nature of the Part V agreements entered into.

On the basis of returns to my Department on the provision of housing units, land, sites and financial contributions to date, it is clear that activity under Part V is gathering momentum. Provisional figures for the first nine months of 2004 indicate that a total of 4,500 social and affordable units are planned or proposed. I expect the number of units acquired by local authorities this year to exceed 500 while more than 1,000 acquisitions are forecast for 2005. A significant milestone has been reached under the affordable housing initiative with the release of further State lands. This brings to more than 70 the number of projects on which it is now planned to proceed. Together with projected affordable activity under Part V, these projects will facilitate the achievement of the 10,000 unit target proposed by the parties to the Sustaining Progress pay agreement.

Have any been built yet?

The Minister of State, without interruption.

Obviously, before one starts building, one must acquire the sites.

Have any been acquired?

Allow the Minister of State to speak.

Construction has commenced at a number of sites and a number of projects have been advertised seeking expressions of interest.

Has planning permission been sought?

These initiatives will collectively yield 760 units. While no units have yet been completed on the State lands in question, it is an established fact that it can take a number of years from identification of a site through the various planning and construction processes before new housing units are finally delivered. All projects are being progressed as a priority and activities are being paralleled as necessary with a view to the early delivery of units.

Will any be provided next year?

Deputy Cuffe will have an opportunity to speak and will be heard in silence and afforded the courtesy to which any Member should be entitled, including the Minister of State.

I might say something.

The Minister of State to continue.

It is envisaged that more than 11,000 units will be delivered through the various affordable housing schemes between 2005 and 2007.

The Bill has three sections. Section 1 deals with the sale of properties under the 1999 affordable housing scheme while section 2 deals with the sale of units or land under the Part V mechanism. Section 3 contains the usual general provisions on the short title and citations. Section 1 enables a housing authority to place a charge on an affordable housing property it proposes to sell under the 1999 scheme. Until now, the charge was registered against the mortgage deed and this allowed the local authority, as lender, to enforce it. However, where the local authority is not the lender, it would have to pursue the purchaser directly for payment of the clawback. That would be both difficult and expensive. This amendment will allow the local authority to enforce the clawback as necessary.

Section 2 is a similar provision and will enable a planning authority to place a charge on a house or land provided under Part V of the Planning Acts. I will explain briefly to the House the way the clawback operates in practice.

Where affordable houses are sold at a discount from market value, a clawback applies. The clawback is an anti-profiteering mechanism and provides that where a dwelling purchased at a discount under the affordable housing schemes is resold within 20 years of the date of purchase, a percentage of the proceeds of sale, based on the percentage discount received, shall be paid to the housing authority. The amount payable reduces by 10% for each complete year after ten years of occupation.

Until now, mortgage finance for affordable housing has been provided exclusively by local authorities through the Housing Finance Agency and this source of funding will continue. That is because the clawback provision has not been acceptable to the private financial institutions as a first charge on the property and, consequently, has acted as a constraint up to now on lending by them. However, my Department has been in discussions with representatives of a number of financial institutions and it has been agreed in principle that the mortgage should be registered as first charge on the property, with the clawback as second charge. This has allowed substantial progress to be made in agreeing arrangements for the provision of such finance by the commercial lending sector.

A number of matters still remain to be resolved, however, including the need to give local authorities the power to apply the clawback as a charge on an affordable property, which is being dealt with in this Bill. I am satisfied that when the final arrangements are agreed, the State's investment in the affordable property will be fully protected.

The House will be aware that Bank of Ireland Mortgages has pre-announced a product it proposes to provide for affordable housing applicants when the discussions with the Department have been finalised. I understand also that the Educational Building Society is at an advanced stage of negotiations and that other financial institutions have also expressed an interest in entering this segment of the market. I welcome the competition as it is important that consumers have choice when they are seeking mortgage finance.

The clawback which applies in the event of the resale of an affordable house is necessary to prevent profiteering. The Bill will enable the clawback to be secured, whatever source of finance is used to purchase it. I look forward to the debate and commend the Bill to the House.

Fine Gael supports the Bill. Following the report on the banks and their lack of support for many of their customers, it is welcome that they and the other financial institutions will get involved in looking after that section of the community which hitherto would not have been able to get a mortgage. It is part of a strategy which everybody hopes will be successful but the points made by my colleagues on this side of the House were clear. The number of houses being built for people on local authority waiting lists is inadequate. The last time the figures were counted there were approximately 50,000 people on the waiting list and the figure has grown significantly over recent years. We should compare that to the fine output of houses nationally this year. Over 80,000 units were built, which is a large increase. There is high demand for the construction of houses generally but poor people cannot afford to buy those expensive houses and many of those who are investing in the new housing market are buying a second house. The market must adjust but it needs Government intervention to create a situation where ordinary people can afford to get their own homes, either by way of affordable housing programmes or getting a social house.

The Government policies in that respect have had poor results up to now but I have spoken to a number of county managers and they accept that more affordable housing will come on the market and that permissions will be granted in the future. However, that does not allow the Minister of State escape from the fact that there has been poor progress to date.

This generation of young people is probably the first who are unable to say they can get married and buy their own home because a significant number of them cannot afford to do that. Even with two incomes they are unable to buy a home, which previous generations had the opportunity to do. When the local nurse, teacher, garda or tradesman meets the person they want to live with they can no longer look forward to buying a house in the near future. It is impossible for them to do so in many cases and they defer having a family until later in life. With the Celtic tiger there was never so much wealth in the country. We have never been so well off, yet young people starting off in life with their partners have never been so disadvantaged. That is a dreadful waste of resources in what the Ministers call one of the most successful economies in the world. We are failing our young people and that issue must be addressed further.

I welcome the provision in the budget to allow stamp duty be reduced for those who buy a second-hand house under a certain amount. The difficulty, however, is that the price of the average second-hand house in Dublin is the same as the figure for the ceiling to which the stamp duty exemption applies. The price of an average house in Dublin is €318,000. There are dearer and cheaper houses but the average home costs €318,000, which is the price at which the stamp duty kicks in.

That is not the average starter home.

Minister, allow Deputy O'Dowd to continue without interruption.

It may not be but the statistics that were supplied to us are from the Minister of State's budget speech which referred to the average price of a home. I am quoting the Minister's figures. If he wants to give me others, I will be happy to examine them. I am quoting the Minister of State and I hope he can stand over what he said.

I discussed with the Minister the problem of putting together a deposit and he accepts that it is a real problem. One of the measures Fine Gael believes should be introduced, and I ask the Minister of State to respond to it when replying to the debate, is a special savings scheme for young people who intend to buy their first home. It would be similar to the SSIA scheme but young people could save to purchase their home. It could be tied down with all the necessary regulations to ensure that is where the money would go but it would give them the opportunity to have their savings added to, in the same way that people currently can get a very good return from the special savings scheme. Fine Gael supports that and we will introduce such a scheme in government. It is important to encourage young people to save and that would be a useful way of doing it.

Fine Gael believes that young people buying their own home should have the mortgage interest relief spread over the lifetime of the mortgage. An average loan is approximately 20 years and the mortgage interest relief is spread over those years, but we would argue that if that mortgage interest relief was spread over the first ten years or whatever, young people would have resources available to them at an earlier stage. As children grow up it is a very expensive time for families but if mortgage relief was spread over the first ten years rather than the first 20, it would make a difference in terms of the money they would have to pay out. As time goes on, their incomes will increase and they will have the capacity to pay more.

That happens already.

It does not happen in the way we would like it to happen. We would like the relief to be given in the first seven years.

A mortgage holder pays most of the interest in the early years and the capital sum in later years. Tax relief is given only on the interest. What the Deputy proposes is already happening.

The Fine Gael policy document shows that significant savings would be made in the first seven years and mortgage holders would be left with more disposable income. They would pay more off their loans because mortgage interest relief would be front-loaded. They would pay almost nothing off their interest but would pay back the capital. Our proposal would attack the present financial difficulty. I will be happy to flesh out the details of the policy with the Minister of State during later discussions on the Bill.

I know the Government is looking at the possibility of releasing State resources into the community for the building of houses. Cautionary notes must be struck with regard to the use of land adjacent to health board property, particularly as it may be needed for hospitals or other health service requirements. One must always be cautious about selling State resources. Nevertheless, we should be proactive in encouraging local authorities and other State organisations to release land for affordable and social housing. That will be a critical policy.

I am impressed by the work done by the community in the Poolbeg Quay housing scheme. A state-of-the-art block of apartments has been built which, in the commercial world, would each cost between €400,000 and €500,000 each. The community is able to sell them for €140,000 each.

The sites were subsidised.

I am about to make that point. The community acquired the land from the local authority with support from the State. That is a worthwhile and useful model.

I know the Minister of State will agree that we should encourage such initiatives and be even more proactive. I acknowledge that the Bill will help communities to promote schemes like the Poolbeg Quay scheme by helping them to access cheaper money from different sources.

We have voluntary housing organisations such as Respond and initiatives like the Poolbeg Quay scheme. Perhaps local authorities need a publicity campaign to promote such schemes and to showcase successful operations such as Poolbeg Quay so that everyone in the country can see what can be done. It would make a major difference to people's views if local authorities promoted such initiatives and encouraged people to get involved in them.

I am amazed at the success of the members of Poolbeg community. They developed the housing scheme themselves. As I looked at the fine apartment block they had constructed, I told them they had done more than most politicians I know of, and I was not excluding myself. They have built something real and tangible and of tremendous benefit to their community. The scheme will keep people in their own community who would otherwise have been unable to buy homes in their own area. They would have had to move to places such as Drogheda, Balbriggan or Navan to find houses they could afford. Society cannot do enough to encourage organisations such as the Poolbeg Quay housing co-operative. Their commitment and voluntary work is also realistic and practical and has the support of the local authority behind it.

The Bill is important because the financial institutions are now getting involved. The capacity to claw back in the event of profiteering is welcome because these houses are intended for the people who live in them. A clawback of 1% per annum will kick in after ten years. In the past difficulties were experienced with housing finance agency loans which remained at a fixed rate of interest and people found they would never own their houses. We have seen many housing schemes. However, the principle of affordable housing is the way forward. We cannot put enough effort into it or encourage it enough. It allows people to take their future into their own hands and provides them with resources, guidance and help. The Bill and the involvement of the financial institutions will be helpful, particularly for young couples.

It never ceases to amaze me that Ministers can come into the House and give us selective figures regarding what has happened since 1997. The Minister of State, correctly I presume, tells us that more than 400,000 new housing units will have been built since the Government came to office in 1997. He does not tell us what has happened to house prices since 1997, particularly in the large urban areas, and what has happened to housing affordability. He does not tell us that the Government has presided over a transformation whereby working people with secure jobs and incomes can no longer buy their own homes. That is the legacy of this Government. When it came into office working people could afford to buy a home of their own. When the Government leaves office, and the sooner the better, working people will not be able to buy a home from their own resources. They will be relying on money from a parent or from a parent's pension scheme or they will have to travel far from their places of work and their own communities.

This is not the only area where the Minister of State has been economical with the truth in recent times. On Monday last, the Minister of State welcomed an announcement by the Taoiseach regarding the making available of State lands for affordable housing. In the first paragraph of his statement he welcomed, "the 10,000 unit target figure being reached". He was referring to the target figure in Sustaining Progress. In the second paragraph he told us the 10,000 unit target had been met, and by the fourth paragraph he had told us the 10,000 unit target was being exceeded.

What point is the Deputy making?

The point is that the target will not be met until the houses are built.

Absolutely. As I answered Deputy Cuffe, the first thing to be done is to identify the sites.

That is not what the Minister of State told the public. He told the public the target had been met——

In relation to sites.

——and by the time his exaggeration had got the better of him in paragraph four, it was being exceeded.

It is getting better.

Not one of the houses promised under Sustaining Progress has been built or even designed. All we have got from Government is, for the fourth time since the scheme was announced, another announcement from the Taoiseach——

Of extra sites and extra land.

——that land is being made available.

The announcements do not refer to the same sites.

Not since Moses turned back the sea has so much land been made available as is being made available for the affordable housing scheme, yet not a single unit has been provided. We have heard a great deal about Part V and I have examined the Minister of State's figures relating to the number of housing units built since 2001. A total of 240,000 units have been completed in the State and I acknowledge that is a remarkable achievement and performance by the construction industry. However, Part V should have been operational since 2001.

Why does the Deputy only refer to Part V? He accused me of being selective but he is being selective.

There should be no heckling.

Under Part V, 20% of housing units should be made available for social and affordable housing and, therefore, 48,000 units should have been constructed since 2001. Given that many of those houses were one-off houses or were part of schemes of less than five houses, which do not come under this Part, other houses were built under permissions granted prior to 2001 and a number of agreements entered into by local authorities would have provided for money rather than houses or land, I will be generous and say we might have expected that out of the potential 48,000 units, 20,000 should have materialised since 2001. According to the figures supplied by the Minister of State, between 300 and 400 affordable houses have been provided under Part V and almost 70% of those have been provided by one local authority.

In the Minister of State's constituency.

The Minister of State says Part V is operational in all local authorities but, if so, they have not produced the dwellings. In reply to a parliamentary question on this issue recently, he stated that eight or nine local authorities had managed to construct dwellings under the Part V scheme.

Most of them are on the plans but one cannot live in a plan.

I had been of the view that the failure of Government to produce dwellings under Sustaining Progress or the number of units that might have been expected under Part V related to incompetence or a lack of interest in the provision of affordable housing. However, I have revised my opinion because the Government has a plan. The Minister of State indicated that 11,000 units will be delivered under the various affordable housing schemes between 2005 and 2007. It remains to be seen whether this number will be delivered but a general election will take place between 2005 and 2007. Since the maturation of the SSIAs is expected to give fair wind to the Government, the game plan is to release affordable houses that were deliberately and cynically held back by the Government to boost its electoral prospects. I can think of no other reason the Government has failed to deliver on Sustaining Progress and Part V commitments.

I refer to comments by the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government on social housing in recent times. Social housing is a serious problem. Approximately 60,000 people are on local authority housing lists while the output of housing units in this area is between 4,000 and 5,000 per year. It would, therefore, take 12 years to clear the current waiting lists.

Instead of taking responsibility for this, the Minister and the Minister of State have decided that local authorities should be the fall-guys in this area. I welcome the publication of local authority performance indicators, which is positive, but a Government, which suddenly comes to the conclusion after seven and a half years that local authorities were not delivering on their housing programmes and that there was a variance in what local authorities were doing, needs a wake up call. I told the Minister of State this would happen six years ago. I pointed out, as did other Members, that there was a problem in local authorities regarding the delivery of the housing programme because there were shortcomings in professional support and project management and, critically, in the larger urban areas, in the availability of building land.

I tabled motions in which I proposed the establishment of a national housing authority, which would provide the professional and managerial back-up to local authorities to enable them to meet their targets. I argued that local authority housing needed to be put on a more professional basis. The Minister of State should wake up to the real world regarding the lack of performance by local authorities. Deputy Roche is Minister with responsibility for housing as well as local government. I agree a number of local authorities have not performed in the delivery of the housing programme over recent years. Why did successive Ministers not address this issue? Why has the Minister suddenly decided local authorities will become the fall-guys for the non-delivery of the social housing programme?

The Minister of State might be tempted to point out that the local authority responsible for the constituency I represent was at the bottom of the league table. However, I predicted this would happen when the former Minister, Deputy Noel Dempsey, decided to run a motorway through the only land available to the local authority for housing. I attended the public inquiry at the time and predicted that if the route the Minister advocated was selected, there would be a problem delivering the local authority's housing programme. If my advice had been taken, the Carrickmines Castle problem would not have emerged, but that is another day's work.

I wrote to the Minister following the public inquiry and I will put the letter on the record the next time the Minister, Deputy Roche, or the Minister of State tries to silence me on housing issues by stating that Dún Laoghaire is bottom of the league table. I will publish the letter I sent to the former Minister, Deputy Noel Dempsey, at the beginning of 1998 in which I pointed out that the construction of the motorway would freeze the last available site in the ownership of the local authority and would halt its housing programme. Since the motorway was constructed, the local authority has been scrounging around trying to find space here and an infill site there to fulfil its housing programme. Local authorities, including the one in my constituency, have not delivered on their housing programmes but they had plenty of help from Ministers and the Department who have put obstacles in the way of the delivery of such programmes.

While I agree with this Bill and see the necessity for it and for private lending institutions to make loan finance available to people trying to acquire houses under affordable schemes, I find it a little ironic that the Minister of State is so exercised about the prospect of profiteering on the part of home buyers. Perish the thought that somebody buying an affordable house might profit from it. It is understandable that the Minister of State wants to include a clause in the agreement stating that the benefit being conferred on the home buyer by way of public policy will be clawed back in the event of a resale. However, we do not get the same idea of claw-back with regard to other profiteering that is taking place in the housing market, particularly the profiteering on development land.

The Minister of State, with some justification, says there are parts of the country where dwellings are being built and put on the market at reasonably affordable prices. By the same token there are parts of the country where the reverse is the case and where housing is unaffordable. In the main those areas are the major urban centres, especially Dublin. The biggest problem in those urban areas is the availability and price of building land. This Government has been squatting on that problem for two years. First it took the issue to an all-party committee. When the all-party committee, which incidentally met through the summer of 2003 to address the problem, eventually produced its report in April 2004, the Government ignored it and refused to debate it in the House. It also buried the consultants' report commissioned on the issue of building land in Dublin. It will do anything rather than address the problems.

I will give it to the Deputy for Christmas.

I will look forward to that. I am hungry for any response, any morsel of comfort or any indication or hint that the Government will do something about building. I look forward to the day the Minister of State gets as concerned about profiteering and building land as he apparently is that the purchasers of affordable houses might profit from their sale.

I wish to share time with Deputies Morgan and Finian McGrath.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

This is a week in which spin doctoring was brought to a new low by the Minister of State. I do not know if that spin doctoring was paid for or if it came from the hands of a civil servant or was penned by the Minister of State. However, I cannot believe that he is so deluded that he believes an announcement of housing is an actual achievement of a target. How can the Minister of State speak about reaching the targets for the Sustaining Progress affordable housing initiative when not one unit has been built? The units have not been built or occupied. They are not under construction, apart from one scheme in the Minister of State's constituency. I am not even sure that scheme is part of the Sustaining Progress target.

The Minister of State, however, is prepared to say the targets will be met by 2006. He needs a serious reality check on the provision of social and affordable housing. He must start building houses as opposed to pontificating about numbers that may or may not be delivered on in one, two or five years time.

Today the National Economic and Social Council has come up with a report on housing which looks quite distinctly at performance and policy and is concerned about the level of inequality in housing. It is also concerned about sustainability. What is the Minister of State going to do about this inequality? Will he continue building 300 houses under Part V or will he continue to build 10,000 virtual houses under the Sustaining Progress scheme?

It is time for a reality check. We want the Minister of State to build houses and homes. We do not just want private homes or homes the profit from which goes to those who hang out in the tent at Ballybrit, but homes for people with real needs who have been on the housing list for years. Housing lists are getting longer and local authority completions are nowhere near the high levels we had in the past.

The Minister of State is responsible for this. How dare he suggest we are reaching targets? How dare he indulge in such spindoctoring and how dare the taxpayer pay for such spindoctoring by his Department? The Minister of State needs to get out and see what is being built. He must realise that people on the housing waiting lists are not getting what they deserve. They are not getting homes. This Christmas, like last Christmas and the one before, we will see few housing completions in the social and affordable sector. As always, we will see a high number of private completions, but these do not benefit people on ordinary incomes, the ordinary couple with a double income who cannot get onto the first rung of the housing ladder.

Can the Minister of State do anything to ensure the level of housing starts and completions rises? Will he cease talking about virtual completions through which he is deluding himself and others that targets have been met when he has not sought planning permission, engaged in a tendering process, completed any units or had any occupied? He must get real and have those housing units completed, not tomorrow or next year, but now. The NESC report says 8,000 social and affordable housing units should be built each year. We are not reaching even a fraction of that. The responsibility lies with the Minister of State.

Sinn Féin objects to the manner in which this Bill is being rushed through the House and to the fact that all Stages are being taken together. The most objectionable element of the matter is that the legislation is being rushed through the Oireachtas at the behest of a private bank that is only interested in increasing its profits. This Bill has clearly been brought forward to facilitate Bank of Ireland's new affordable housing mortgage, the launch of which even attracted the Taoiseach.

Sinn Féin supports claw-back measures, with regard to so-called affordable housing, which seek to prevent profiteering in this area. I am concerned, however, about the implications for low income home buyers of the opening up of the so-called affordable housing mortgage market to private institutions. Surely the terms of the Housing Finance Agency could be amended to meet the same objective. The Minister of State has told us that this will provide competition and consumer choice in this area. However, we must ask who will gain from these moves. The banks will certainly gain. We should not kid ourselves into thinking there is any philanthropic motive behind the banks' desire to enter this market. We know that is not the case.

This legislation is being held up by the Minister of State as a measure to increase the ability of low income families to secure housing. Rather than tackling the housing crisis through the provision of necessary increased levels of social housing and taking real measures to tackle house and land prices, the Government is appeasing bankers and developers by introducing measures which may result in over borrowing.

It may not be popular to say so but there is a good reason why private financial institutions are normally permitted to lend only 92% of the cost of a house and not the 97% that the Housing Finance Agency can lend to purchasers of affordable housing or tenant purchasers of local authority housing. It is easy in a favourable economic climate to forget the dangers for those who over borrow of any significant rise in interest rates. They will end up paying mortgages way beyond their means and facing the threat of repossession. If the house price bubble bursts, they will end up with negative equity. A person who borrows from a local authority has, at least, a far greater degree of security in terms of repossession. When speaking in the Seanad on the profits developers made in the past eight years, the Minister of State with responsibility for housing said "It is not fair if developers get the huge dividends from the fall in interest rates, however, that is life." That is life. If there is a rise in interest rates, will his response to the repossession of houses of low income families be to shrug his shoulders and tell us "That is life"? That is simply not good enough.

This House should have been given the time necessary to consider all of the implications of this legislation. The eventual aim of the legislation is to replace the role of the Housing Finance Agency with private financial institutions. The Bill represents a further step down the road to complete removal of local authority responsibility for housing.

The Government's position on housing is so ridiculous that it amounts to the person in charge of this area telling us, as he did again in the Seanad earlier this week, how lovely are some houses in Balbriggan. The Minister of State has the nerve to tell the 48,000 families on social housing waiting lists about the endless amount of over-priced rental accommodation which can be rented from landlords, the majority of whom are avoiding the terms of the new tenancy legislation. Apparently nothing is happening on that front. He also told those who have little hope of affording their own homes that the Government approach to meeting their needs is clearly working.

The Minister of State does not differentiate between the construction of housing which might, for example, include high levels of second homes. Rather than deal with the amount of social housing being constructed, the Minister of State seeks to bury the truth in the middle of a muddle of figures relating to the overall number of houses constructed. That mixed up broth of figures which the Minister of State had wheeled out here on every occasion he comes before us is over used at this stage. Those figures are well past their sell-by date. It is time he got real figures on these issues. They are fooling nobody except him.

I welcome the debate on the Bill. Housing is an important issue and we have to face up to the major housing crisis. Before I address the details of the legislation we need to look at what is happening, especially in regard to social and affordable housing. I have attended many public meetings of residents associations and community groups. Sadly, there is a negative response to references to social housing. I have seen Deputies and councillors run for cover on many occasions because of this issue. There appears to be a negative image and an element of snobbery in regard to social housing. Perhaps we should look at some of the suggestions from people like Deputy Durkan who proposed to bring back the term, "local authority housing", because of the negative image of the term "social and affordable housing" among residents and community groups. This kind of fear and snobbery must be dealt with on a local level. Politicians must face up to this issue.

It is important to look to what philosophers and others have said on this matter. Henry Thoreau said, the measure of a society is the care it takes of those unable to care for themselves. This makes me think of the 48,000 people on local authority waiting lists and the young couples that cannot afford to buy a house in their own cities and towns, which is the sad reality for many young couples, particularly in Dublin city, where they are unable to buy a home in their own neighbourhood, or even within five or ten miles of where they were born and bred. This is very sad as many of them want to remain in the communities in which they live.

I will put forward a few constructive suggestions to the Minister of State. We need a vision and a plan for housing. The plan must be carefully worked out. The Government must acknowledge that everyone has a right to appropriate accommodation and it should develop policy from this perspective. The Minister of State must acknowledge that there is a housing crisis. He should set a target of reducing the time spent on waiting lists to a maximum of six months by 2008. The Minister should provide the resources to local authorities and to the voluntary and non-profit housing sector to make substantial progress towards reaching this target.

I support the resourcing and active implementation and enforcement of the 1992 legislation with respect to the private rented housing sector. We should also provide sufficient resources to eliminate homelessness in the coming year. The Minister should provide sufficient resources to the rent and housing supplement programmes to ensure that both programmes are adequate to meet current needs.

Resources must also be provided for the security and management of local authority housing. This issue is regularly brought to the attention of backbench Deputies and councillors. We must also give special attention to tackling issues concerning accommodation for refugees and asylum seekers. We need to provide the resources required to ensure implementation of the Travellers accommodation programme. As part of this vision and plan we need to resource the establishment of a national housing authority as proposed in the National Economic and Social Forum's report on social and affordable housing and accommodation.

I welcome the increased allocation to local authority and social housing programmes in the budget. However, it will not adequately address the current needs. I also welcome the increased grant to the task force on special housing aid for the elderly. This is a progressive step. The allocation to local authorities to ensure accessibility to public amenities and buildings is a positive step for people with disabilities. However, I regret that there has been no increase in resources to eliminate homelessness in the coming year. While I welcome the amended criteria to ensure that those who are vulnerable do not become more disadvantaged, I regret that no additional resources were allocated to tackle issues concerning accommodation for refugees and asylum seekers. I look forward to the National Economic and Social Council's study of housing policy. I trust that its conclusion will form the basis of Government decision and actions in the coming years.

We need to tackle effectively a range of problems. On the one hand we have land owners, developers and speculators making large windfall profits from the rezoning of land while at the same time private housing costs have risen dramatically. These issues are intrinsic to the debate.

The Bill proposes to allow private financial institutions access to the affordable housing mortgage market and will facilitate the direct sale of affordable housing units provided under Part V of the Planning and Development Act 2000 and the amended 2002 legislation to eligible persons nominated by the planning authority. The main aims of the Bill are to amend and extend the Housing (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2002 and the Planning and Development Act 2000. The Bill specifically makes provision for housing authorities to place a claw-back charge or anti-profiteering measure on an affordable housing property sold under the affordable housing scheme. Second, it provides for the planning authority to place a claw-back charge or anti-profiteering measure on an affordable housing property provided under Part V. I welcome this aspect of the legislation.

Overall, there are positive aspects to the legislation but the Government still has to take the housing crisis seriously. The 48,000 people on the waiting lists must be looked after and young couples must be guaranteed that they can buy a home of their own in their own city or town. I welcome the debate and look forward to some constructive proposals emerging from it.

The Minister of State, in his contribution both in the Dáil and Seanad, once more endeavours to give the impression that he is doing everything in his power to reduce the price of housing while the exact opposite is the case. One only has to look back to the budget presented by the previous Minister for Finance, former Deputy McCreevy. On that occasion he added 1% VAT to building materials, bringing the total VAT on building materials to 13%, thus pushing up the price of housing even further. He abolished the first-time buyer's grant for new houses. Several other measures taken during the year also added to the price of housing for young people.

The budget presented by the Minister went some way towards redressing this matter by abolishing stamp duty on secondhand houses up to a value of €317,500. However, the small print of the budget does not tell one where one might find a house for €317,000; very few are available on the open market at that price. Where a house exceeds €317,000, a sliding scale of stamp duty is not applied, rather it is charged at 3% on the full amount. Very little has been done to improve the position of first-time purchasers.

The purpose of the Bill is to extend the controls, in other words a clawback, on the resale of certain houses provided under the various affordable housing schemes to be registered as a charge against the individual properties. This proposed clawback charge would be self-implementing as it will be impossible to sell the property without securing the release by the local authority of the clawback charge. These provisions go further than the current position, whereby one must obtain the consent of the local authority for the resale of a tenant-purchased house. However, if this Bill is enacted as presented, there will be a charge on the deeds of the house, which will be far more restrictive than the current position. This is being done to facilitate the building societies which want to become eligible to provide mortgages for affordable housing. The Bill is more geared to facilitating lending institutions than it is the owners of the houses.

That is correct.

Many people who live in affordable housing would like the opportunity of trading up after a few years, perhaps moving to a different area or type of house as the size of their families increase. However, this opportunity will no longer be available owing to the restrictions and clawback provided for in this Bill.

Like Deputy Morgan, I am always suspicious of legislation which is introduced to the House in the days before Christmas as some Members are not as alert to it on these days as they might be normally. For example, I was present in the Seanad on 18 December 1987 when the rod licence Bill was rushed through on the last day of session. It took people like me and others in Galway and elsewhere three years of work before the Government agreed to abandon the foolish legislation, all Stages of which were rushed through the House. The Government repented at its cost while trying to redress the problem over the proceeding three years.

I am equally suspicious about the Health Bill, which will come before the House tomorrow. I cannot dwell on the matter at this stage because it is not part of the Bill but I am suspicious of any Bill which is introduced on the day before the Dáil is due to rise for the Christmas holidays. In my experience in this House, rushed legislation has never made good legislation, of which I would be very aware if I was the Minister of State.

In his speech, the Minister of State stated he wished to explain briefly to the House how the clawback provision operates in practice. He explained that, where affordable houses are sold at a discount from the market value, a clawback applies. He described the clawback provision as an anti-profiteering mechanism which provides that, where a dwelling purchased at a discount under the affordable housing scheme is re-sold before the expiration of 20 years from the date of purchase, a percentage of the proceeds, based on the percentage discount received, shall be paid to the local housing authority. The amount payable reduces by 10% for each year after ten years of occupation. Does that mean that, for the first ten years of occupation, the full clawback applies? Furthermore, is it only after a family has been in their house for ten years that the clawback will be reduced by 10% every proceeding year?

It is another rip-off. Rip-off Ireland once again.

That is the way it is.

That is why I am suspicious of this legislation. If that is the current position, why is it provided for in this Bill?

All the loans are to be provided by private industry.

Will the clawback be retrospective in respect of people already living in affordable houses or will it apply from the time the Bill is enacted? The Minister of State need not answer me now; he can take all the time in the world.

He does not know the answer.

He will probably know the answer before he replies to the debate this evening and I will be in the House to listen when he does so. I have little time and many Members on this side wish to speak on this important Bill; they are lining up to share my ten minutes but I hope they will get their own time as they have many hard questions to ask of the Minister of State. The Minister of State can reply to me when he responds to the Bill.

The Minister of State stated that his Department has been in discussion with representatives of a number of financial institutions. Now it is becoming clear to me why this legislation is being rushed through because the lending institutions and the new mortgage companies which will be allowed to enter the market are not doing so for the good of their health; they are entering it to make a profit from purchasers of affordable housing by offering loans to them.

Hear, hear.

These institutions will get the first charge on the house, while the poor local authority will only get the second charge in the form of a clawback provision. The building societies and the fat cats will be protected at all stages.

It is a product of the tent inBallybrit again.

What will happen if the value of a house falls because, for example, the residents default on their mortgage payments due to financial problems, the condition of the house deteriorates since it was purchased owing to a number of young children, or its value falls in line with a reduction in the value of a particular area? The lending institution will not be happy not to receive repayments and will put the house up for sale over the heads of the resident family. The Bill does not provide protection to the owners of affordable houses in such circumstances.

I am concerned that the legislation is being rushed through the House. I only received the Bill this morning and Deputies have not had an opportunity to study it thoroughly or seek advice on it. I am suspicious of legislation which is rushed through the House and I am concerned that it might leave owners of affordable housing at a greater disadvantage when enacted than is the case at present. I am also concerned that the Bill's provisions might discourage people from pursuing the valuable goal of affordable housing. Few people intend to stay in their first house but rather to extend it or move to a bigger one when families increase or move to a different area when children begin school or college. Will the Minister clarify if this opportunity will be denied to people buying affordable housing?

I was only asked to speak on it in the past few minutes and I will read the Bill more carefully now. As we are, unfortunately, taking Committee and Report Stages this evening, I will come to the House and express my views again if I get the opportunity. There is more to this Bill than meets the eye.

I agree with Deputy McCormack. He is quite correct. I hate to see legislation being introduced to the House in the week before Christmas. Last year, before Easter or Christmas, legislation introduced by the Department of Social and Family Affairs to change rent supplement provisions was rushed through the House. A year later, the legislation had to be reversed. I do not like emergency legislation.

That is not true.

It is true. The provision had to be reversed this week.

The provision was not rushed through at the last minute, it was part of the Social Welfare Bill.

It is not acceptable to rush legislation through the House at the last minute. As Deputy McCormack said, the same will happen tomorrow on the Health Bill which seeks to take money from elderly people.

Rip-off Ireland again.

Banks, building societies and councils are all involved in housing issues. The Minister of State, in his capacity as Minister with responsibility for housing, allocated money for housing to local authorities which failed to implement Government policy. Much of the money was sent back to the Department. It is time, given the local authorities are unable to deal with housing matters, that somebody else took it on board. The situation is serious when thousands of people have to remain in rented accommodation because they cannot purchase a home. The State is providing money for house construction but the local authorities are returning it. It is no wonder a crisis exists in terms of housing. The Government is now proposing to bring banks and building societies on board. The financial institutions do not have a great record. We are all aware from the recent reports on banking that if financial institutions are good at anything, they are good at ripping off customers. Rip-off Ireland is at its best when it comes to the banks.

The financial institutions owe it to the people to provide low cost loans to first-time buyers. For the past few years, they have ripped off the poor and the business sector. However, banks are professional institutions and we are not permitted to speak out against them. I have continuously said in this House that there are two laws in this land, one for the rich and one for the poor. I do not know if the Government's proposals will work. We saw what happened when the Government introduced the 20% levy on builders. They lobbied hard at the race meetings in Galway last year to change the minds of the Minister and the Minister of State on the amount of housing they would be required to provide in that regard. Their record is not good. We would be far better off if the State took on these builders who are hoarding land throughout the State. It is the builders who are controlling the housing market in terms of how many units will be built every year. The Government and local authorities have failed to address that problem.

We learned from a report published last week by the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government of the amount of money returned by local authorities. That is not good. Local authorities are empowered to do a job and they should do it. It is a simple task to purchase land and employ builders using State money. It is sad to note the amount of money returned to the Department last year. The recent changes announced in the budget will not assist first-time buyers. The situation is similar to that which pertains to the nursing home subvention. When the Government increases the subvention, nursing homes increase their prices. What we need is the construction of more houses by the State and the private sector and, with less objection from State agencies, the construction of more rural houses.

Many people in rural areas trying to build a home are informed of an objection from An Taisce on the day their planning permission expires. These people are not asking anything of the State. They merely want to build a home on their own land in their own area. However, these agencies do not object when a person from Dublin, Germany or the United Kingdom purchases a site and seeks planning permission. They only object to local people building on their own land.

The Deputy appears to be straying from the matter before us.

I am speaking about housing issues though what I have to say may be sore. We must assist first-time buyers to get into the housing market. Many of my constituents who have good jobs are unable to get into the market given the lack of houses and the fact that a number of people control the availability of land. I do not know how banks and building societies will respond to the Government's proposals. If they come on board, they will not do so for nothing or for the good of the State or young people who need a home. Has the Minister or officials from his Department spoken with the institutions? Have they given guarantees they will play fair and do what is necessary for the State? The financial institutions owe young people and the State, given their behaviour during the past 30 years, an opportunity to get into the housing market.

I would like to see young people being able to purchase their own homes and get into the housing market. However, they are being out-bidded by those purchasing second and third homes, another issue which the Minister and his Department must address. The time has come to provide young people with an opportunity of getting into the housing market. We must address the issue of those competing against them and buying a second or third home. Priority should be given, in a situation where two or three people are bidding on a house, to the person who has never before owned a home.

It is all very well to speak of a free market but all is fine if that market is fair. However, it is not a fair market when builders are purchasing and storing land, a practice which is ongoing in my area also. Not alone are builders buying the land around them but they are buying land some miles away and planning to store it for 20 years in an effort to control the housing market.

Something must be done to break that monopoly. Such a monopoly could be broken by the State taking a hands-on interest in this issue, taking control of the land and building more houses. Issues such as supply and demand determine the price of a house in this State. The more houses we build, the more people who will be housed and the better chance young people have of getting into the housing market.

The Government has introduced many measures to deal with the housing crisis. I will always support measures which assist people to get up and running in the housing market. Young people are frustrated by the system, the banks and local authorities. They do not want the State to build homes for them, they are prepared to do so themselves if given the chance. The recent budget provided the Government with a major opportunity to assist first-time buyers to get into the housing market but it did not take that opportunity. Young couples with good jobs are unable to get into that market. Deputy Paul McGrath in a recent response to a parliamentary question was told that the Government gets €28,000 of every €100,000 spent on the purchase of a house. That amounts, on a house costing €200,000, to €56,000.

What a disgrace. The Government is ripping off the people.

That is not helpful. The State receives such moneys by way of direct taxation. The Government could address that situation immediately. It could assist first-time buyers through the tax code but has not done so. The Government talks the talk with the help of spin-doctors but does not react to people's needs. Young people want to buy a home. They are prepared to help themselves but the market is being controlled by too few people. The Government must address that issue.

When allocating his budget to local authorities this year, the Minister of State must ensure that any local authority that does not spend the money given to it pays a price for not doing so. There is demand for housing in every county. If the State and State agencies are unable to deliver what is needed the Government will have to consider other methods of doing so. Something must be done to address the situation whereby local authorities are not spending money provided by the State. Like Deputy McCormack, I look forward to contributing to the debate on Committee Stage. We all want to see as many people housed as possible. We do not want to see the builders getting richer, not knowing what to do with their money at the Galway Races but to throw it at the Fianna Fáil Party in the tents there.

It is crazy and mixed up.

I wish to share time with Deputies James Breen and Ó Snodaigh.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Once again we are dealing with a Christmas surprise from the Government due to its lack of effectiveness in providing social housing. This time last year, it changed the rent supplement scheme and, the year before, it introduced the Planning and Development (Amendment) Act which scuttled any pretence at providing social housing which was the original Act's intention. Now, the House is expected to give the briefest and most cursory considerations to this emergency legislation. It is not good enough and does not even constitute a fig leaf to cover the Government failure's on social housing.

Since 1997, the Government has gone from one fashionable fad and philosophical approach to housing to another. Any consistent approach towards the earliest possible provision of land for social housing has seen no immediate Government response. There have been three Bacon reports and the Kenny report is 30 years old. The report of the All-Party Committee on the Constitution, the Kenny report for slow learners, is now a year in existence but still no Government response has been forthcoming.

To respond to this problem properly, the core of it must be tackled. Such a response means that those who have benefited from how housing has been provided over the past ten years would fail to benefit in the same way. Government housing policy in its totality bears this out. An inequitable tax relief system in housing exists allowing some individuals earning over €1 million a year to avoid paying any tax. Approximately 40% of housing in the private rented sector is paid by the State itself through the supplementary rent allowance scheme. Treble and quadruple subsidies go to individuals who support the political parties in Government. Due to this linkage, we will not get the reforms needed in housing policy.

The Bill represents a public private partnership approach to deal with a problem the Government has failed to resolve. There is no guarantee that this approach will be any more successful than any of the others. The Minister of State, Deputy Noel Ahern, must ask why a public partnership approach has not been adopted. In 1987, I bought my house through the housing financing agency for the princely sum of £24,500 and which is now worth approximately €250,000. Why has this avenue not been kept open to house buyers? Why is the national pensions reserve fund not being used as a lender of first resort to ensure housing is provided through existing State assets? By doing so, not only will the immediate infrastructure be provided but so also will a payback to the fund. Why is a private sector lender needed in this equation? It is because the Government is so caught up, philosophically and politically, with such interests that it is not willing to look at the public approach. Public private partnerships have failed to provide infrastructure from schools to transport. Why is the Government is going down such a road that has obviously failed in so many facets of public policy?

In the next few years, the special savings incentive accounts will mature, acting as a feeder for higher house prices. This has been known for several years, yet the Government repeats the mantra that 80,000 housing units have been provided in the past year, the highest ever in the State's history. However, the Minister of State knows that over half of those units are second houses and holiday homes.

That is not true.

It is true. The Minister should examine the statistics. Over recent years, we have been told that to provide housing for everyone who needs it, a rate of house building in excess of 50,000 units a year has been needed. The building of housing units has been in excess of the 50,000 figure for several years, while housing waiting lists in local authorities are at that very figure. If anything highlights the disgrace of the Government's lack of a housing policy, it is the mismatch of the large number of units being built not being accessible to those who need housing.

In continental Europe, it is not just a question of providing a housing unit and hoping that someone will fill it and it will meet their needs. We need to have a developed housing policy that talks about housing systems such as feeder housing. No policy is in place that meets how people go through their lives in different types of accommodation and according to their needs in any given stage of life. The Government throws its hat at it saying the market will provide.

No, competition will provide.

Such an approach only stores problems for the future.

An assessment published today stated the national population will increase by 25% in the next 20 years. If we are not meeting current housing needs, how can the Government provide a policy in which the public can have confidence? The Government has failed in this area. The Bill does not add to any sense of confidence that the gap in the housing market will be met. While the Bill will not be opposed by the Green Party, it does not meet the immediate short-term needs for the hundreds of thousands who are not adequately housed.

I welcome the introduction of the Bill because it will allow financial institutions to enter the affordable housing mortgage market. This scheme will benefit both the Government and young people trying to get a leg up on the housing market. It will protect Government investment and allow the individual investing in property cheaper rates than going through the market. The built-in anti-profiteering mechanism will stop those hoping to make a profit by buying into affordable housing schemes and selling them on the open market at a higher rate several years later. In the example of a house purchased with a grant of €50,000, if the house is sold within ten years of purchase with a difference between the affordable and market value, the full costs must be returned to the local authority. At the end of year 11, the purchaser would have to pay €45,000, a reduction of 10%. In year 12, there would be a further 10% reduction. This pattern follows through for ten years until the clawback disappears. The benefits to the individual person is that if they wish to sell the property, they get to keep the difference.

The Bill allows room for those crippled by exorbitant rents by giving them a chance to join the housing market which otherwise was out of their reach. Auctioneers often inflate the price of houses, particularly in private treaty sales. I have twice raised this topic with the Taoiseach. I understand the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform has established a team to investigate the auctioneering business. When will the results of the investigation team be brought before the House? A system must be introduced, similar to those in operation in other countries, where the name and address of each individual bidder is recorded, allowing for more transparency and accountability. Often in a private treaty sale, a bidder is often bidding against him or herself as the auctioneer wants to up his or her profits. I bid on a house earlier this year which was sold for €15,000 less than I offered because I was bidding against myself. The Government must take control of the auctioneering business as a matter of urgency because there is no doubt that rogue auctioneers are inflating the market. Will the report by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform be brought before this House for ratification?

I am pleased to have an opportunity to speak on this legislation and once again to review the whole housing situation. I hate to say this to the Minister of State who is a nice guy, a very affable and friendly fellow whom one can walk up to and talk to, but in regard to addressing the housing situation, he is absolutely useless. I do not want to be offensive to him because he is a nice guy. He has been hallucinating because some of what he said earlier is completely wide of the mark. It appears he is living in a different world in the Department. I know there is a rarefied atmosphere, that times change and people's thinking alters with the passage of time, but I do not know whether the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government and the Minister of State are fully aware of the serious problems facing young people.

This problem did not occur in recent weeks, it has been festering for seven or eight years and nothing has been done about it. Why are so many people eight, nine and ten years on the waiting list? It is because the public housing programme amounts to nil. Nothing moves, nothing changes and there are all sorts of problems, including a shortage of land. What happened to the land bank local authorities provided for up to ten or 15 years into the future, because they say they currently have no land? I will tell the House what happened. Not so long ago, it was decided to sell the land, to the highest bidder in some cases, for office blocks and various other developments. That is why there is no land available to local authorities. The land bank has gone because it was used to fund another programme at a particular time.

I listened to other speakers and it is about time we learned one thing. There are approximately 60,000 families on local authority waiting lists. These people will remain on these lists for the next ten or 12 years because there is no intention on the part of the Government to do anything about them. There is another group of people, who have middle to lower income jobs, who have been trying to get a house for the past seven or eight years, without success. Lo and behold, the affordable housing scheme was introduced with much fanfare. It was announced and re-announced. It was announced repeatedly just in case people did not hear about it the first time. What happened after all these announcements? Approximately 300 affordable houses were provided throughout the country. What an appalling performance after so much promise. What an appalling disappointment for the people who hoped to achieve something under this heading.

I and other Members spoke repeatedly in this Chamber about this issue. When in God's name will someone recognise the magnitude of the problem and do something about it, because it is an absolute disgrace. Not a day nor a week goes by that someone is not forced into emergency housing such as hostels to be put on the emergency waiting list so that they can get a house. It is the only way people can get a house in my part of the country. I do not know why it has become fashionable to explain that away by simply saying there are other competing factors, as if we are a bunch of idiots who do not understand these issues. I suppose it is different in the tent in Ballybrit. I bet not so many people on local authority waiting lists are buttonholing Ministers and asking them to do something about the problem.

It appears the legislation proposes to facilitate the banks becoming involved in affordable housing while at the same time accommodating the clawback. I recently examined the clawback aspect, which I cannot understand. Part of the clawback aspect in this area was that, first, the site would cost the potential householder €20,000 or €30,000. The house would then be built by a builder on the site at cost price or whatever, at a small profit. There is now the price of the house and the price of the site, so what is the reason for the clawback? Is it intended to penalise the person more for having got into the market at great difficulty? Is it intended to hammer them for the next ten years to make sure they do not rise up from the ground again? What happens if a spouse passes on and one might have to sell the house in two or three years' time? Is there provision in that instance to allow that situation to be dealt with compassionately, which was always the case? I live in a constituency where clawbacks were used in the 1960s and 1970s. In such circumstances, compassion was to the fore and there was provision whereby, in extenuating circumstances, if one had to move for job purposes or whatever, a lenient view was taken of the situation.

Another aspect that makes me laugh is the system whereby a person applies for a shared ownership loan. A shared ownership loan is probably the most expensive loan anyone can avail of because, at best, one only buys half the house or thereabouts and the rest is rented. How soon one opts to buy the second half of the equity will determine the extent to which one pays through the nose in the foreseeable future. However, I cannot understand the formula. If one takes two people, one of whom is on €25,000 or €28,000 and the other of whom is on €24,000 or €25,000, which gives them a theoretical income of €92,000 at the maximum, once they go over that amount, they are not catered for. These people will not get a mortgage from a bank because it will not facilitate them, and I am not sure this legislation will facilitate them. I do not think it will because there is not much difference between the person who reaches €92,000 on this formula and the person who has €96,000 on the same formula. People on €96,000 will not be much better off because they will not get a loan from the banks or local authorities. They will get nothing so they will have to remain on the local authority housing list.

The only thing these people can do is travel to Ballybrit next July or August and buttonhole the Minister. They can meet all the other housing applicants in Ballybrit. I am sure provision will be made for them because socialism is now the order of the day. I presume there will be a grand meeting of all the socialists who will be there together, and Ballybrit will be the better for it.

It is the people's race meeting.

It is the people's race meeting and it must be the fashionable place to go. I do not know what the rest of us will do because only a select group will be there.

I worry about the pulverisation of a group of people who have been hoping and waiting on housing lists for the past seven or eight years. Their children were not born at the time or, if they were born, they are now seven or eight years of age. By the time these people get a local authority house, their children will be of marriageable age given the Government's progress on the housing programme. There is no chance these people will get a house unless there is a serious attempt by local authorities to build houses. The Government keeps praising itself for introducing the housing purchase scheme, but individuals pay for these houses. They get a discount for each year of tenancy but they will have been paying rent in the meantime. Given people's so-called high incomes, they will pay a fairly high rent. People are not receiving charity. They will walk away at the end of the process having perhaps paid twice for their house. Unless there is a serious change in attitudes, and unless the Minister of State stops hallucinating and gets everyone around him to stop hallucinating, even though he may be a nice fellow, we will have serious problems.

For the few minutes I have this evening, I will refer to the thrust of the Bill and what is envisaged in it. I do not want to get into the area of social housing at this stage though I would love to have time to deal with it in greater detail with regard to the scandals that exist, the numbers on local authority housing lists throughout the country, identifying those responsible for the situation and trying to get action.

We are dealing with affordable housing. The Minister of State is aware that I have been keenly concerned about the implementation of the affordable housing scheme under the allocation procedures of social and affordable housing outlined in section 98 of the 2000 Act. The Minister of State will also be aware that I brought up the issue in a number of Adjournment debates. Even in early 2003 I brought home to the Minister the major problems and anomalies that existed for people who were unable to get on to the affordable housing list and were thus not able to avail of such housing.

The people primarily responsible for the financing of affordable housing under the 2000 Act were the private lending institutions. Since then there has been a problem regarding the clawback. The local authorities on behalf of the State demanded that the clawback arrangements be put in place while the financial institutions said it was not possible and that they wanted first call in the event of a problem arising.

In so far as the Minister of State has returned this evening with a Bill that makes him and the Department happy that a compromise has been reached, I too am relatively happy because for the first time we can begin to deal with affordable housing under the Planning and Development Act 2000. I acknowledge the improvements made in local authority loans. The qualifying income limit for a single income household will be €36,800 and for a two-income household will be €92,000. That has improved the situation regarding local authority house purchase loans. However, there is a major anomaly. The Minister allowed for some flexibility in the scheme by means of his recent announcement, but by and large, a couple going over the €92,000 limit to perhaps €94,000 or €95,000 would be deemed ineligible for affordable housing by the local authority in the context of the local authority house purchase loans.

Legislation already passed and this legislation indicate that under the 2000 Act there are different criteria for affordable housing. The Act does not refer to an income limit. It states that affordable housing may be sold or leased to eligible persons. The Act defines an eligible person as one in need of accommodation and whose income would not be adequate to meet the payments on a mortgage for the purchase of a house to meet his or her accommodation needs because the payments calculated over the course of a year would exceed 35% of that person's annual income after income tax and PRSI are deducted. In determining the eligibility of a person, the planning authority must take into account half the annual income nett of income tax and PRSI contributions.

In the current context we need to clarify this. If the Oireachtas passes this legislation, individuals or couples who would be refused a loan in normal circumstances by the banks or financial institutions would be eligible for placement on an affordable housing list. My local authority has said it will take the route covered by the 2000 Act but will go by the local authority house purchase loan guidelines, and assess eligibility for affordable housing in that way. It is no use for the Minister of State to say it is the responsibility of the local authorities. If we pass this legislation, the buck stops at the Minister's desk. People earning a joint income of €93,000 or €94,000 per annum should be eligible for affordable housing under the 2000 Act. It might cause difficulties, duplication and two lists running hand in hand in local authorities, but county managers will be required to implement this legislation and to put in place a facility to enable the contents of this legislation to be enacted and to apply to people who meet the criteria. I would like the Minister of State to make a commitment that the provisions of the 2000 Act will be implemented and that he will direct local authorities to implement them.

To date, the finance for affordable housing under the local authority schemes has come from local authorities. The situation will now open up as lending institutions are to become involved. Will the Minister of State outline the procedure by which suitable individuals or couples will be identified? Must such people go to the lending institutions or will their applications be processed through the local authorities? That decision will be important. In fairness to all concerned, a uniform list or two if required should be operated by the local authorities, to whom applicants would go to be directed to the financial institutions.

One of the great problems under the legislation that I want to put on record is concerned with meeting the planning criteria for 10% or 20% of social and affordable housing. There is no accountability, good, bad or indifferent, as regards the context in which that process is operated. I am not saying that the officials throughout the country who are reaching agreements with developers are doing anything wrong. However there is always the possibility of something going wrong unless there is accountability. I ask the Minister to look at that area.

Because the Deputy used his full ten minutes the House will now hear Deputy Connolly followed by Deputy Timmins after which the Minister of State, Deputy Noel Ahern will reply. I want to explain to Members that this is all the time for this debate. Deputies Connolly and Timmins each have five minutes, with five minutes for the Minister of State.

I have reservations about this Bill which will allow various financial institutions to enter the affordable housing market. For many years the dream of buying a home has become less and less of a reality. Prices have gone through the roof in the past ten to 15 years. There was a time when the marker for a housing loan was the principal earner's salary multiplied by 2.5. If that is equated in terms of today's average industrial wage, which is €28,500, somebody on this income level would qualify for a loan of approximately €70,000. That would not go far in today's housing market.

Two people on the average industrial wage would find it difficult to afford a house. Often professionals married to each other cannot afford their own house for some period of time. The market is somewhat crazy and there is a great need for some level of affordable housing. For those who are fortunate enough to be financially equipped to buy sound, desirable housing at an affordable price, it is becoming a rarity. The definition should be sound, decent-quality housing that does not absorb more than 30% of a household's gross monthly income for rent or mortgage and utility payments. Housing co-operatives have come together in the past to build homes, albeit on an ecological design, using affordable local materials as well as energy conservation. In this way many were enabled to create real cost savings in areas such as land, finance, building and professional fees. When this is contrasted with an architect who designs one's home, the savings involved are truly significant, depending on the level of finish and location.

Community building in this way can create real savings, using clustered modular building methods and based around a series of design templates created by the community and using the advantages of self-build principles. Our shortage of affordable housing is more than a problem for thousands of families in Ireland today. It also affects individual businesses and local communities. Several factors have combined to create our current housing emergency. It is nothing short of a national emergency that 50,000 families are on the housing list countrywide. Wages have not kept pace with housing costs. Relatively low-paid sales and service jobs proliferate when housing options for those so occupied are minimal. Builders provide a lower quality and quantity of housing at lower price levels. Builders have costs and develop property based on an expected return on revenue, with predictable costs. Since affordable housing lowers the developer's revenue it means this type of development is less profitable. This results in decreased amounts of affordable housing being built.

The Celtic tiger years created premium demand for housing. One hears of a developer paying €86 million for eight acres of prime land, and this trend appears set to continue. To buy a small site in my town, Monaghan, costs in excess of €200,000 and a house must be built on it after that. Land values remain high and the level of housing production is failing to meet demand. It is a far cry from the 1970s when the Government set a target of 25,000 local authority houses for each year. It was said it could not be done, but the Minister of the day pressed on and succeeded in exceeding the target of more than 100,000 houses in four years. I believe the figure was in the region of 110,000 houses in a four-year period.

If that could be done in the early 1970s when there was no Celtic tiger driving the economy, I cannot understand why it may not be done at present. Where there is a will, there is a way. Up to now there has been little serious attempt to make inroads in the affordable housing crisis which has been with us for more than a generation. Affordable housing should be provided and targeted at reducing the massive numbers on housing lists throughout the country.

The non-affordability of housing has for too long been a blight on young families. It is one of the largest investments that people have to make and it is very difficult for them to get a foot on the ladder initially. The associated banks and other financial institutions are not entering the affordable housing market from a philanthropic angle. Their primary motivation is to maximise their profits and year on year results clearly indicate just how successful they are in this regard. They are not bearing gifts for those seeking local authority, social and affordable housing. What happens if negative equity occurs or the long-anticipated housing crash happens? The local authority will only have second call on the proceeds of a sale. For most families the home is their most valuable asset. If the equity is minimised they will be lucky to be stuck with the home, regardless of its value.

This is rushed legislation and the House should have more time to reflect on it. This practice of rushing legislation is not good. Sufficient time has not been allocated to the Bill for discussion. Rushed legislation does not make good law.

I agree with the principle of this Bill. However, I agree with the previous speaker that rushed legislation gives rise to difficulties. It is the same at the end of every term. The Bill is straightforward. This may not be the Minister of State's remit, but I would like his officials to take on board the concept of a clawback as regards industrial sites sold by local authorities. I have seen significant abuses in this area. Obviously, it is the bailiwick of the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, though perhaps not this Minister of State, as regards the sale of industrial sites by local authorities to developers. They come along, build their units or sell them to someone else. The clawback should be built into the industrial sites.

I am in favour of affordable housing, but it appears to have within it what I refer to as the "Bermuda triangle" concept. I ask the House to bear with me for a moment. Let us say I am a builder and I have 50 houses, ten of them affordable, that is 20% of the development. I build the ten affordable houses and they are sold for €150,000 each, for example, to those who qualify. If a person who buys one sells it in the morning, he or she will get the market value of €250,000 or whatever, equivalent to a dramatic increase. The clawback goes back to the local authority. However, builders and developers have not dropped their expectations of what their profits should be, so where has the apparent loss to the developer gone, that is, the difference between what was sold initially as affordable housing and what was obtained on the open market? It is gone on to the prices of the remaining 80% of houses built in the development. Members should bear that in mind. There is no magic formula here. Someone is paying for the difference and it is the other house buyers who have bought the remaining 80%.

I want to make a couple of relevant points. The Minister of State in his speech stated that the key focus is on supply. In Wicklow we have an archaic rule — I raised this with the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government before. It is the "locals only" concept on areas outside Bray, Delgany, Greystones, Wicklow and Arklow.

This does not apply just to one-off housing in an area of outstanding natural beauty but to housing drawing on services. There was a policy, which I believe was instigated by the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government and based on the strategic planning guidelines, whereby if houses were built in Roundwood, Rathdrum, Blessington, Tinahely or wherever, only people resident in Wicklow for a year and in a permanent job or who were permanent native residents could purchase those houses. This was crazy because someone in Rathvilly, which is in my constituency, looked to buy a house in Blessington in the same constituency and could not do so. Despite this, someone from outer Mongolia could come to Rathvilly and buy a house. In the previous development plan which was adopted a few weeks ago, a proposal was put forward to drop this to a 50:50 ratio, which is better than what was in place previously. However, the principle is still wrong.

I met a man from Blessington who had bought one of the houses in Woodleigh, the controversial estate beside the illegal dump. His ancestors had come from Wicklow, but he lived in Dublin so he did not qualify for the housing. When I asked him how he had managed to circumvent the system, he told me that he had not done so. A local person from somewhere else in Wicklow bought it off the plans and sold it to him at a substantial profit. That is a crazy system.

The Minister of State might argue that this is not the policy of the Department but rather that of the local authority. However, a submission was made to the county development plan by a civil servant in the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government who was involved in the national spatial strategy. The civil servant claimed that the policy proposed was the correct one. This has not happened in Meath or Kildare, so I would like the Minister to re-examine it.

The Minister should also put an onus on either builders or local authorities to inform buyers of new houses of future plans in the area. Such plans could include developments or any other items that may have a major impact on their housing. It was shown on "Prime Time" that there was an illegal dump in Woodleigh in Blessington a few yards from the housing estate. It was known by the authorities that the dump was there, albeit after permission for the housing development was granted. Some people, whether it was the auctioneer or the builder, knew the dump was there, but people bought houses there after it became common knowledge because they did not know about the dump. That loophole must be tied up by giving the buyers a copy of the local area plan.

The buy back for local authority houses is a maximum of 30% — 3% each year up to ten years. I have come across individuals who have tried to buy their houses which have been valued at €130,000 or €140,000, whereas their neighbours bought their houses for €50,000 or €60,000 three or four years ago. These people cannot buy such houses at current prices. I know Deputy O'Dowd has the following idea in mind for our party's next general election manifesto, so I hope the Minister of State can beat us to it. This buy back should be changed to 3% over 20 years. People have paid for these houses in the past.

The clawback should also be built in. At present, if people sell their local authority houses, they must sell them to people who qualify. That system is being abused in that people buy a house for a certain amount under the ten-year rule and sell it on for a substantial profit to someone who has circumvented the system. A clawback should be built into that as well. There are families who had houses built in the 1970s and whose children have now grown up. Such people want a home for their children but want to hold on to their family home. They cannot buy in the current climate and a case should be made for them.

Any tax that is inequitable will not stand the test of time. The levy system is a sore point with some Government Deputies and it is an inequitable tax. One cannot expect a percentage of people to pay for infrastructure from which everyone will benefit. Wicklow County Council tried to circumvent this by putting in place a second set of levies. I was glad to see that An Bord Pleanála overturned this second set of levies in the first case in which it adjudicated on the matter. The levies in Wicklow are unsustainable in meeting the infrastructural requirements as the current guidelines stand. On budget day, the Minister gave out money left, right and centre. We did not hear anything about all these other charges. The issue is local government funding, and something must be done about it. We cannot expect a small minority to pick up the tab for it.

I congratulate the Minister of State on providing the funding for central heating in local authority housing. I would like to see that rolled out as much as possible as it is very beneficial. He might ask local authorities to look at breaking up one bedroom flats with steep stairs into two or three bedrooms. I also believe that the income level for affordable housing should be raised. I have come across people who cannot afford a house in their own area but do not qualify for affordable housing because their income is too high.

I thank Members for their general support for the Bill, which is welcome. A number of people tried to read things into the Bill that are not in it. The current clawback is in place, as is affordable housing. The system is that local authorities grant all the loans. Deputy Timmins spoke the truth when he said that some people cannot obtain affordable housing because they are just over the income limit. This Bill will allow financial institutions to give them a loan for an affordable house.

We are building around 5,000 local authority houses and 1,700 housing association houses, which is a total of just under 7,000 new houses. The waiting list of 48,000 families is too long. Of these, 30% are headed by single parents and another 32% are lone parents with one child. When we compare that figure with what it might have been ten years ago, then we are often not comparing like with like. A number of years ago, one could not get on a local authority list unless one was a senior citizen. Some Deputies said that there should be a national housing agency. If we take any more power from local authorities, we will rightly be criticised for it. Housing is one of the key functions of local authorities and we want that to remain the case.

The National Economic and Social Council, NESC, report on performance and policy was published today. I welcome it and it will give everyone an opportunity to discuss issues such as social housing supply and sale schemes. There are different views on that latter issue as some people believe in the sale scheme while others do not. Such people are on different ends of the spectrum and there is a section in the NESC report on that issue. The NESC has made a number of recommendations that the Government will consider carefully. Undertakings have been given that we will discuss the report at the All-Party Committee on the Constitution as well as the Goodbody report when it becomes available. A number of reports are relevant to this discussion. We have already received the ninth progress report from the All-Party Committee on the Constitution. I am also publishing the report by Goodbody economic consultants which considered the economic rationale for and the impact of one specific proposal aimed at accelerating the supply of building land based on the principle of use it or lose it. This report is a useful examination of the issues involved, although it did not identify a clear base for such a scheme.

A special task force has recently been established involving the managers of the four local authorities in Dublin with input from other managers in the region to advise on issues that will further assist in delivering a speedy supply of affordable housing in the Dublin area. That is where the problem exists. I see affordable homes built and sold at very reasonable prices in many parts of the country when compared with Dublin. The problem is very much in the Dublin area. There are now four affordable housing schemes. There were 2,600 affordable houses built last year under the shared ownership scheme of 1999. The others will come on stream. Approximately 500 have been produced this year under Part V and 1,800 are under construction. Most of those, if not all, will be delivered next year. There are approximately 2,000 under discussion under Part V agreements. Many things are happening.

A number of Members referred to supply. The supply is significant and we are slowly approaching a situation where buyers have a better opportunity to purchase. Ten years ago, 22,000 houses were built per year but 68,000 were built last year and more than 75,000 will be built this year. The situation is changing and there are better opportunities for people.

However, there are many more people in the market. One of the problems in this area is demographic change. The population of the country increased by 8% in the six-year period but the population aged between 25 and 34 increased by 18%. They are the people seeking houses. If that population increase had occurred in the newborn category, it would not have put any pressure on the housing market. Everything must be considered in that light.

I believe we have broken the back of the problem. Many other points were made which I do not have time to answer. However, I thank Members for their general support of the Bill. We are simply extending what already exists. The concerns expressed by Deputy McCormack already exist in the current system. The financial agencies can now offer loans below the €36,800 threshold and above it. I expect them to opt mainly for the people above it for the houses and apartments that will become available under Part V and where there had been a problem with how they would be financed anyway.

As it is now 6.30 p.m., I am obliged to put the following question in accordance with an order of the Dáil this day: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Question put and agreed to.

When is it proposed to take Committee Stage?

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