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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 16 Feb 2005

Vol. 597 No. 6

Social Welfare and Pensions Bill 2005: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I am very pleased to introduce the second of two Bills intended to implement the €874 million social welfare package announced in budget 2005. This sum represents a 40% increase of €244 million on the 2004 package of €630 million and brings the projected level of social welfare expenditure in 2005 to over €12.25 billion. That represents a 9% increase of €1 billion on the allocation for 2004. This level of expenditure is the highest ever on social welfare and is indicative of the Government's priority to protect and improve the living standards of social welfare recipients. It is a clear demonstration of this Government's commitment to addressing the needs of people with disabilities and their carers, children, the elderly, widowed persons, the unemployed, those who are parenting alone and many others who are disadvantaged, vulnerable or on the margins of society. It continues substantial year-on-year increases in social welfare spending, representing an increase of almost 60% in four years and double that which was spent in 1997.

The budget for my Department, at more than €12 billion, is the largest spending allocation of any Department. It means that for every €3 that will be spent by this Government in 2005, almost €1 will go in social welfare entitlements, benefits and supports. An estimated 970,000 people are expected to claim weekly social welfare payments this year. Almost 1.5 million people, including dependents, will benefit from these payments. That is two out of every five people in the State who are, in one way or another, receiving vital welfare supports.

Since this Government took up office, Ireland has changed dramatically and the facts speak for themselves. The number of people at work has increased to almost 1.9 million; the rate of unemployment has fallen dramatically from 10% to 4.3%, which is the lowest in the EU and among the lowest in the world; the number of low-paid removed from the tax net has increased and all those on the minimum wage will be completely taken of the income tax net this year; while spending on social welfare has more than doubled from €5.74 billion in 1997 to an expected €12.25 billion in 2005. Over the past decade, while gross average industrial earnings have increased by 71%, social welfare payments have improved by between 87% and 95% and by even more for larger families. Substantial improvements in the conditions for entitlement to a range of social welfare schemes and services have been implemented. New social welfare benefits such as the farm assist scheme, carer's benefit, the widowed parent grant and the respite care grant have been introduced and enhanced. The social welfare increases of budget 2005 range from more than 7% to over 10%, while inflation this year is expected to come in at 2.5%.

I could spend a long time quoting more facts and figures that confirm the pivotal role the Department plays in the lives of so many people and the great strides that have been made in just a few years. However, the Department of Social and Family Affairs is about more than statistics. The payments, benefits and supports that go directly to almost 1 million people are a weekly lifeline for many struggling to make ends meet. More often than not, the Department is the final safety net for those descending towards poverty, marginalisation and economic and social distress.

However, the Department is more than an efficient and effective administrative structure for processing and delivering State entitlements. It is above all else about people and it must be people centered. The response of the Department must always be to shape the welfare system to meet individual and family needs. That must be the guiding principle for the way my Department does its work. It will continue to react and respond speedily and sympathetically to all those who reach out to the welfare lifeline. It will not be guided only by rules and regulations that may sometimes blur the real purpose. Put simply, a one-size welfare system does not fit all. The Department is about the welfare and the overall well being of those who are caught in the daily struggle to make ends meet. Such people include the children at risk of poverty, the carers who look after those unable to care for themselves, older people, the unemployed and the many others who must be supported. We are now enjoying a new wave of economic growth and this time around the rising tide must lift those boats that are left behind.

I will now outline the main provisions of the Bill which amends both the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act 1993, which is the principal Act, as well as the Pensions Act 1990. I propose making the following amendments to the social welfare code. In the area of child income support, the Government's policy is to concentrate resources on enhancing the child benefit scheme. Child benefit now accounts for over 66% of child income support, while in 1994 it constituted less than 30%. There are sound reasons for this policy. Child benefit is both neutral vis-à-vis the employment status of the parents of the child, and it does not contribute to poverty traps. As a universal payment, child benefit is not taxable, is not assessed as means for other secondary benefits and is payable to the primary carer, usually the mother. When account is taken of these aspects of payment, child benefit is a most effective child income support mechanism. Section 3 provides for increases in the monthly rates of child benefit as announced in budget 2005. The lower rate of benefit, payable in respect of each of the first two children, is being increased by €10 per month to €141.60. The rate for the third and each subsequent child is to increase by €12 per month to bring the rate from €165.30 to €177.30. The increases will come into effect from 1 April.

Disability benefit payment rates are determined in part by the level of the claimant's weekly earnings. Currently, where a person in receipt of long-term unemployment assistance becomes ill or unfit for work, he or she may qualify for only a reduced rate disability benefit as a consequence of having low or non-existent earnings during the governing contribution year. Section 4 of the Bill provides that in such cases a person may be eligible to receive disability benefit at the maximum rate where he or she satisfies the qualifying conditions and has paid a minimum of 260 social insurance contributions and 39 credited contributions in the governing contribution year. The section further provides that such customers shall be exempted from the requirement to have paid 13 of the required 39 contributions and to satisfy the prescribed earnings limit. The measures will take effect from the beginning of May.

Currently, where a person in receipt of injury benefit suffers a second injury and establishes entitlement to disablement benefit, the total amount payable is restricted to 100% of the disablement benefit rate. Section 5 provides for the abolition of the limit to permit payment of disablement benefit together with the appropriate rate of injury benefit. The measure will be effective from 2 May.

As the House knows, I am committed to the cause of carers. I set out in the budget process to recognise and support in a special way the contribution carers make to society. Carers provide a valued and valuable service and everyone in this House and society in general knows of the commitments and sacrifices involved. The package of measures I agreed with the Minister for Finance commits additional spending of close to €35 million to enhance supports for carers and to allow more of them to qualify for entitlements. The range of measures I propose includes an increase of €14 per week in carer's allowance and carer's benefit payments. The increase has been applied since January and was initially provided for in last year's Social Welfare Act. The annual respite care grant is to increase from €835 to €1,000 and will be received by almost 33,000 full-time carers this year. The respite care grant is to be extended to include irrespective of income all carers who provide full-time care subject to the conditions that they are not otherwise employed for more than ten hours per week, in receipt of an unemployment payment or signing for unemployment credits. The measure will result in the receipt of the grant by an estimated additional 9,200 full-time carers for the first time.

Section 7 of the Bill provides for the implementation of all respite care grant enhancements with effect from June this year. In recognition of the particular challenges faced by those carers who provide care for three or more people, the respite care grant will be paid in respect of each of their care recipients. The carer's package this year expands the income limits for carer's allowance by increasing the weekly means test income disregard by €20 to €270 for a single person and by €40 to €540 for a couple to allow all those earning an average industrial income to qualify. The measure will permit a couple with two children to earn up to €30,700 and receive the maximum rate of carer's allowance. The same couple will be able to earn up to €49,200 and receive the minimum rate of carer's allowance, free travel, the household benefits package of free schemes and the respite care grant. The improvements set out will result in the qualification of an additional 1,000 new carers for payment while 2,400 existing carers currently in receipt of a reduced payment will receive an increase in their weekly carer's allowance payment.

The earnings threshold for carer's benefit recipients who work for up to ten hours per week outside the home is to increase by €120 to €270 per week. The revised earnings disregard, which will be provided for in regulations, will be effective from April. In addition, I intend to ease somewhat the qualification conditions for entitlement to carer's benefit to extend entitlement to certain seasonal and atypical workers who have difficulty meeting the current employment related conditions. While it was originally proposed to remove the conditions, this was not considered on further examination to constitute the best way forward. To remove the conditions would be to break the link with employment, which was not the original intention. Given the issue's complexity, I do not want to make changes with the potential to cut across proposals to accommodate certain patterns of care sharing which my Department is currently examining. I have decided, therefore, to revisit section 6 of the Bill and propose to bring forward an amendment to it on Committee or Report Stage.

I assure the House that my intention is to make carer's benefit more accessible to those who work. The measures set out in the 2005 budget and previous initiatives will go some way towards responding to the specific needs of carers. There will be further opportunities to address the issues which face carers and I hope to take them. I will continue to meet with and listen to carers to further develop the entitlements and supports which best assist them in the valuable work they do. While a great deal has been done, we must acknowledge that there is a lot more which should and, I assure the House, will be done to recognise and reward carers.

With some exceptions, disability allowance is not generally payable to a person who resides in an institution. Section 8 of the Bill provides for the introduction of a means-tested payment of up to €35 per week for persons currently excluded from the disability allowance scheme by virtue of their residence in an institution. It is estimated that some 2,400 people will benefit from the provision which will be effective from 1 June.

Section 9 of the Bill provides that the amount of capital disregarded for means test purposes for all schemes except supplementary welfare allowance will be increased from €12,694.38 to €20,000. This is an increase of over €7,300. The improvement is being introduced following an examination of current arrangements for the assessment of capital and property, especially in so far as they apply to special savings investment accounts, or SSIAs. The enhanced disregard will apply to all capital regardless of whether it is held in an SSIA or credit union, post office or other account with a bank or other financial institution. The increased disregard will provide, for example, that a single non-contributory pensioner with no other means can hold capital of up to €28,000 while continuing to qualify for a pension at the maximum rate. A single pensioner will be able to hold capital of up to €76,000 while continuing to qualify for a minimum pension. The figures are double in the case of a pensioner couple.

SSIAs were introduced in 2001 as part of an overall Government strategy to encourage a regular savings culture among the population in general. The new measures are consistent with this strategy and are designed to ensure that social welfare means-testing procedures do not act as a disincentive to claimants to become savers or harshly penalise those who have been regular savers in the past. The provisions will take effect from early April in respect of carer's allowance and from early June for other relevant means-tested schemes.

Section 10 provides for an entitlement to island allowance for those in receipt of certain payments from other EU member states which correspond to the social welfare payments with which island allowance is normally payable. The measure will take effect on the enactment of the Bill. Section 11 standardises the transitional arrangements introduced following the alignment of the income tax and calendar years in 2001 for determining entitlement to certain insurance-based social welfare schemes. Section 11 confirms that the second last complete contribution year will continue to be used to determine entitlement to short-term benefit schemes such as those for unemployment and disability benefit. Sections 12 and 13 provide for the same treatment which applies to unemployment benefit, unemployment assistance and farm assist payments for the community employment scheme for the purposes of employment under the rural social scheme operating under the aegis of the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs.

As I mentioned at the outset, the Bill makes a number of miscellaneous amendments to the social welfare code. The amendments are contained in sections 14 to 22. They include a technical amendment which provides that only one carer's benefit or carer's allowance payment may be made in any week in respect of the full-time care of a care recipient. The Mental Health Commission will be added to the list of specified bodies authorised by legislation to use a personal public service number as a unique public service identifier. According to another amendment, bereavement grants may be awarded and six-weeks-after-death payment arrangements applied without the need for referral to a deciding officer.

The Bill amends the timeframe for initiating summary prosecution proceedings in cases of fraud and abuse and modifies payment arrangements to allow orphan's payment to be made directly to an orphan aged over 18 years where he or she is not residing with a guardian. A further amendment allows for the defining in regulations of the types of employment from which a portion of earnings may be disregarded in the assessment of entitlement to rent or mortgage interest supplements. The Bill further provides that the approach to recovery of social welfare overpayments will be prescribed in regulations and the alignment of the residency conditions attaching to the home-maker's scheme, in so far as it applies to people providing care to ill or elderly persons, with those which apply to carer's allowance, carer's benefit and respite care grant schemes.

The Bill also amends the text of certain provisions of the principal Act in advance of the publication of the social welfare (consolidation) Bill 2005 which is being prepared. The amendments will reflect the changes effected by the Health Act 2004 by providing in section 23 and Schedule 1 for changes consequent on the dissolution of the health boards and the establishment of the Health Service Executive.

Section 24 and Schedule 2 provide for the substitution of Schedule 3 to the principal Act with the reorganised accessible version of the text. This Schedule contains the rules governing the calculation of means. Section 25 and Schedule 3 provide for further amendments required on foot of the revised Schedule. Section 26 and Schedules 4 and 5 provide for a number of technical and textual amendments to the text of the principal Act required in advance of consolidation of the Social Welfare Acts.

I regard the area of occupational and supplementary pensions as one of the key challenges of my ministry. This is my first time to address the House with regard to this aspect of my brief in the context of a Bill, and therefore I will briefly set out some views. Regarding occupational pension cover, my philosophy is that the State has a responsibility to encourage people to make pension provision. It also has a responsibility to step in and fill gaps where they exist. There are gaps: only 59% of workers over the age of 30 have supplementary pensions, despite our target of 70%; only 43% of women in the State have pensions; and people in their twenties taking up jobs generally make no pension provision.

These are fundamental issues to which I, the Government and the House must turn our minds. Pension coverage and adequacy of cover is a multifaceted problem and there is no single solution. These challenges were recognised by those involved in the national pensions policy initiative and progress has been made under the strategy pursued since. However, I am concerned at the pace of change. I have therefore asked the Pensions Board to bring forward completion of the review of the current strategy required under the Pensions Act from the originally agreed date of September 2006 to June 2005. Getting a balanced strategy is a real challenge and I will keep the House apprised of developments.

The measures I introduced today provide for the implementation of a major EU directive on pensions and measures to address the very real problems experienced by defined benefit occupational pension schemes.

EU Council Directive 2003/41/EC on the activities and supervision of institutions for occupational retirement provision is generally referred to as the IORPs directive. The directive sets out a framework for the operation and supervision of occupational pension schemes in all member states and will facilitate pan-European pension plans. In Ireland, the Pensions Act 1990 already provides for much of that framework and requires only a small number of amendments to ensure compliance, including the insertion of a section regulating cross-Border activity. However, there are three issues of change that are important to note.

The first relates to emerging opportunities for Ireland in the context of pan-European pensions under this directive. A task force, on which my Department was represented, was established under the auspices of the IFSC clearing house group to consider how Ireland might best respond to these emerging opportunities. That group recommended Ireland position itself as a domicile of choice for such pan-European pensions schemes while recognising that this is a medium-term objective. One of my overriding concerns in transposing this directive is to ensure it is transposed in a way that facilitates that aim and, as late as yesterday, I had discussions with the chairperson of the group as to how best we can progress this agenda. In Ireland, occupational pension schemes have traditionally been trust-based vehicles and, in the months following enactment of this Bill, I intend to engage with interested parties to establish whether there are other suitable pension arrangements that may facilitate those considering pan-European schemes. For the moment, institutions establishing in Ireland will have to be on a trust basis.

The second issue relates to Article 18 of the directive that deals with investment rules. Under that article, borrowing by pension schemes is prohibited other than for liquidity purposes and on a temporary basis. Section 36 implements this requirement. The directive allows for schemes with less than 100 members to be exempted from this requirement. However, I took the view that if this is a prudent rule for some schemes it is prudent for all, an approach supported by the Pensions Board. Equally, the borrowing prohibition cannot be seen in isolation from the investment rules that relate, inter alia, to a requirement to ensure assets are invested predominantly on regulated markets and are properly diversified.

The third issue relates to the requirement that those who run pension schemes must be of good repute and must possess appropriate qualifications and experience. To deal with this aspect of the directive, section 34 sets out the circumstances under which a person must not act as trustee of a scheme, such as having a conviction for dishonesty or being prohibited from acting as a director of a company. The requirements with regard to qualifications and experience will be set out in regulations. The Pensions Board will be empowered to make a determination as to whether a trustee satisfies these requirements and a determination that they do not have the effect of removing the person as a trustee. The section includes appropriate appeal mechanisms.

The other aspect of the Pensions Act amendments relate to recommendations made to me by the Pensions Board on foot of a review of the funding standard for defined benefit schemes. In 2003, my predecessor, the Minister, Deputy Coughlan, introduced short-term measures designed to alleviate the funding crisis in pension schemes. The review recommends retention of these provisions, which it found largely successful. However, what has emerged clearly since these provisions were introduced is that the liability side of pension funds is also under pressure. Improved longevity and lower interest rates are just some of the trends increasing these liabilities. I have therefore provided that an extension may also be granted with regard to difficulties on the liability side and details of this measure will be specified in regulations. These measures, being introduced after extensive consultation, achieve the required balance between member protection and the encouragement of continued pension provision.

Other amendments to the Pensions Act include: a change to section 7(a ) to ensure that where guidance issued by the Society of Actuaries in Ireland is specified in regulations made under that section, it may not be altered by the society without ministerial consent; an amendment to section 18 to allow the board to require certain documents or seek certain information in the context of an investigation of a scheme; a requirement that trustee consent should always be required where early retirement is being granted in the case of a defined benefit scheme that is under-funded; an increase, from €4,000 to €10,000, in the transfer value in respect of which a certificate comparing potential benefits from the occupational pension scheme to those from the PRSA will not be required; and an increase from 15 days to 30 days in the cooling off period required when taking out a PRSA contract, which is in line with the period provided for with regard to distance marketing of consumer financial services.

This Social Welfare and Pensions Bill builds further on the development of social inclusion measures adopted by the Government in recent years. It safeguards the living standards of those who rely on social welfare income and other supports and prioritises the allocation of resources in favour of those most in need. My priority in this Bill is to make significant progress in delivering on social welfare commitments contained in the programme for government, Sustaining Progress and the national action plan against poverty and social exclusion.

Resources will be targeted on helping those most in need in order, not alone to raise their standard of living, but to ensure that everyone is a valued citizen capable of making his or her own individual contribution to society regardless of his or her circumstances.

I commend the Bill to the House and look forward to a constructive debate.

I welcome the Minister and am grateful for the opportunity to speak on the Bill. I also thank him and his officials for the comprehensive and welcome briefing the Opposition received on the Bill yesterday evening. I recognise the huge amount of work that has gone into this Bill on the part of the Minister and his officials, as well as the work due later in the year with regard to the Consolidation Bill. We will go back as far as 1889 and change some of the legislation still on the books since that time. There will be a massive amount of work involved. The changeover from the health boards to the Health Service Executive has caused much work for officials in the Department of Social and Family Affairs, as they must go through the legislation and make changes. We must therefore be careful when we make changes here.

There was an unfortunate newspaper column in recent weeks. In one sense, it raised the issue of lone parents and exposed the problems faced by thousands of families struggling daily to provide the most basic necessities for their children. That debate is ongoing and it is important we keep it so. The Minister reacted to this debate by talking about some family friendly payment. I urge him to introduce this as quickly as possible. I will pursue the Minister on this matter. We do not want just an announcement but action and solid proposals brought to the House for debate.

An EU report revealed that Irish women are at greater risk of poverty than their counterparts in any other member state. A total of 23% of Irish women are at risk of poverty. That report was released yesterday. The Minister and his colleagues tell us how well off we are but an independent, outside body has conducted research and found that we are not doing well enough. It states, in effect, that the Minister must do better.

The CSO recently published a report which estimated that approximately 120,000 children and over 23,000 lone parent households with children are living in consistent poverty. That is not good enough. The Minister dismisses relative income poverty, claiming it does not count, and says the Government is dealing with consistent poverty. However, the CSO report refers to consistent poverty. This means the children concerned do not have a proper coat and only have a proper meal every second day. This is happening in Ireland today.

Of the member states of the EU, Ireland has the greatest gap between the rich and the poor. It is the Minister's job to deal with this. Unfortunately, however, there is no measure in this Bill, or indeed in last year's Bill, to deal with it. The Minister and his predecessors have made matters worse. According to the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, over 50,000 households are on waiting lists for social housing. The estimated number of homeless households remains high at 3,773 in 2002 compared with 3,743 in 1999. The situation has got worse.

Other recent studies found that the number of children living in housing that is overcrowded, damp, in disrepair and in poor neighbourhoods had more than doubled up to 2002. As many as 243,000 children in 94,000 households are at risk of experiencing detrimental living conditions. These are the facts. Children of lone parents are far more likely to experience the housing problems cited. One third of all lone parent families live in local authority housing compared with just 7% of couples with children. The impact of these issues on the children's welfare is manifest in their increased risk of psychological, respiratory, general health and behavioural problems, all of which impact on their education, health and sense of well-being. That was the finding of Trinity College's children's research centre in a report published in October 2004, Housing Problems and Irish Children.

A Combat Poverty Agency study in 2001 showed that there is a link between low income, poverty and health. Two thirds of 30 families in the study had some health problems. People affected by ill health are more likely to live on low income because they are unable to gain employment or because their employment experiences are likely to be sporadic due to ill health. Stress, isolation and depression were induced by lack of money and inadequate income made it difficult to have a healthy diet. The Combat Poverty Agency report is entitled, Against All Odds — Family Life on a Low Income in Ireland.

The same study also covered the issue of living in deprived communities. The report highlighted the generally inadequate provision of public housing and the absence of affordable, private sector housing. These problems were particularly acute in Dublin but we see them throughout the country. Parents were worried that playgrounds were not safe for children. People living in disadvantaged housing estates are not only highly likely to become victims of crime but anticipate this as part of their daily lives. In a third of households surveyed, relationships with neighbours were problematic and it was not uncommon for these people to live in terror of their neighbours. Many people felt bullied. The same situation occurs throughout the country.

There is no co-ordinated thinking on the part of the Government to deal with these issues. The Minister spoke recently about joined up thinking and joined up Government with regard to child care and other such issues. There must be action soon on these issues. Houses are being built throughout the country but no community facilities are being provided. In one area there was an obligation on the developer to make a crèche available. However, the rent for the crèche is so high that nobody can afford to rent it. That is appalling but the Government sits idly by, impervious to what is happening. Many of its members do not appear to realise what is happening.

The Minister can react to the furore last week, but that is all he does. We need action in this area. In budget 2005, the Government broke its promises on child benefit payments for the third year in a row. What the Minister is introducing today is a broken promise. He spoke about the increases in child benefit, which are welcome, but they do not keep pace with the commitment his predecessors made in the past. Child dependant allowance has been frozen since 1994. This payment helps families struggling on social welfare. Why has the Minister turned his face against helping such families?

The Minister spoke about a second tier of payments for families that are struggling to survive. He has been speaking about this since he took office but there has been no action. The Bill was an opportunity to bring forward proposals for a second tier of payments but they are not in it. Now we must wait for next year's Social Welfare Bill before possibly seeing action in this regard. This Bill is a missed opportunity.

The back to school clothing and footwear allowances have not increased for the second year in a row. These two payments are targeted at those most in need, the people who, according to the Minister, are struggling to make ends meet. There are many such people and, unfortunately, some of them are not succeeding. By not recognising the importance of these two payments and not increasing child benefit the Minister has added to the pain and suffering experienced by these families.

There is a dearth of affordable child care for parents, particularly lone parents. I will support the Minister in any proposal he makes in this area. I urge him, as a priority, to get together with his Government colleagues and bring forward the joined up Government he mentioned. Unless a family or individual is wealthy, early education for one's child is a luxury in this country. In other European countries it is the norm. In Finland, for example, the state provides early education and children do not start formal schooling until they are seven years of age.

I have encountered cases in this country where children are going to school before they are four years of age, even though they should not be. The parents have no choice. I asked parliamentary questions on this last year and was given a response by the then Minister, so I am not making it up. I was shocked to discover that. Furthermore, the National Educational Welfare Board does not have enough money to carry out its tasks.

This is an area for which the Minister is responsible and on which he should focus but he is failing to do so. The National Educational Welfare Board was established on foot of legislation passed by the Houses. Everybody supported the legislation. However, the funding was increased by only €1.3 million even though the board sought €6.1 million. Currently, there is one educational welfare officer for every 12,000 students entitled to receive a service from the board. The international norm is one for 3,000.

The famous savage 16 cuts are only partly amended. For a Government that is supposed to be caring, it is difficult to understand why the cuts were introduced and I am disappointed the Minister did not take this opportunity to rescind them. There was a long debate on the back to education allowance. The Minister reduced the period from 15 to 12 months. He told the House previously that he would reduce it to nine months so why did he not do so in the Bill? What is the Minister waiting for? The current situation goes against expert advice given at the time the BTA was introduced. At the time, the advice was that anything longer than six months would be retrogressive. The Minister has had two opportunities to change the matter this year, yet he has failed to do so. The Minister should examine this point and table an amendment on Committee Stage to reduce the period to nine months. We would support such an amendment. If not, perhaps the Minister will tell us why he will not do so.

The Bill will restore traditional half-rate payments for recipients of one-parent family payments for six months, where income exceeds €293 per week. This is a reversal as, prior to the cutback, recipients received traditional half-rate payments for 12 months. Supplementary welfare allowance recipients have been assisted by MABS in dealing with creditors but this service has been discontinued. The allocation to fund the service used to be €700,000 per year but the Government has now replaced annual funding with a one-off payment.

The crèche supplement payment is being continued but it will be much more difficult to avail of than heretofore. If the Minister discussed this matter with community welfare officers around the country, they could tell him about the problems they are facing.

Restoration of the diet supplement is pending a report on its adequacy and application by the Irish Nutrition and Dietary Institute. The Government is once again awaiting a report before it takes action but how long does it take to obtain a report on something as simple as this? Why not leave the supplement in place until the report is published? It is like a three-card trick: the supplement is taken away and the Minister then says he will bring it back if he receives a favourable report. Why not leave the supplement alone, however, and make the change when the expert report is received?

The referral of claimants for rent supplement to local authorities for assessment seems to be under consultation with the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government but it is unclear as to what is happening. Even the officials concerned are unclear about it. Perhaps the Minister can explain that matter because it needs to be clarified. The amendment to the rent supplement conditions whereby applicants may be refused if they have not been renting for a period of six months is ambiguous. It may still mean that applicants will have to provide proof that they are already renting in order to claim the supplement. We are talking, in particular, about people who are fleeing domestic violence. The Minister should re-examine this serious problem because people fleeing domestic violence may not be able to avail of the rent supplement. Community welfare officers are unclear about this point so it is the Minister's responsibility to clarify it.

I could talk also about the medical card list but that matter is ongoing and people are almost punch drunk from listening to broken promises.

There are many aspects of the Bill which I welcome but they do not include the fact that child benefit has not been increased as promised. Fine Gael will not support that part of the Bill because the Government made a promise but did not keep it.

From April, persons in receipt of injury benefit who suffer a second injury will thus establish their entitlement to disability benefit. That is a good move with which I agree. The relaxation of employment conditions for entitlement to carer's benefit is also welcome.

The Bill provides for an improvement in the annual respite care grant from June. The Minister is correct in identifying carers as a group in society that needs special support. I welcome extension of the respite grant to all carers. I ask the Minister to ensure that the definition of those in need of carers and caring generally will not be too restrictive. We will have to examine how the grant extension works out but it is a good move that I welcome.

The provision of respite care means people will get a bed in a nursing home or hospital so the carer can avail of a break. Unfortunately, however, the provision of such respite places is limited. Issues may arise later on about the difficulty in obtaining such places, so we will have to see how the matter pans out.

I welcome the idea of introducing care sharing. Even though only one carer's allowance payment will be made in any one week in respect of full-time care of a care recipient, it is a positive step because it means people can share caring duties. Fine Gael believes the longer we can support people in their own home environment the better, rather than sending elderly people to nursing homes. People should be cared for in their own homes for as long as possible and I support anything the Minister may do to achieve that end.

I hope the issue of nursing homes will be debated in the House later today. We have heard what happened in regard to the Supreme Court's judgment. Clarity is required on that matter sooner rather than later. I hope the Government will allow a debate on it this evening because people require such clarification. The matter will be a major talking point across the country in the coming days with regard to how matters will progress from here.

When enacted, the Bill will include the Mental Health Commission in the list of specified bodies authorised to use personal public service numbers. The PPS number allows access to all kinds of personal information so we must be cautious in extending its authorised use. I note there is provision in the legislation to bring together all the bodies that can access the PPS number, which is particularly welcome. The use of such numbers, however, needs to be tightened up securely. There was some talk recently that it may be linked to the register of electors but I would not be too happy about that.

The bereavement grant is to be automatically awarded and that is a common-sense step which I welcome.

The Minister is giving himself more leeway to initiate summary prosecutions for cases involving social welfare fraud. I agree that anyone who abuses the system should be taken on and if more time is required to prepare such cases or obtain papers, it should be provided.

On the issue of guardians and orphans perhaps the Minister will examine the rights of fathers in view of the fact that the family law Bill is due to be introduced shortly. Nowadays, many people choose not to get married and in such cases a father may have no automatic right of guardianship unless he signs an order in that regard. The forthcoming family law Bill is supposed to deal with that issue but the Minister, Deputy Brennan, should examine the matter. He has referred to fathers' rights and I agree that we need to examine those rights. We also need to look at co-parenting of children. All these wider policy areas must be underpinned legally by legislation.

The Bill before the House tightens up the definition of an "orphan". Thankfully, we do not have too many orphans in society now and the number of those defined as orphans has actually fallen.

The issue of social welfare overpayments arose when the Department overpaid a certain number of old age pensioners. The Department then sought repayments by return of post stating that the pensioners would not receive their pensions the following week. In doing that, the Department broke its own rules. According to existing regulations, in the case of overpayment the Department should discuss the method of repayment with those concerned. Such matters should be negotiated but that did not happen in this case — the pensioners were just told that their pensions were being stopped.

I would be cautious about the Bill's provision to prescribe regulations concerning the approach to future social welfare overpayments. Perhaps the Minister will be able to tell us on Committee Stage what he intends to do in this regard. If he intends to do what he did over the Christmas period, I certainly could not support it. A mechanism is required whereby the Department will negotiate with people and take their individual circumstances into account. When people received this payment at Christmas, many thought it was another bonus and spent it. The following week they received a letter saying they would get no payment for that week. I do not know whether the Minister was aware of this at the time. However, many of these people had spent the money and they had no money the following week. This should not happen again, particularly since the Department's rules and regulations prevent this.

I welcome the alignment of the carer's allowance, carer's benefit and the homemaker's and respite care schemes. When will the Bill to amend the Social Welfare Consolidation Act 1993 be introduced? It would be useful to know because we would like to plan ahead given that it will involve a great deal of work.

The Minister has done significant work on pensions. He referred to opportunities for Ireland in the context of pan-European pensions under the directive. That is exciting. The tightening of the administration of schemes and the move to prevent people of dubious repute becoming trustees of pension schemes are welcome. The increase from €4,000 to €10,000 in the transfer value in respect of which a certificate comparing potential benefits from occupational pension schemes with those funded by a personal retirement savings account is also welcome, as is the increase in the cooling off period from 15 to 30 days. It is needed because 15 days is short. People need complete information about what they are getting into when taking out PRSAs. They need time to reflect on what they have done and then have an opportunity to withdraw if they wish.

Much more work needs to be done, as the Minister acknowledged. He stated at the beginning of his contribution that 1.5 million, including dependants, benefit from social welfare payments and two out of every five people in the State receive vital welfare supports. However, this can be looked on in two ways. The State is doing a great job supporting people or a great number of people at risk of consistent poverty need State support. We should all work to help people to become more independent to support themselves.

The working poor is the new phenomenon. This group comprises people in employment who are on low wages. They lose many of their benefits when they take up employment. The Labour Party has highlighted the loss of medical cards in recent days because of this phenomenon. I have met many young couples with young children who are under enormous financial pressure. Many are renting because of the lack of housing provision, which is the Government's fault. They earn low wages and have no medical cards, which is also the Government's fault because it has failed to provide them. If their children fall ill, they attend a doctor and must pay €50, which is followed by a trip to the pharmacy for medicine, which costs another €50. These couples are not being supported and that is the Government's fault. The number of people affected is increasing.

The Minister alluded to the number of people who do not pay tax, but they are not earning enough to do so and they are caught in this trap. That must be recognised and it must be ensured the family income supplement is made available to these people and that they are aware of it. They could also benefit from the clothing and footwear allowance and the CDA but the Government has neglected these benefits. I do not know why. Perhaps it is based on an underlying Government philosophy. The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform stated inequality is good in society and it is good that there are poor people in society. We are almost back to the Dickensian model of the deserving and undeserving poor. It has shades of "Oliver Twist". The Minister has not stated whether he agrees with the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform's assertion that inequality is good. He is the Minister for equality, not inequality. I challenge the Minister for Social and Family Affairs, when replying to the debate, to outline whether he thinks inequality in society is good.

Does the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform think there is a dynamic that forces poor people to work harder so that they become better off? That is skewed Progressive Democrats thinking. I do not agree with his assertion. Everybody must have an equal opportunity and people must be supported as best they can. We must support those who need it most. The Government has not done so in this legislation or in previous legislation introduced by the Minister's predecessor, Deputy Coughlan, which included the savage 16 cutbacks. The Minister had an opportunity to reverse all those cutbacks but he did not take it. He fudged the issue. He issued press releases and held press conferences to outline all the positive changes he would make, but that has not happened. Last week he jumped on the bandwagon in the one-parent family debacle and controversy. A timeframe for action is needed.

As the Minister acknowledged, following eight years of Government failure in this area, a great deal remains to be done. The Government parties have had more money than any Government in the history of the State. However, international bodies have stated Irish women are at greater risk of poverty than their counterparts in any other EU member state and 120,000 children and lone parents live in consistent poverty. The greatest gap between rich and poor in the EU is found in Ireland. The Minister needs to do much more and we expect more activity during the short period he remains in Government.

I am glad to have an opportunity to contribute to the debate on behalf of the Labour Party. The Bill provides for a number of measures announced in the budget and details the increases provided in child benefit but, as Deputy Stanton stated, they are still way behind the objective set out in various partnership agreements and fall well short of the solemn promise made by the Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats parties when they went to the polls in 2002. It is only one of a number of promises on which people were misled. The Bill also provides for improvements in the carer's benefit, respite care and disability payment schemes. The increase in the capital disregard for means-tested schemes is important.

One of the core objectives of the Labour Party is the achievement of a fair society. RH Tawney stated: "A society is free in so far and only so far as its institutions and policies are such as to enable all members to grow to their full stature." That is the Labour Party's vision. We want our social security system to do more than make weekly payments. It should be used creatively to encourage and enable social and economic participation. The fair society, which is our objective and which we will present to the people over the next few years as we prepare for the general election, is about the expansion of freedoms that people should be able to enjoy. It is based on the premise that everyone of us is born with immense talents, gifts and possibilities. A successful country allows people to unlock that potential and make the most of that which is within them to achieve. It should know no boundary of birth or background. Therefore, we will set out to develop a way for our social security system to play a maximum role in enabling full participation to the best of each individual's potential in our society and economy.

I set out this background because a Berlin-Boston argument has been put forward by the Progressive Democrats element of the Government. At one time the Minister for Social and Family Affairs, Deputy Brennan, was charged with being part of that brigade. Now he has changed place and I compliment him on the ad lib comments he made recently. Ireland is much closer to the Berlin model than the Boston model and our party articulates a vision and philosophy nearer to the Berlin model. Up to now the Boston model has been the predominant thinking within Government rather than the European ideal in terms of social protection.

We spend much less on social protection than most European countries and are second only to the United States with regard to the high proportion of people living in poverty. The Labour Party agrees with the OECD and ESRI conclusion that to reduce poverty, to which Deputy Stanton alluded, we must increase the amount we spend on social protection. Many countries are challenged to fund social security commitments. We have all responded to the exogenous pressures of globalisation and international competitors with their policy of low taxation and wage moderation. This intensifies pressure on expanding social protection funding, but does not make it impossible.

Lower tax rates set the macro fiscal context for social security policy. We can only afford a decent social security scheme with the capacity to take people out of poverty if we can fund it. High employment participation can make social security payments more affordable. High employment ensures the income tax base is as large as it can be and that as few working people as possible are reliant on social security. However, that is only one aspect.

We are one of the richest countries in the world, but we have a very high level of poverty. Two groups of particular concern are children and those in low-paid work. We must never forget the huge numbers of people in low-paid work living in poverty. We have failed to recognise that because the Government loves to quote the statistics for those who are in work. That ignores the fact that many of those at work are low paid. This debate has raised this issue.

Some journalists seem to have had the bright idea to perpetuate the right-wing thinking and ideology of some of those ivory-tower professors who do not know the reality of what is on the ground. Perhaps if they read the article I wrote for The Irish Times in September 2004, some of them might not have got into trouble, and neither would their editor. They should have taken time out to review that solid article which was based on empirical data and the real life experience of myself and my Labour Party colleagues on whose behalf I wrote it. No doubt it was written on behalf of every politician in the House who has witnessed the real poverty experienced by lone parents and those in work on low incomes. We must never forget these people and these issues.

Throughout the years of the Celtic tiger, child poverty remained virtually unchanged, with nearly one quarter of all children affected. While we had a decade of unprecedented prosperity and growth, a quarter of our children remained in poverty. That is an awful indictment of Government policy over the past decade. Children of lone parents are especially vulnerable in this regard. Despite the welcome fall in unemployment during the 1990s, there has been a worrying increase in the number of working people in poverty. While only 8.3% of those at work were in poverty in 1994, by 2001 the figure had risen to 18.8%, a 250% increase. These are Government measures of poverty. The Government often uses consistent poverty as a measure, but this is an outdated concept and method of measuring poverty.

The ESRI, which practically brought in the parameters and introduced the indicators, now says the method should be scrapped and binned. It knows it is no longer up to date and that the definition of poverty must be widened. This means matters are worse. Children and those in poverty must receive special care and attention and policy objectives must be set out to deal with the particular circumstances in which they find themselves. We must deal with this issue.

There is truth in the mantra that a job is the best route out of poverty. We all encourage full employment or high levels of employment for all people of labour market age who are able to work. It is important to remember that not everybody who takes up a job gets out of poverty. We seem to ignore that. There is a plethora of policies intended to encourage work and, therefore, social inclusion. However, many of these have become ineffective through not operating earnings disregards in line with inflation, for example, with regard to one-parent family payments, participation in and retention of the secondary schemes and the back to school clothing and footwear allowance.

These schemes are now useless. Their great objectives have been rendered nugatory and nullified because of the failure to update the disregards necessary to allow people free-flow into work without being let down with a bang when their secondary benefits are wiped away in one fell swoop. Poverty then sets in and instead of the boat being lifted, it tilts and sinks and dislodges the participants when the aim had been to get them out of the poverty trap and into work.

I accept the view of successive Governments that the best route out of poverty is through a job. However, if the job is not accompanied by ancillary measures which ensure the poverty is tackled root and branch, we will find ourselves with increasing poverty figures such as where 8.3% in 1994 became 18.8% in 2001. We must ensure that the operation of disregards is in line with inflation and that we do not unduly tighten the regulations of any of the schemes thereby making it harder to retain secondary benefits. These are issues that must be examined.

I wrote an article in September on the lone parent issue. I spent about a week trying to get the statistics, but I succeeded in getting them together. In the 2002 census, 150,634 lone parent households were listed. Lone mothers accounted for 85% of the total, almost 80,000 lone parent families, in receipt of support. These are the unvarnished public statistics. However, the census figures do not reveal how vulnerable lone parent families are, nor how their predicament in this prosperous country is getting worse rather than better. Many see this simplistically as somebody else's problem.

Lone parenthood can arise for any of us and few people choose to become lone parents. Lone parenthood can arise through death, divorce, desertion, separation, imprisonment of a partner or through an unplanned pregnancy. Whatever the cause, it is usually a traumatic event for both the lone parent and the affected children. The initial stages of adaptation to lone parenthood can be difficult. Equally difficult are the long-term prospects for lone parents. Internationally and in Ireland, the evidence is that lone parent families are at very high risk of poverty and that such poverty is persistent. This is determined largely by the prospects and feasibility of employment for the lone parent.

Employment for lone mothers is low in Ireland, as it is in the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands and a number of other EU member states, yet employment is the key to raising lone mothers out of the poverty to which their family circumstances have often condemned them. It can be difficult for lone parents to take up work, even if there is work on offer. Children must be cared for, despite the fact that there is no second parent to share the responsibility. Work must be found which facilitates this requirement, for example, when children need to be taken to and collected from school.

Many lone parent mothers, the largest group, have low educational qualifications and can, therefore, only find low paid insecure employment. For many lone parents work will be impossible without the provision of paid child care. For low wage earners also, the cost of child care can take the whole of any income earned and leave the parents and families no better off than when the parent is not working. The poverty of lone parents is largely determined by the level and regulation of lone parents' State payments, access to child care support, the cost of child care, the type of employment and employment opportunities available to them.

I had a look at how we measure up in Ireland. The first comprehensive State support for lone parent families was introduced in 1997 by my colleague, Proinsias De Rossa, MEP, when he was Minister for Social Welfare, as it was known then. The one-parent family payment applied to all one-parent families regardless of the reason for the situation. It was innovative at the time since the regulations allowed lone parents to work and earn up to €146.50 per week without losing any of their allowances. It also allowed them to earn up to €293 per week before the social welfare payment was lost. Notwithstanding that enlightened approach being taken to lone parents in 1997, in the past seven years there has been no increase, despite repeated requests from CORI and the One Parent Exchange and Network, OPEN, in the amount of income that can be earned before the State payment is lost.

The Irish Congress of Trade Unions carried out a survey between 1997 and 2000 which indicated that child care costs had doubled. It is probably safe to assume they have doubled again between 2000 and 2005. As a result, lone parents wishing to work are in an impossible position. They would lose all their State payments before they could earn enough to cover Ireland's extremely high child care costs even before they would have to address living expenses. This problem needs to be examined.

In 1994, lone parent households accounted for one in every 20 households in consistent poverty. In 2001, that figure had risen to one in five. As Deputy Stanton stated, lone parents in receipt of one-parent family payments have a higher rate of consistent poverty than any other category of social welfare recipients. Is it any wonder we hear stories from lone parents such as the one I met recently? A parent with two children told me that she does a big weekly shopping after being paid on Thursday. She always looks out for special offers and just buys the basics but there is usually nothing left by Wednesday apart from some mince in the freezer, sausages, soup and bread. Some lone parents are literally living on the bread line with little or nothing left to pay for those items the rest of us would consider essential such as back to school needs, children's birthday treats or Christmas costs. Those are the real facts. If Mr. Myers comes down from his ivory tower and takes Professor Walsh with him I will give them a tour around Mullingar or any town or city in the country, show them the reality and dispel some of the myths that exist. The total number of lone parent households has remained fairly constant for the past six years. They accounted for 11.2% of total private households in 1996 and 11.6% in 2002. Moreover, a sizeable proportion, nearly one sixth or 15%, of lone parent households are headed by a man, not a woman.

The Minister's reference to births to single mothers was correct. The total number of births to women under 20 years old, whether lone parents or not, has remained fairly constant over the past 30 years at about 3,000 per year. In recent years both the actual numbers and percentage of births to this group has fallen from 5.35% of total births in 2001 to 4.55% in 2003. That information comes from page 27 of census data, specifically the vital statistics for the fourth quarter and the yearly summary for 2003, published by the Central Statistics Office in May 2004. I look up my own data.

When one examines the number of women in receipt of the one-parent allowance, the age profile for 2002, which again defeats another argument of those ivory tower people, shows that only 3.2% in receipt of this allowance are under 20 years old, while the majority, 51.4%, are aged between 30 and 59. Where did those people get their great ideas? I want to recommend reading to those people who live in ivory towers: One Size Fits All? Irish Government's Failed Approach to One-Parent Families 1994-2004, which was written by Camille Loftus and published by OPEN. That is recommended reading for Kevin Myers and Professor Walsh. The Walsh-Myers scenario of an explosion of teenage births in recent years and the suggestion that "large numbers of young women are drawn into the perils of early and unmarried motherhood" to quote Mr. Myers's bungled apology in The Irish Times of 10 February is false. Let them deal with statistics in future.

Hear, hear.

A public debate has commenced on the social welfare system and what influence it may have had on the proportion of one-parent families. The evidence from the recently published EU survey, to which Deputy Stanton referred, on income and living conditions has highlighted the reality known to most Deputies from their work in their constituencies, which is that single-parent families are most at risk from poverty and the myth of high living at the State's expense is just that — a myth.

If we are to have this debate we need to look in a wider way at how women are treated generally in the social welfare code. Individualisation has been introduced in the tax system but not in the social welfare system. An unmarried couple who are both on social welfare and who move in together to parent their children jointly can lose out financially. I believe the Minister has accepted that this is a problem. We are all in favour of co-parenting. Fathers have rights too and they have a valid case which they have been putting forward forcefully in recent years.

Many women lost out on the chance of attaining any realistic pension cover in their own right owing to the marriage bar. Many of them are covered only as dependants of their husbands. The social insurance system we developed in 1952 came from a world of male breadwinners and stay-at-home wives where it was considered socially acceptable to deal with women only as their husbands' dependants. It is time in 2005 to develop a new model of social welfare coverage rooted in the social insurance principle of benefits as of right but which acknowledges the difference and complexity of women's lives. The contribution of women to society is not only through paid work but also through the care of children and the elderly. We must recognise that concept. It is no use having the Constitution pay lip-service to the role of women and how they have borne children, brought them up and cared for them only for us then to dump them. That was acceptable in the male dominated society of the 1950s but it is no longer acceptable in this age of equality.

If equality means anything then we must treat women equally. We must get beyond this outdated and outmoded concept of dependency in regard to women. To give them 70% of a social welfare payment is not the way to treat women who have often been the backbone of family life. If we have a constitutional recognition of the role, it is time we gave it real legislative meaning. I accept there are myriad difficulties attached to this. I acknowledge that it will not be easy and I know exactly where I am coming from as I have some legal knowledge. If we are to do anything to reform the social welfare code, this must be a fundamental precept of change.

The National Women's Council has produced an excellent report, Towards a Women's Model of Social Welfare Reform, which outlines the kind of practical steps which can be taken towards building a social welfare system which treats women as individuals and not as dependants. Such a system could address the care-giving role of single and other parents in a way that does not pose the current family and welfare traps.

Unfortunately, the barriers to self-sufficiency for single parents was made worse when the savage 16 cuts were tinkered with in the last Bill but were not reversed. The abolition of a crèche supplement, which allowed single parents the opportunity to take up education and training opportunities, was done away with. Cutbacks were also made to the back to education scheme, which was another important avenue of opportunity. Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats emasculated it. We got it back to 12 months and I advocated that it be reduced to nine. I was told that would come but so will next Christmas if we wait long enough. I call on the Minister to bring that forward now and give a clear signal that something will be done rather than more platitudes or statements to the media to the effect that we are one report away from a solution. We are giving the Minister the solution. As politicians, we are out in the field and we know what will work. The Minister should forget about wasting another €35,000 or €50,000 on consultants. He should listen to a few ordinary people. We might not be too well educated but we are educated in the field of political activity and in knowing what people want. We are as good as sensors of what people need as anyone else. The restrictions on entitlement to one-parent family allowance for those employed on modest earnings and the rent allowance restrictions are a problem. The limit of €317.43, formerly £250, for earnings, which was set nine years ago, restricts the ability of lone parents and other low-income families in private rented housing from improving their situation by taking up work. This means that a lone parent with two children in community employment would have to forego his or her rent allowance. I have a great deal of respect for the Minister for Social and Family Affairs because he has grappled with his departmental duties fairly well, but he should wake up and smell the salt.

The Deputy meant to say: "wake up and smell the roses".

Especially the red rose of the Labour Party.

According to research carried out by the Vincentian Partnership, community employment earnings have meant the difference for most lone parents on the scheme between buying fresh vegetables and yoghurt for their children and less nutritious food, or between getting into debt on day-to-day living and not. These restrictions only serve to maintain lone parents in poverty. It is high time the €317.43 limit was raised in line with the growth in average earnings since 1994, when it was first set. That is the first hop of the ball. There is no need for a consultant. Ordinary people such as Members of this House will tell the Minister to index-link the increase so that it would now be €400. Would that not be a good start? It would give Mr. Myers and others a simple mathematical exercise to get their facts right.

Dr. Walsh also.

Yes. As a lawyer, I can understand the rules in this Bill but no one else can. For example, there is a reference to rule 1 in paragraph (A) of Part 2 of the Third Schedule of the Social Welfare Consolidation Act 1993, as amended by section 33 of the Social Welfare Act and so on. Will the Minister ever set a bonfire and burn these Acts and provide one decent Act instead? I am trained and paid to understand this type of work but others are not.

An example of the problem with the rules concerns a young lone parent whom I know and who had an opportunity to take up a casual postal job, meaning ten weeks' work over the year divided into a number of periods. The woman's earnings over the ten weeks might have amounted to €3,800 or €4,000, but the system is set up for a weekly disregard of €146. The Department will not spread the income over the year, which would have allowed the woman to earn up to €7,500 before she lost out. The €146 weekly disregard could have been multiplied by 52 weeks to give that figure and the woman could have taken up the employment for ten weeks, saving enough money to bring her son, who is now 12, on a little holiday or give him a treat.

The Minister should change this rule, get rid of the nonsense and get people back into work. The rules in the legislation prevented this woman taking on the work because if she worked for four weeks and was reduced to half her allowance, by the time she finished the employment and was reinstated on her full allowance, she might be preparing for another few weeks' work during the summer and the cycle would start again. This is bureaucratic nonsense. A five year old child would not devise such a system by scribbling on a page without knowing anything.

Will a small farmer who lives at home with his mother — who is confined to a chair — does his own accounting, looks after his mother in the morning, milks the cows and gives his mother breakfast receive the €1,000 respite care grant? I am afraid he will not because of the way in which the Minister has restricted the grant. Time will tell, but the Minister can be sure there will be an explosion on this side of the House if such a man does not receive it, particularly given that he is virtually housebound, leaving the house only when his 80 year old mother is in her chair as she depends on her walking frame to get around.

I have received complaints from people in Cork who write to Deputy Stanton and me regularly about the Minister's predecessor's actions in respect of the non-contributory old age pension. For example, a person who receives a non-contributory old age pension and lives frugally to save the money will have his or her case examined by the Minister's officials after he or she dies. The officials will find the money in the bank but it has come from his or her non-contributory old age pension. In other words, it is already a means-tested payment made by the Department of Social and Family Affairs, but the officials will test and assess the money with a view to establishing that the person should have received a lower rate of pension or that there should be a payback. The Minister should examine this provision because it is wrong in law.

Another Cork correspondent to DeputyStanton and me raised an argument about the manner in which free ESB units were shifted around by the Minister's predecessor, who juggled them between summer and winter. As the Minister said, his predecessor did so at the time because there had been a 1% increase in VAT. Nonetheless, the fuel allowance's real value has never increased. It does not help people in that regard. The Minister will have to examine these issues in the context of this Bill.

It is time the Government acknowledged that its strategy for increasing pension cover is in complete tatters. Virtually half the workforce has no pension cover to allow them to maintain their living standards into old age. Only one third of private sector workers are involved in a pension scheme. Ireland is almost unique in the developed world in having neither a State-backed income-related pension scheme nor an obligation on employers to offer pension cover. The basic social welfare pension is just that — basic — and while it will allow people to subsist, there is no margin to allow people to live with such modest comforts as running a car, taking a holiday, visiting relatives abroad or having repairs done to their homes without major worry. Having an additional pension for their job allows people to continue to live in retirement with dignity rather than being reduced to the breadline. However, the Government's strategy of relying on personal retirement savings accounts to increase pension coverage has been a dismal failure. Since their introduction, the proportion of the workforce with pension cover has barely inched up from 51.2% to 52.4%, an imperceptible increase. It is clear from the pensions board figures that in a great many cases, the PRSA pension plan offered to workers remains an empty shell; there have been no employers' contributions and no take-up by workers.

It should have been clear from the outset that placing a personal responsibility on low income workers, those least likely to be in a pension scheme, to navigate the shoals of the pensions industry was never going to be a runner. Experience in the UK with stakeholders' pensions and in the US with individual retirement accounts has already shown that this type of financial instrument proves attractive only to a minority and those are predominantly high earners.

I will return to these issues on Committee Stage. I could have done with another hour to address all the issues which need to be raised. The Minister need not look for consultants since Deputies are readily available to give advice and will not cost him a penny.

I wish to share time with Deputies McHugh and Finian McGrath.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I thank the Minister and his staff for the briefing they gave Members last night. I found it very helpful.

I welcome the increases which are being given effect through this Bill. However, in reality all they do is maintain what is already one of the largest gaps between rich and poor in the EU. While many people have undoubtedly benefited from increased wages and higher living standards over the past decade, the CORI justice commission estimates that the gap between rich and poor has increased by €294 per week, solely as a result of budgetary changes between 1997 and 2004. Between those years, a couple dependent on long-term unemployment assistance saw their income grow by €89.73 per week, while a couple with a joint income of €100,000 benefited to the tune of €676.08 as a result of budgetary changes. Despite the Government allegedly seeking the advice of people like Fr. Seán Healy, the latest budget will do very little to reverse that trend. In fact the gap has widened as a consequence. As a result of changes made by the Minister for Finance in the budget, a couple dependent on long term unemployment assistance is €23.30 per week better off, while the income of a couple with a joint income of £100,000 increases by €63.43. Overall, the income gap between the better off and the poor will widen by €30.93 per week. That has led to a situation in which the top 20% of Ireland's highest earners receive four and a half times more than the bottom 20%. In Denmark the gap is 3.1% and the difference can be attributed to a more proactive policy in Denmark in taking measures that will reduce that gap. Denmark has also managed to do this while maintaining a low level of unemployment, which stood at 5.1% at the end of 2004, well below the average for the EU. While this state had a lower overall rate of unemployment than Denmark, the Danes had a lower rate of unemployment for workers under the age of 25. What this proves is that taking measures to address poverty does not necessarily have the dire consequences predicted by some right wing commentators here.

A report on the social situation in the European Union identified one of the reasons for the poverty gap as a lower spend on job training, start-up schemes and programmes to integrate the disabled into the workforce. This state currently invests less than 2% of GDP on such initiatives.

I will give an example from the area of job training and applications. I dealt with a young man yesterday who had applied to his local employment exchange and was told that he was not actively seeking work. This young man has had various drink and drug problems but is now off drugs completely. He has tried to get work on building sites and elsewhere. The difficulty he has, which is probably the same for many other young people, is that he has never been taught in school or anywhere else how to actively seek work. That gap needs to be filled. We have FÁS schemes and so on but we regularly hear of young people who have applied for perhaps 20 jobs and are still being told by the local employment exchanges that they are not actively seeking work. Training in job application is therefore essential.

The choice is simple. Does the State simply maintain those dependent on social welfare on low rates of income which ensure that they become increasingly marginalised and isolated from the rest of society, or does it actively seek to narrow the income gap while at the same time taking measures to incorporate as many of those on social welfare as possible into the workforce? In doing so it must also ensure that those in employment are given an adequate living wage and in that regard it has been estimated that up to a fifth of those in employment are living in poverty defined as an income of less than 60% of the average industrial wage. In that context I record my support for the increase in the minimum wage being sought by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions.

I do not accept the theory that people on social welfare can be forced into employment by maintaining barely adequate levels of payment, nor do I accept that they ought then to be satisfied with wages at subsistence levels that in many instances cannot provide people with a decent standard of living. That, more than arguing over marginal increases in social welfare, is the real issue in this society.

No one advocates a system in which people are condemned to life on social welfare. "Condemned" is the word, given the marginal existence forced on people in that situation. The longer one is on social assistance or welfare, the more difficult it is to break out of it and the more the poverty bites.

One of the means by which people can escape poverty and social welfare dependency is through education. With regard to single parents, the 2002 census found that a mere 0.5% of those over 15 involved in full time education were single parents. One of the ways this was being addressed was through the back to education grant, but the spurious changes made by the former Minister for Social, Community and Family Affairs, Deputy Coughlan, which reduced the period for which people could qualify for the grant, have made it much less effective. I talked recently to representatives from Aontas, the adult education group, Combat Poverty and so on and none of them had any experience of the so-called "educational tourists". The Minister says the problem exists and I accept his word on that but I have had no experience of it. The Minister brought the period back to 12 months but that is still a full academic year.

I urge the Minister to reconsider the situation. If we are serious about getting people out of the poverty trap, education must be the way forward. Figures showing that single mothers have much lower levels of educational attainment prove that it is a major factor in condemning those mothers and their children to a life of poverty and social welfare dependency. Surely the most effective way to address this, and to ensure that fewer people find themselves in that position in the future is to increase the current levels of investment in educational schemes aimed at that group.

The mentality whereby education is somehow perceived as a means by which people avoid work must be eradicated, and people given a chance and not treated with suspicion when they apply for such schemes. This is particularly important where single mothers are attempting to access such schemes as this can provide a valuable role model for their own children. Far from imposing a burden on the State, investment in the back to education scheme will in the long run prove to be cost effective in helping people access employment and in fostering a culture in which more people perceive the value of education.

The Minister will be aware that main barriers to single parents returning to education are the cost of child care and the lack of transport and finance. The Government has not addressed any of these barriers. I was pleased to note that the Minister has rejected recent suggestions that single mothers chose dependency on the lone parent allowance as a career option. I also welcome the Minister's proposal that education and work opportunities should be prioritised as the means through which single mothers will achieve a better lifestyle. However, any changes to the lone parent allowance must not be made in a way that will penalise people who currently find themselves dependent on that allowance.

While the increase in child benefit by €10 per month will be welcomed by those for whom it is a vital and important part of their income, it has to be pointed out once more that the Government has failed to meet the target which it set of €149 per month by 2005. The Minister did not refer to that missed target in his contribution earlier. It is estimated that some 66,000 children live in poverty and this increase will not contribute to any reduction in that figure.

I welcome the Minister's recognition that poverty still exists and that the theory of the rising tide lifting all boats is not good enough. However, that recognition and the marginal increases introduced, must be set against the overall record of a Government that has consistently favoured the wealthy in this society above those who live on the margins. Only when a definite decision is made to reverse that thinking and to actively seek to reduce the growing poverty gap, will those forced to live in poverty begin to see an improvement in their position.

Debate adjourned.

Business of Dáil.

It is proposed, notwithstanding anything in Standing Orders or the Order of the Dáil of this day, that No. 17(b), statements on the Health (Amendment) No. 2 Bill 2004, on Supplementary Order Paper, shall be taken at 5 p.m. today, and shall, if not previously concluded, be brought to a conclusion at 7 p.m., and the following arrangements shall apply: (1) the statements of the Tánaiste and Minister for Health and Children, and of the main spokespersons for the Fine Gael Party, the Labour Party and the Technical Group, who shall be called upon in that order, shall not exceed 15 minutes in each case; (2) the statement of each other Member called upon shall not exceed ten minutes in each case; (3) Members may share time, and (4) the Tánaiste and Minister for Health and Children shall be called upon to make a statement in reply, which shall not exceed five minutes.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
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