Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 28 Sep 2005

Vol. 606 No. 1

Northern Ireland: Statements.

I am very pleased to have this opportunity to address the House on recent developments in the peace process. I do so, not in a spirit of elation, but fully conscious of the long and difficult history of our island and the enormous burden placed upon it and our people in recent decades by the threat and use of physical force by the Provisional IRA. Finally, after many false starts, the IRA has yielded to the will of the people, as expressed in the referendum on the Good Friday Agreement. In July, the IRA announced an end to its campaign and a commitment to exclusively peaceful means and this week we had the very welcome news that it has decommissioned its weapons.

I will not dwell on a past that is all too familiar. It is a past that involved untold suffering for many people and inflicted grievous damage on our country. It is a past that we can never forget. Future generations will look back and shake their heads in disbelief and horror at the totally unnecessary loss of life and suffering that was inflicted over more than three decades.

I have invested a considerable amount of my political life in the peace process. I have worked unstintingly for the past seven years to fulfil the mandate that the people gave me in the referendum to secure a permanent peace on this island. I have continued to pursue that goal because, as a constitutional republican, I was convinced that it was the only way to achieve a final resolution to the northern conflict. I was joined in this endeavour by many people and parties in this House and elsewhere. Our united voice has been important. The cross-party support we have enjoyed has greatly helped in making the progress we are acknowledging today.

This is a real moment in Irish history. The IICD has certified that the weapons of the IRA are gone in a manner which has been witnessed and verified. Many believed this day would never come. Many people will lament, and I am among them, that these developments have been too long delayed. If they had been done earlier, they would have consolidated a peace process that badly needed reassurance and promised outcomes. The history of this country is littered with missed opportunity and unmet challenges, but this day has come and we are enormously relieved that we can finally close this difficult chapter of the peace process.

The report of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning confirms the commission has overseen the completion of IRA decommissioning. It states the IRA has placed the totality of its arsenal beyond use. This was the IICD's fourth report on IRA decommissioning. It has spoken of very large quantities of weapons — ammunition, rifles, machine guns, mortars, missiles, handguns, explosives, explosive substances and other arms — and it made clear the amounts involved were consistent with the inventory prepared by the security forces. Detailed inventories have been made and these will be published when all decommissioning, including loyalist weapons, has been completed.

I accept the IICD's view that an amount of confidentiality was necessary to ensure decommissioning happened. I hope the IICD will now also make progress on the removal of loyalist weapons from the equation and that everyone in a position to encourage this will do so. I thank General de Chastelain and his team for their work. They have done the people of this island a great service. They are professional and honourable people.

I also pay particular tribute to the independent witnesses, the Reverend Harold Good and Fr. Alec Reid. Their reputations as men, Christians and workers for peace and reconciliation are impeccable and the entire community recognises that. They told of how they watched the entire process, minute by minute. They said that beyond any shadow of doubt, the arms of the IRA have been decommissioned. Their statement was compelling and clear. If it was good enough for all these upstanding, independent and honourable people, it is certainly good enough for me.

The Governments did not take the job of decommissioning upon themselves. We asked international independent experts to do so. This House passed legislation to allow this to happen. Theirs was a difficult, demanding and, at times, frustrating job but I am pleased they have finished this part of their mandate.

Experience has taught us all harsh lessons. I would not ask anybody to rely on the words of the IRA alone. The Governments are not doing so but we do place our trust in the IICD and what it says matters. There are those who remain unconvinced about recent developments. I hope, as the period ahead unfolds, they can be reassured and become convinced. I can understand that it will take some time for the full consequences of an ending of the IRA campaign and the decommissioning of all their weapons to be fully comprehended but it is important also to begin to move on.

We have to do so as it would be unconscionable and unacceptable to fall back or to accept a political stalemate. This is not a time for pessimism and undue delay. Real opportunity is opening up for Northern Ireland and for all this island. I believe we can look forward with renewed hope and promise to face other challenges. The challenges were set out by Prime Minister Blair and myself in July. They include the restoration of the political institutions, the ending of loyalist paramilitary and criminal activity and the resolution of policing issues. The path to resolution of these issues is also clear. We needed to see the completion of IRA decommissioning, which has happened. We need to be convinced that all IRA paramilitary and criminal activity has come to an end and let me make clear that the Garda will continue with all ongoing investigations and undertake its responsibilities in every respect and to the fullest. The next report of the Independent Monitoring Commission will be published in October and that will give an indication of progress on this issue. There will be a further IMC report in January.

The role of the Police Service of Northern Ireland is central to a future free of paramilitary threat. Support for policing by all sides is essential to assure hard won peace. The PSNI has grown in stature as the Patten reforms have been rolled out. Its bravery and impartiality in recent weeks has been outstanding. The Government continues to call on all parties to give their support to the PSNI. We stand four square behind the Patten reforms. There will be no turning back from the new beginning in policing.

I understand the fears and uncertainties of the Unionist community. I understand that trust needs to be rebuilt. I know they may need time to reflect and they are entitled to that but it is also important that the new realities are recognised. I believe that trust and confidence can be rebuilt.

The task before us all is to build a better future, a better Ireland, an Ireland that is a warm home for everybody who lives here. The Good Friday Agreement has delivered peace to Ireland. It has helped bring about the end of the IRA's armed campaign and it has brought about the decommissioning of the IRA's weapons. Within the next two years the process of security normalisation in Northern Ireland should be completed. British army levels and military installations will be drastically reduced. The Agreement must begin to deliver the remainder of its promise to the fullest. The Government will in every way uphold the Good Friday Agreement and the principle of equality. There is no going back to past and failed ways. The Agreement is the way of the future and it is the only way.

Subject to satisfactory reports by the Independent Monitoring Commission, the verified delivery by the IRA of full decommissioning clears the way for the renewal of discussions among the political parties on the restoration of the institutions. We will expect all the parties to play their part constructively in that process. The Agreement remains central to all we are seeking to achieve. The principles of consent, partnership, equality and mutual respect enshrined in it are the clear reference points for relationships on the island of Ireland. The IRA statement at the end of July was a belated and long awaited acknowledgement of a central tenet of the Agreement: constitutional change will only ever be brought about by peaceful means, political persuasion and respecting the principle of consent.

While pressing for the earliest resumption of full negotiations, we will continue to be in close contact with all the parties. Our firm partnership with the British Government will remain indispensable. Our goal and our message will be to ensure this unprecedented opportunity for lasting progress is not wasted. Future generations would not forgive us that omission. Realising the full and rich potential of the Good Friday Agreement will require leadership of a high order, from all the parties. For its part, the Government is determined to spare no effort in achieving this objective. I call on everybody to seize the opportunity opening in front of us to build a better Ireland for all its people.

When the founders of Fianna Fáil gathered in the La Scala Theatre many of them had experienced the disillusionment of a bitter and bloody civil war. Their foundation of a new political movement was a courageous recognition that continuation of the armed struggle provided no way forward, that political methods were the only means of progress towards national objectives and that democratic order must prevail. From the moment Eamon de Valera led Fianna Fáil into Government in 1932, the moral imperative of constitutional republicanism — that violence has no place in securing Irish unity — has been at the forefront of our political philosophy.

Like de Valera, and all my predecessors, I have tried to persuade militant republicans to accept the peaceful republican path of Fianna Fáil. I have tried to persuade them that the unity of Irish people can never be achieved through violence. I have made it clear Irish unity cannot be built on violence and pain.

I hope the Provisional IRA's actions in ending their campaign and disposing of their arms offers a firm indication that they have come around to this peaceful analysis. Though this has taken a long time — too long — it is nonetheless welcome. Finally, the IRA has realised it is the ballot box, and not the armalite, that can bring about change in the Ireland of the 21st century.

I welcome this opportunity to reflect on recent developments and what remains to be done to achieve real political progress in Northern Ireland. Everybody who participated in the political process in the Republic of Ireland since the late 1960s and early 1970s can take some credit for having helped to put together the pieces of the jigsaw that has been completed by the decommissioning of arms by the Provisional IRA. The Taoiseach invested a great deal of time in this process, as did his counterpart in Britain, the Prime Minister, Mr. Blair. He, more than any other British Prime Minister in the past quarter century, is interested in seeing a final, peaceful conclusion to the difficulties of Northern Ireland.

The Fine Gael Party welcomes the confirmation this week by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning that all the IRA arms have been put beyond use. I have no reason to doubt the veracity of the statement made by General John de Chastelain and the two independent witnesses, Father Reid and Reverend Good.

Some people have suggested that it is necessary to have photographic evidence of the event. General de Chastelain and the independent witnesses have devoted considerable time to this process and have acquired an integrity over the years that speaks for itself. I accept the statement of the general and the two independent religious persons concerned.

The important point is to know these arms are out of commission for good. People have questioned whether this is the full extent of the arms involved. The general and the clergymen can comment only on the governments' estimates of what the Provisional IRA held in storage units around the country. It might be useful for the Government in due course to publish the estimate it gave General de Chastelain. This would give us an idea of what the Government considered to be in the hands of the IRA. The general would not have to confirm that the list represented what he saw being decommissioned but the public would get an idea of the scale of what was involved in this act.

The achievement of decommissioning removes a considerable obstacle to real political progress and fulfils the clearly expressed democratic wish of the people when they voted North and South for this event. They voted in 1998 in the expectation that decommissioning would be complete within two years. Seven years later this has happened.

I know from speaking to people involved in, or on the fringes of, the Provisional IRA that this has created a problem for many of them. It is difficult for me to attempt to understand that mentality when one considers that these weapons were, or would have been, used for the destruction of human life, which is anathema to democratic politics.

The pressure is now on loyalist paramilitaries to respond in like fashion. I am glad that members of the Ulster Unionist Party and some members of the Democratic Unionist Party accept General de Chastelain's words and those of the independent clerics. I would like to think that the situation could swing around and that loyalist paramilitaries would decommission their stockpile of weapons. I urge those who have influence over Unionist politicians to persuade them to re-establish contact with General de Chastelain and the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning to ensure that decommissioning can take place in their community too.

The recent sectarian violence in Belfast is evidence of real frustration within the loyalist community. This was exacerbated by people who provoked young, vulnerable people to doing this. I travelled there in 2003 with the Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources, Deputy Noel Dempsey, and saw the frustration felt on the Shankill side of the peace line and the difficulties facing communities there. The people there saw that democratic politics could deliver to Nationalist communities facilities for young people in particular and so on. The issue is a boil that is difficult to lance but I urge those with influence on them to see that loyalist paramilitaries decommission their weapons.

While the completion of decommissioning is welcome, the Provisional movement has much to do before Sinn Féin can be fully regarded in the public consciousness as a truly democratic party. I hope the Independent Monitoring Commission will be in a position to report later this year or early next year that the Provisional movement's extensive involvement in crime and paramilitary activities is ending. The commission must be mandated to monitor that situation for the foreseeable future.

I hope that the cartoon featured in a Northern Irish newspaper today of P. O'Neill walking into the distance, throwing the last revolver over his shoulder, reflects the reality. I do not know whether there were any diesel runs last night, whether any lorries were driven across the Border today on smuggler routes or whether any drivers had to pay €500 to drive their lorries three or four miles with their cargoes on particular roads.

Now that the IRA has decommissioned its weapons it is necessary for the Government to see that the Criminal Assets Bureau and its counterpart in Northern Ireland are properly resourced to ensure that those who benefit from paramilitary criminality are stopped by the rule of law and put out of business, where that applies. It is hard to assume that because decommissioning, which was an obstacle to great progress, is out of the way as far as the IRA is concerned, those IRA members involved in criminal activities have suddenly ceased what became lucrative commercial activities for them.

I am not clear about the Taoiseach's attitude to Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin sharing power after the next general election. I noted his comment on the 6.30 p.m. news the other day when he was asked whether the fundamental obstacle to his or any other party entering Government with Sinn Féin had been removed. His reply was that it had been removed. That remark will obviously cause a great deal of concern to business in the country.

The Deputy should read the rest of the text and stop messing. We have made it absolutely clear.

Deputy Morgan is over here.

The question for Deputy Morgan to understand is whether the fundamental obstacle to Fianna Fáil entering Government with Sinn Féin has now been removed. The Taoiseach's answer was that it had been.

Very interesting.

The Deputy should read the full text.

Interesting revelations.

The Deputy should return to his research.

It would be most inappropriate, improper and premature for the Taoiseach to raise such an issue when so many other serious issues remain unresolved, such as criminality, racketeering, paramilitary punishment beatings, the Northern Bank raid, and the murders of Robert McCartney and Joseph Rafferty.

I am glad that the Taoiseach met the Rafferty family in Dublin. That story and witnessing those known to have been involved strutting around makes a mockery of this democracy and our system of justice. If the Sinn Féin Party can do anything to assist and bring about a conclusion in either the McCartney or the Rafferty case, it has an onus, duty and responsibility to do so.

I spoke to the McCartney sisters at the "People of the Year" awards, and they said publicly that they are still being intimidated in Belfast. That situation is intolerable, and if any party or its members in this jurisdiction were involved in such activity, they would be hauled over the coals constantly about it. I know that Deputy Ó Caoláin is here as the leader of the Sinn Féin group in the House. Perhaps he might like to provide some more light or information regarding a serious matter for the families involved. If we are talking about the real road to peace, democracy, truth, honesty, harmony and the building of communities, such problems must be dealt with and ended.

I noted yesterday that the Sinn Féin president had said that he would continue to campaign for the release of republican prisoners. I was appalled to think that the Government had done a secret deal before the negotiations two years ago for the release of the killers of Detective Garda Jerry McCabe. I note the comments made by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, yesterday that they would serve their full sentence as handed down by the courts. I would like to hear the Minister reiterate when he replies that there can be no easing up. There is still confusion regarding those persons deemed on the run from that incident. What is their position?

It is necessary, with respect to the Taoiseach's exalted political position, to distinguish between the person and the office. I do not think it appropriate that as Taoiseach he should have secret meetings in a constituency office with representatives of Sinn Féin or any other party in whose regard it could be alleged that secret deals might be done. Whether that is true remains to be seen in some cases. From any perspective, the Taoiseach's dealings as Head of Government with Sinn Féin or any other group should be done in an absolutely proper manner so that no issues can emerge later.

The Taoiseach said in the House that if the deal had gone through, the killers would have been released. I was intrigued by the comments of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, that the Government had cut off contact with Sinn Féin following the Northern Bank raid and the murder of Robert McCartney. That assertion is untrue, since throughout the period when the Government was playing hardball with Sinn Féin, having sent it away with a flea in its ear, several meetings were held with Gerry Adams at which no Minister or official was present.

The Deputy is being selective.

In that respect, it is not appropriate that there should be such secret meetings at which secret deals might be done on very important issues.

Having heard this announcement, which is an important step forward, I look forward to a day when the children of this island, North and South, can envisage their children's children living in a country where there is understanding between communities and the Troubles have become a memory. We must recognise that we still have a very long way to go and that everyone elected to this House must recommit himself or herself to making an Ireland of which we can be truly proud through dialogue, discussion, understanding and building communities, where differences can be accommodated and understood, and where everyone's objective is to provide an environment in which children can live and people can raise their families in peace and understanding. North and South, as one, we will live on an island where we can be truly proud of what democratic politics and understanding can deliver.

I acknowledge the role of the Taoiseach and all those who facilitated and worked for this week's development. Speaking in the national Parliament in the week that the Provisional movement has verifiably put beyond use its deadly arsenal of weapons, we should not forget the many victims of those weapons — the people who were shot, blown up or maimed, and those who lost loved ones, family members, and friends. Nor should we forget the communities that have been forced to cower in the shadow of the gunman and the baseball bat for almost 30 years.

We should not forget either that the greater number of victims in that conflict were victims of the illegal body whose loss of arms we are now to celebrate, or that the greater number of victims came from within its own community, which the IRA claimed to defend. I was horrified to be told today that a television journalist had reported — if he did, I did not see it — that Gerry Adams had been greeted like Mahatma Gandhi at the National Ploughing Championships yesterday. That did not happen; it is a reckless use of language and a disservice to the memory of Mahatma Gandhi, apart from anything else.

The journalist was not even there.

We should not ignore the fact that General de Chastelain's job is only half done. He stated that when he said on Monday that he had still to hear from the UDA, the UVF and the LVF. Only when loyalist paramilitaries reciprocate will we be able to say that all guns have been taken out of Irish politics. As long as those organisations continue to hold on to their weapons, the potential for conflict to re-emerge remains. Should there be any repeat of the rioting, thuggery and lawlessness of loyalists in recent weeks, especially at interface areas, and should republicans respond, the entire process will, once more, be at risk.

That is why loyalists must seize the opportunity that currently presents itself. As SDLP leader Mark Durkan puts it in today's The Irish Times: “The best thing loyalists can do now to free their communities of poverty and fear is to give up drug-dealing, racketeering, intimidation and murder, and destroy their guns.” In that respect, the onus falls now on those leaders of Unionism who have been so quick to question the validity of IRA decommissioning but so slow to move loyalist paramilitaries towards the same end. If parties such as the DUP are so eager to take the votes of working class Protestants and to express the disenchantment and disillusionment of those communities, they must also act responsibly in ensuring that the peace be held in those areas that are most volatile. If the DUP were prepared to concentrate its energies on leading its own community rather than face-saving exercises on power-sharing in order to claim it has re-negotiated the Good Friday Agreement, we would be more likely to make progress.

This week saw the Provisional movement — albeit belatedly — acknowledge the decision taken through the ballot box by the Irish people North and South. This is welcome. All law-abiding democrats must welcome an announcement by an unlawful paramilitary organisation that it has abandoned its arms. Nobody can be certain all arms have been destroyed but focusing on inventories and the like is merely an excuse for further procrastination.

The real tragedy is that if the Provisional movement had lived up to its obligations under the Good Friday Agreement and delivered decommissioning as required by May 2000, the bodies envisaged under that Agreement would be functioning and firmly bedded down. Instead, momentum was lost and the IRA's failure to decommission always added to the sense of permanent crisis that has bedevilled the process, and, moreover, kept that organisation centre-stage, waiting for the moment to deliver finally on the commitment given to decommission within two years of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.

In recent times, as Deputy Kenny observed, the duplicitous approach of the Provisional movement to issues such as the Northern Bank robbery and the murders of Robert McCartney and Joseph Rafferty means decommissioning, welcome as it is, has not had anything like the same impact it would have had in May 2000. We must all hope Sinn Féin has now decided to contest the democratic space on the same basis as the other parties in this House. All parties in Northern Ireland should recognise these events as positive and they should lead to the earliest possible re-establishment of the assembly and the Executive. The ongoing absence of these bodies and the two Governments' exclusive approach in regard to the DUP and Sinn Féin allows these parties monopolise the peace process to the detriment of parties such as the SDLP and the Ulster Unionists. Thus far, this exclusive focus may have brought us decommissioning but it has not, as yet, restored the assembly and it has come at the cost of compromising some core elements and fundamentals of the Agreement.

Moreover, it also leads to the suspicion that certain side deals and concessions may have been negotiated by the IRA in exchange for decommissioning. In responding to this debate, the Taoiseach should take the opportunity to respond to that concern. These are questions we are entitled to ask to ensure that any deal that has been struck to bring about decommissioning does not come at the expense of other important areas or see other institutions compromised. If so, the potential for breakdown is immense and for the political vacuum to extend ever further.

It is simply unacceptable to have a significant political party organised on both sides of the Border, whose growth has come almost exclusively as a result of the peace process, not participating in or supporting policing arrangements in Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin is always quick to tell us about the sacrifices its members have made and the difficulties they have faced each time they are dragged forward for the sake of political progress. However, they must recognise that in doing so they have benefited immensely, often at the expense of true democrats from political parties whose commitment to peace and reconciliation and to justice and a lawful society was always beyond question. Sinn Féin must now commit to supporting and playing an active role in policing structures in the North. Only yesterday, the 14th report of the policing Oversight Commissioner again vindicated the stance of parties such as the SDLP who took the brave decision to support the PSNI when republicans refused to do so.

There are wider issues outstanding. The reality remains that restoration of devolved government is not the only or even the major task facing those concerned with Northern Ireland's future. It is no longer adequate to suppose that sectarianism and its bitter and corrosive divisions will somehow have been tackled just because a devolved assembly and Executive are returned to Stormont. If the two Governments believe, as they are reported to, that the process is completely on track and that a deal can soon be cut between the DUP and Sinn Féin, they are failing to take account of the wider structural issue.

For the Good Friday Agreement to work, it must be bedded down in an expectation of ongoing, at least passive, consent from a majority in both communities. As of now, the Agreement does not have the consent of a majority within unionism. If loyalism has learned anything from the successes of the Provisionals, it is that the non-co-operation of even a minority, if it is of sufficient size, can veto progress and stability for all. It is true that Unionist politicians never sufficiently appreciated or broadcast to their own community that the constitutional question was settled by the Good Friday Agreement. Whatever else the Agreement achieved, the principle of consent and the status of Northern Ireland within the union have both been assured.

However, it is against this background of deepening sectarian division and aimless loyalist street violence that Sinn Féin has decided now is the time to launch its 32-county campaign to "rally for Irish unity" and "make partition history". It is bizarre that the movement that has done most in our history to copper-fasten partition should consider itself in any way suited to set about the task of uniting this country and making partition history; that they, of all people, could now remove all those bitter and enduring consequences of the IRA's campaign of violence, destruction and enduring, evermore entrenched, divisions.

The campaign to "make partition history" is calculated to increase the trend towards inter-communal hostility which makes power-sharing within Northern Ireland difficult, if not impossible.

That is rubbish.

It shows that Sinn Féin's real interest was never in bedding down the Good Friday Agreement and working its institutions in good faith but in maintaining instead an environment of instability and uncertainty — a persistent atmosphere of crisis in which normal politics is impossible and extremism thrives.

It is myopic in the extreme that Sinn Féin cannot see that the real problems on this island do not derive from the partition between North and South but from the endemic partitions within Northern Ireland itself. That party has said and done nothing to demonstrate any awareness and acknowledgement of the crisis around it — the Balkanisation of Northern Ireland. It has done nothing to persuade the people of the South, who remain to be persuaded, that the best solution to Northern Ireland as "a failed political entity" would be to collapse that failed, dysfunctional and still violent entity into the jurisdiction of this State. If the communities that make up the North cannot function together, why should anyone believe they would function better by attempting to smother them within a largely uninterested Southern embrace?

On any rational analysis, Northern Ireland as a demonstrably functioning entity should be a precondition that is proven to exist before anyone thinks about Irish unity, rather than the proven failure of the North being a reason for thinking about the unity of this island as a whole. If that is the unmanageable nature and extent of their problem, then we down here do not have the solution. We should not pretend we do.

I speak as someone entitled to describe himself both as a Nationalist and republican within the meaning of those words before they were hijacked by those who sought to appropriate the concepts of nationalism and republicanism to ends that are narrow, divisive and ultimately as sectarian as those advanced by their political opponents. However, it is no longer adequate to suppose that sectarianism and its bitter and corrosive divisions will somehow have been tackled just because a devolved assembly and Executive are returned to Stormont. In Northern Ireland, there is increasing evidence of a hardening of separateness between both communities, of a society that is becoming more divided by tribal identifications. Parallel with efforts to restore the political institutions, we need a real effort on all sides to tackle the sectarian divisions that have increased rather than diminished since the Good Friday Agreement of 1998.

I repeat that Sinn Féin and the IRA have a genuine contribution to make to political progress on this island. However, that contribution involves not just the seven-years-late delivery of arms that should never have been acquired or used in the first place. It requires also a genuine commitment to reconciliation between neighbours. If republicans want to unite this country, they must recognise as a task for them the need to address rather than exacerbate the structural divisions within Northern Ireland.

These exist, for example, where people live and where they send their children to school. Good people who envisage the best in government now contemplate a future of passive co-existence between ethnic and religious communities that we expect will continue to eye each other uneasily over the fences of entrenched differences.

In that context, Sinn Féin's response or lack thereof to the murder of Joseph Rafferty in Dublin last April is as much a test of the sincerity of that party's commitment to peace as was the murder of Robert McCartney in Belfast last year. Both families made demands which are directed at us, as public representatives, party leaders, Members and voters, and are aimed at the way in which we do our business. If we do not stand with them, we stand against them and against all the other families who will in time take their place.

With decommissioning achieved, we must not assume that all else will automatically fall into place. We must not lessen our resolve to see the institutions re-established and the political vacuum filled. We must not shirk the challenge of creating a peaceful, democratic and lawful society in Northern Ireland.

I will share time with Deputies Connolly, McGrath and Sargent. Since the Dáil adjourned at the start of July, momentous events in Irish politics and in the life of this country have taken place. The announcement by the Irish Republican Army on 28 July that it was formally ending its armed campaign was a significant development. The IRA made a commitment on that date to put its arms beyond use and last Monday, 26 September, we received confirmation that it had fulfilled that commitment. This must be acknowledged as a courageous and unprecedented step on the part of the IRA. I pay tribute to the volunteers of the IRA for undertaking this leap of faith and for hazarding this mighty risk to advance the cause of peace with justice in Ireland.

This step has caused real difficulties for many republicans. It came after a summer when Nationalist communities in north County Antrim, Belfast and other centres in the Six Counties came under sustained attack from Unionist paramilitaries and sectarian gangs. Many here who are vocal about the alleged misdeeds of republicans were silent about these attacks. Only luck prevented widespread loss of life in Nationalist communities, while the ongoing loyalist feud claimed several lives in that community and has apparently not yet ended.

Despite the profound difficulties all this presented to republicans, the IRA has now provided a golden opportunity to advance the peace process significantly and open up a new era in Irish politics. I urge all parties and both Governments to seize this opportunity and to work together to implement the Good Friday Agreement fully. For many members and supporters of Sinn Féin, it appears that republicans have yet again had to leap first but we in the leadership of Sinn Féin have said clearly that this development must be seen for what it is, an act of faith in the ability of Irish republicans to move forward together towards our goal of Irish unity and independence by peaceful means.

The reaction of the Rev. Ian Paisley was predictable. So too were the begrudging contributions made today by Deputies Kenny and Rabbitte. The hypocrisy of the latter on the issue of arms decommissioning and making partition history were particularly hard to listen to.

Some space, however, should be given to the DUP and to the wider Unionist community to absorb the enormity of what has taken place. Now is the time for the DUP to give real leadership to the people it represents. That can only be done by engaging directly with the representatives of Sinn Féin. Such engagement is inevitable and should happen sooner rather than later.

I hope that many more in the Oireachtas and outside now appreciate that what the intransigent wing of Unionism was objecting to all along was not the continued existence of silent IRA weapons but the prospect of having to share power with republicans and Nationalists. However, share power they must and that is the only basis for moving forward. We do not seek to dominate or inflict upon Unionists what was inflicted on Nationalists for decades in the Northern state. We seek equality, not for Nationalists or Unionists but for all, regardless of political or religious beliefs.

There is a special responsibility on the Irish Government, which should now vigorously pursue the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement with a clear focus on the need for the Unionist leadership to share power and work with the all-Ireland structures. The British Government must fulfil all its responsibilities, including the complete demilitarisation of the Six Counties. While the guns of the IRA are now gone, British spy posts, barracks and troops are still in our country. Let it not be forgotten that the Unionist paramilitaries, which were armed by British intelligence, are still armed.

The Irish Government should advance the all-Ireland agenda on all fronts, by acting now to develop co-ordination and integration of infrastructure and public services on an island basis and encourage a similar process in the private, voluntary and community sectors. The Taoiseach should fulfil the commitment he made in 1998 to advance the issue of Northern representation in the Oireachtas. Speaking rights in the Dáil for all Six Counties MPs in specific debates should be provided for. The Government should publish a Green Paper on Irish unity which would set out a strategy for Irish re-unification.

The Taoiseach tried to draw parallels between 1926 and 2005 in his opening remarks to this debate. The difference is that the journey which began in the La Scala Theatre and with the founding of Fianna Fáil led, along the way, to the total abandonment of Nationalists in the Six Counties by the political establishment of this State. Had it not been for that abandonment, the people who found themselves locked within a sectarian regime would not have responded through the formation of the Provisional IRA or any other armed manifestation of Irish republican and Nationalist thinking in 1969. There would never have been a reason for armed conflict to arise. We need progress on other long overdue issues, such as the repeal of the Offences Against the State Acts.

In recent days, we have heard much about the mood and reaction of republicans. We have had acres of analysis but the best indication of republican opinion was given last weekend, when tens of thousands of people from all over Ireland gathered in our capital city to celebrate by marching together in pageant to observe an important date and event in our history, the centenary of Sinn Féin, and to support Irish unity.

An abomination.

We will continue to work in that mode and we invite all parties to share the responsibility of bringing about our shared dream.

This week's decommissioning of weapons marks a pivotal point in Irish history. I hope that it will start a new era of cross-community co-operation and peace in Northern Ireland. It is one of the most momentous events of the past 50 years in this country and I wholeheartedly welcome it. The many people who took risks for peace when it was not politically correct to do so have been vindicated. Thank God, most of them are alive to see the fruits of their efforts in a tangible way. Peacemaking is an extremely difficult task. I compliment all concerned and, in particular, General de Chastelain and his assistants, as well as the two churchmen for their supervision. Ordinary people on both sides of the divide are the real unsung heroes of this peace process. They worked tirelessly to build bridges between communities in their neighbourhoods. We cannot forget such people.

I am bitterly disappointed that a man of the cloth, Rev. Paisley, has seen fit to reject the bona fides and cast aspersions on the integrity of Fr. Alex Reid and Rev. Harold Good. By not acknowledging that decommissioning has taken place, that is effectively what he is doing. It is a new low when one does not accept the word of clergymen.

The opportunity exists for Rev. Paisley and the DUP to play a responsible leadership role and accept, in the fullness of time, that a momentous act has occurred. They owe it to the people to lead fairly. Rev. Paisley could make a significant contribution to the ultimate goal of self-government in Northern Ireland. Major benefits might ensue.

Interdepartmental co-operation between North and South in areas such as agriculture, tourism, health and education could ensue. There are many areas of mutual concern and interest. Those who were elected would then do what they were elected to do, that is, serve the people and they would benefit. We must move in this direction sooner rather than later.

I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, for the opportunity to speak on this historic day on the evolution of our peace process. I thank and commend all those who have made a massive contribution to peace and justice on our island. It is a real opportunity for all of us to ensure politics works. Let us roll up our sleeves during the next 12 months and try to move the peace process forward. Not talking to each other or using the peace process to score political points should not be an option and should never be an option in the future. The process belongs to all the people on the island of Ireland and if we are serious about a democratic peace settlement we have to respect the wishes of the majority of our people on the island.

The republican leadership and its members have shown courage, vision and leadership in putting arms beyond use and in trying to take the guns out of Irish politics. This process has been independently assessed and most people agree it is a reality. I welcome that and yet I understand the fears of many. However, we have to move forward. I urge all Members to put our country first and stop the petty bickering I have witnessed today and during the past year. We also have to face up to the reality of Unionist paramilitaries and the British security forces. They are the people who have all the weapons. I urge the Taoiseach to focus on these weapons over the next couple of weeks. It is time for them all to get off the stage and let the peace process evolve. Recent sectarian violence can never be tolerated and the silence from many quarters is deafening. Sectarianism, like racism, can never be understood or tolerated in our society. Attacks on homes or the quiet sectarian language should be a thing of the past and I urge all politicians, North and South, to show leadership on this issue and on this terrible evil.

Selective opposition to violence should also be challenged. I remind all Members that in this conflict we had three violent groups — republican violence, Unionist paramilitary violence and British State security violence. I urge some Members and some Cabinet Members to get off the high moral ground and get on with the job of resolving this major conflict. Exclusion and censorship did not work in the past and will never work. Silence on sectarianism and criticising one side in the conflict is cheap opportunism and, more importantly, it lets our people down. I urge everyone to open their minds and listen to new ideas in finding a solution to this historic conflict.

I have a major problem with Ministers and politicians who say they have concerns about representing the minority in the North while at the same time opposing their political representatives speaking in this House. I fully support the right of people in the North to speak in the House. If Members are serious about inclusion they should support that position.

I urge all Deputies to unite, support the development of the peace process, build a new Ireland for Catholic, Protestant, Muslin, Jew and dissenter and use this moment in history to ensure all guns are taken out of Irish politics and build a new country based on justice, equality and peace.

The Green Party, Comhaontas Glas, welcomes wholeheartedly the fact that Rev. Harold Good, Fr. Alec Reid and General de Chastelain have reported positively on the decommissioning of arms by the Provisional IRA. It is a significant milestone. The question many of us need to focus on is where we go from here. Recently I heard a vox pop on the radio ask "what now" in many Nationalist areas. Many offered an uncertain view that they did not know who would protect them now. One lady said she might have no alternative but to go to the police. That points strongly to the next move Sinn Féin needs to take to be part of the policing board and part of the developments that will ensure the other obstacles to the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement are removed. These include loyalist decommissioning — the Patten reforms need to be fully developed in order that loyalist decommissioning can be one way or the other removed from the agenda — and the security of Nationalist areas. Fundamental policing reform is essential and needs to be prioritised. Ultimately the Unionists must come to government. I ask that the Unionists understand that will ensure police resources are freed up and extra policing resources can be made available for fair and comprehensive policing. That needs to be part of the Good Friday Agreement implementation.

The Good Friday Agreement needs to be implemented in this jurisdiction also. It is not simply a matter of talking about what is happening in the North. We heard earlier on the Order of Business about the register of sex offenders. That is a matter in which we in the South are lagging behind. I heard also of the lack of progress in other areas of cross-Border co-operation. That lack of progress means we are not implementing further improvements on, for example, an islandwide environmental protection agency. These matters are being held up because of lack of progress. Every community and national organisation has a role in implementing the Good Friday Agreement. In our party we have removed the obstacles in order that the Green Party in Northern Ireland can consider its relationship with the South in terms of a possible all-island organisation. Likewise, in sports organisations such as the FAI, the lack of success has affected us recently. When one looks at somebody such as Ken Magennnis from a Unionist background supporting the Irish Rugby team there is no reason Unionists cannot respect their identity, be loyal to their objectives and still support an all-Ireland soccer team. That would indicate a potential on the island which can accommodate diversity and different political aims but at the same time realise the potential of working and co-operating together as an island.

I am prepared to share time with Deputy O'Donnell if that is acceptable.

I thank the Minister for conceding a few minutes. On behalf of the Progressive Democrats I acknowledge the work of the Taoiseach and the Prime Minister in bringing about, eventually, the decommissioning of weapons by the IRA. I commend also the de Chastelain commission on its work over many years in bringing about the decommissioning. The eventual decommissioning of IRA weapons is a tribute and testament to the work not of Sinn Féin in persuasion but of those of us in the House in the democratic constitutional parties who have insisted that it is incompatible with democracy to hold on to weapons. The retention of those weapons by the IRA has been the single biggest obstacle to political progress since the Good Friday Agreement was democratically endorsed by the people on both sides of the Border.

Amidst all the eulogy and weary relief associated with the decommissioning announcement it is essential to recognise the pain and suffering and lost and devastated lives of those who were maimed and killed by these IRA weapons over the years. British and Irish people have been killed and lives devastated by these weapons. Rather than eulogise the work of Sinn Féin and those who have no conscience or tendency to apologise for these terrible acts the House should stand square and confirm its commitment to democratic politics and respectfully remember all those innocent men and women and also men and women of the armed forces who were destroyed and murdered by these weapons.

The confirmation this week by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning that the IRA has put all its weapons beyond use has been acknowledged in this House as a momentous development, which it is. We have always said that decommissioning had to be complete and credible. On Monday we got that unambiguous statement from General de Chastelain when he said that "the totality of the IRA's arsenal" has been decommissioned. We also had a statement from two fair-minded and independent clergymen, highly respected in their own communities, who said they were "certain about the exactitude of this report".

In short, we have crossed a historic threshold. Throughout our history, violence and politics have mingled and only now can we believe they have truly parted company. The decommissioning of Provisionals' weaponry is a triumph for constitutional nationalism and republicanism, as enunciated by my party. It is a triumph for those of us whose main personal and political goal is the unity of Ireland and her people, and who simply find it wrong that our neighbours in places like Faughert and Drumintee should live in separate states. Such towns and communities have suffered at first hand from the partition of our island. People have seen the Provisional campaign bolster that partition and drive unity further into the future. The peace process was built on our conviction that Irish unity could never be built on the hatred of ages, down the barrel of a gun. It is built on our efforts to convert others to our democratic analysis and assessment of partition. With decommissioning, the veracity of that analysis is clear and the redundancy of Provisionalism is equally clear.

In the battle of ideas we believe that we have clearly won. The question remains, however, as to why over 3,000 people had to die to get us to where we are today. I was struck by the front page coverage in all newspapers of the events of recent days, but particularly by the front page of the Irish Examiner which listed the names of all those who had been killed. The coverage was extremely poignant and underlined what the past 30 years were all about.

While the decommissioning of IRA weapons has been a major step forward, it is not an end in itself. It is a means to an end and we should not lose sight of that. Our democratic tradition, embodied and practised in this Chamber, is strong.

The Minister's time has expired.

I ask Members to give me some more time.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

We are elected to exercise responsibility on behalf of the communities we serve and we are directly accountable for the decisions we take. Our democratic institutions have been challenged by those who pursued their political objectives through violence and the gun. They have faced down that challenge and emerged stronger. We are right to take pride in this. Our main objective is the consolidation of truly democratic institutions in Northern Ireland. That means the restoration of devolved government with locally elected Ministers working in partnership for the benefit of all. We should not lose sight of that. However, in order to rebuild institutions we must first rebuild confidence. The loss of confidence was all too evident in some of the reaction to this week's developments.

Many will rightly need to take time to reflect on Monday's developments. They will look for assurances that the IRA is true to its commitment of 28 July to use exclusively peaceful means and to abandon all paramilitary and criminal activity. They will want to check against delivery on decommissioning and on the ending of all IRA paramilitary and criminal activity. Monday's developments represent a promising start towards the rehabilitation of trust in the peace process. The reports of the International Monitoring Commission in October and again in January next year, will be fundamental in building this confidence. The necessary elements can be put in place by January.

I welcome the bipartisan approach that has been present here for many years. However, I was somewhat disappointed by Deputy Kenny's questioning concerning meetings with Sinn Féin. To a certain extent, in that questioning he showed his inexperience.

That is patronising rubbish.

I want to make this point because he did question it.

He is entitled to ask questions. This is Parliament.

What is seen publicly is only a tiny element of the entire process——

The Minister's time is up if he wants to engage in that rubbish.

——of risks being taken. We would not be where we are today but for the leadership of the man on my right-hand side, the Taoiseach.

Last week, I visited Antrim and Belfast to meet some of those directly affected by sectarian attacks and street violence this summer. These people and many like them are under pressure as they have not been for many years past. I assured them of my own and the Government's commitment to challenge sectarianism at every opportunity.

Sinn Féin must also show courageous leadership in support of the new policing arrangements. This would be a critical and decisive step towards peace and political stability. No police force is perfect but the PSNI has clearly staked a claim to the trust of all communities. If it is held back, that is due in no small measure to want of support in the communities it seeks to serve. It has earned that support. A vacuum in policing is in nobody's interest. It is certainly not in the interest of the communities most affected by the sectarian violence we have seen in recent weeks.

Opposition Deputies have raised the issue of side deals and I wish to categorically and absolutely assure the House that there are no side deals concerning recent events that have occurred. I have said this previously in public, as have the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. There are no side deals on recent events that have happened, and particularly concerning the killing of Detective Garda Jerry McCabe. The people, either in jail or outside, who had anything to do with his death are not included in any of the understandings or arrangements that have been made in the last number of days.

We also need an end to loyalist paramilitary activity and a start to decommissioning of those arms. Both Governments have consistently said there is no place for any illegally held weapons in a new society that is emerging in Northern Ireland. We are conscious of the challenges that still remain to be resolved but we are also conscious of the real opportunity to fulfil the promise of the Good Friday Agreement. Unfortunately, the agreement has been subject to a stop-start process over the past seven years because of the situation. Nonetheless, I welcome what has happened in recent days. We have been lucky in the friends we have had for many years, not least the United States Government.

I thank all the Deputies who have contributed to this debate. Hopefully, the bipartisan approach will continue in this House.

Top
Share