Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 23 May 2006

Vol. 620 No. 1

Private Members’ Business.

Drug Abuse: Motion.

Mr. Crowe

I move:

That Dáil Éireann, recognising the many diverse and profound problems for individuals and for society caused by the misuse of drugs, both legal and illegal; affirms:

—the right of children, young persons, adults, families and communities to be protected from the harmful effects of drugs and associated crime;

—the right of all to be educated about the damaging effects of the misuse of drugs;

—the right of people to grow up in communities free from poverty, social exclusion and inequality, which are undoubtedly factors which have influenced drug misuse;

views with grave concern the escalating impact of problem drug use in Irish society including:

—the rapidly increasing use of cocaine throughout the country;

—the devastating effect of heroin use, in particular, in many working-class communities and now spreading to every town and village in Ireland;

—the hurt and pain suffered by the families of addicts due to drug use, drug dealers and the inadequate and late response of statutory bodies;

—the emergence of a trade in crack cocaine in Dublin;

—the high level of crime which is fuelled by the drugs trade;

—the damage to public health caused by growing levels of drug misuse and addiction; and

—the failure of the Health Service Executive to provide harm reduction facilities throughout the State;

calls on the Government to acknowledge the many shortfalls in policy and implementation of policy and to recommit itself to the overall strategic objective of the National Drugs Strategy 2001-2008 which is to significantly reduce the harm caused to individuals and society by the misuse of drugs through a concerted focus on supply reduction, prevention, treatment and research; to that end, mandates the Government to:

—ensure the relentless pursuit of major drug traffickers and ring-fence funds seized from them for community development in those neighbourhoods worst affected by the drugs scourge;

—provide for all appropriate sanctions for those involved in the drug trade, including prison sentences for drug barons which reflect the devastating impact of their activities on individuals, families and communities, as well as increased use of alternatives to prison for certain drug-related crimes where this would be more appropriate;

—increase the resources available to the Garda Síochána national drugs unit, local drugs units and juvenile liaison officers;

—ensure a genuine partnership between the Garda Síochána and local communities, given that the Garda Síochána Act 2005 failed to introduce adequate structures for accountability and genuine community policing;

—introduce local accountability structures at district level such as community policing partnerships or, at least, to roll out the joint policing committees and community policing fora provided for by the Garda Síochána Act 2005 across the Twenty-six Counties as a matter of urgency;

—reverse the current approach to drug abuse in prisons to ensure that prisoners have access to health care and prevention policies and services including harm reduction strategies equivalent to those available in the wider community;

—immediately formulate, resource and implement an action plan to combat spiralling cocaine use;

—dedicate adequate funding to significantly expand the availability of drug treatment and to eliminate waiting lists for treatment;

—encourage the Health Service Executive to return to real partnership with community and voluntary groups in addressing problematic drug use;

—expand the spectrum of services available so that all drug users who want to avail of treatment and other services can do so;

—ensure that drug users also have access to the other counselling and medical services they need, without discrimination;

—recognise the right of all grandparents looking after the children of their addict sons and daughters to be fully supported in line with provision for foster parents and accordingly increase the orphan-guardian allowance;

—ensure the take-up of widespread and well resourced education programmes and campaigns for children and parents against the misuse of drugs, in school, at home and in the community;

—seriously address poverty and inequality in this State, including educational disadvantage, and accordingly provide Early Start programmes in all RAPID areas;

—work on an all-Ireland basis to ensure the application of the strategic objectives of the national drugs strategy to the island as a whole; and

—appoint a Minister of State with sole responsibility for drugs issues.

I wish to share time with Deputies Ó Snodaigh and Ferris.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. Crowe

I come from an area of Dublin that has suffered massively over the past few decades from the problem of drugs in society. In Tallaght and across south-west Dublin and surrounding areas, I have seen at first hand the devastation that it wreaks on communities. I have witnessed family, friends and neighbours succumb to its devastating impact. I have attended too many wakes, houses and funerals. I have seen talented and energetic young people turn into the living wrecks that we so often associate, usually without a second thought, with drug addiction. I know that I am very much in a minority in this Chamber when I say that because if I were not, as sure as night follows day, we would have addressed the issue in a more coherent, strategic and planned manner. We would not still be trying to bury our heads in the sand, operating over the heads of the communities most affected by the problem. No longer can we allow the establishment to wash its hands of responsibility for this crisis and formulate policies based on its own fears and obsessions, which do nothing to address the underlying causes of the crisis.

We have tabled this motion because of the gravity of the drugs problem engulfing many communities throughout Ireland. We have made it the theme of our valuable Private Members' time because of our belief that there is an urgent need to act now across a range of Departments, including the Departments of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, Social and Family Affairs, Health and Children, the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, Education and Science and Justice, Equality and Law Reform. We can only tackle the problem if we first admit to its scale, which is of epidemic proportions. Then we must resolve to combine the efforts of those Departments in a systematic and strategic fashion.

It is imperative to raise the drug issue and debate this crisis, which for so long has been ignored by successive Governments. It is impossible to measure how many lives, families and communities have been and continue to be ripped apart by the scourge of drugs. Although problem drug use spans a wide category, from alcohol to opiates, in this debate we will focus on the so-called hard drugs of heroin, cocaine and crack cocaine, which have had a profound and extremely harmful effect on Irish society.

Governments have reacted inadequately and far too late to the drugs crisis. When communities were forced to mobilise against the rampant heroin epidemic of the 1980s and 1990s, the gardaí harassed many of those people instead of pursuing the major drugs traffickers. Communities were marginalised instead of being listened to. If the Government is not to repeat the mistakes of the past, it must realise that communities and their representatives must be involved in the fight against drugs. Let us not delude ourselves, something of which certain people present seem very capable, that we are currently addressing the problem. We are not, we are losing the battle.

Although many addicts now seek treatment, they must endure unacceptably lengthy waiting lists. That is happening in many areas, although places are available on community-based projects, and it must change. A recent study showed that the majority of heroin addicts receiving methadone treatment were regular users of other drugs, including cocaine. Methadone maintenance, while useful for some, is not the only solution to making people drug free. We must also establish mechanisms to track addicts' progression through the system to enable all stakeholders to make an informed assessment of the success or otherwise of the current approach to tackling drug addiction.

Ireland is awash with cocaine, whose use is spiralling out of control, with an increase of 1,600% in the quantity smuggled into the country over the last six years. There are approximately 13,000 heroin users in Dublin alone. It is not only a Dublin phenomenon, however. Since the middle of the 1990s, there has been a marked increase in drug-related premature deaths outside the capital.

It is far from coincidental that while drug use cuts across all social divisions, it is most prevalent in areas of high social deprivation. Without question, poverty and social inequality contribute to drug use. The scourge of drugs will undoubtedly continue unless poverty and inequality are also tackled. Ireland is the second richest country in the EU and one of the richest per capita in the world. However, just under one in five lives in relative poverty and 7% of the population live in consistent poverty.

Surely Ireland is now in a better position than it has ever been, and probably ever will be, to eradicate grinding poverty. RAPID and CLÁR areas, designated areas of high disadvantage, need sustained support to emerge from their current predicament. On the education front, we need early start programmes in all schools in RAPID and CLÁR areas. The Government must improve social welfare payments and increase the minimum wage. It must encourage people to make the transition from welfare to adequately paid employment rather than force them from benefits into low-paid jobs. Incentives and supports must be made available to those who wish to return to education. Providing accessible and affordable child care is also essential.

There is a growing trend whereby grandparents have had to shoulder the burden of caring for grandchildren, in most cases without State support. The parents of the children concerned are drug users. The abandonment criteria for grandparents to receive benefits must be changed and the financial gap between foster and orphan-guardian allowance narrowed to reflect the financial cost to many carers. The preventative role of the family should be emphasised more. Family support services should be greatly expanded so that they can act as effective buffers to drug problems. In any drug policy, the family must have a prominent role.

A recent Health Service Executive survey showed that three out of every four Irish people do not have enough information or have the wrong information about drugs. Education should be used as a powerful weapon against the problem use of drugs and it should take place at school, at home and in the community. As 66% of those who have taken drugs did so for the first time while in secondary school, school children must be educated against the dangers of their use. There must be sustained and widespread educational campaigns in all required languages to ensure that everyone has enough knowledge of the harmful effects of drugs. The acceptance of drug misuse and the glamorisation of cocaine must be tackled.

It is not uncommon for children to look up to drug dealers in their area, who are equipped with fast cars, big money and designer clothes. However, at the end of every deal is an individual jeopardising his or her life, health and future. Major drug dealers must be exposed for what they are — parasites amassing vast wealth at the expense of a person's addiction, a family's safety and a community's future.

In many communities, drugs are rampant, making it extremely tough for addicts to reject that way of life as they are tempted by unprecedented availability. We must ensure that children and young adults have viable alternatives to hanging around street corners and becoming the prey of drug pushers and their minions. Those alternatives must be interesting, accessible, affordable and local.

Educational disadvantage has not gone away, while its repercussions for the rest of a young person's life grow greater. There is a general correlation between low educational attainment and drug problems. While nearly 90% of children of higher professionals sit the leaving certificate examination, only 77% of those of semi- and unskilled manual workers do so. That means that 23% of the latter do not sit the leaving certificate and those children are inevitably more likely to be unemployed or in the poverty trap of low-income work, from which it is difficult to escape.

It is estimated that up to 1,000 pupils fail to make the transition from primary to secondary school each year. What happens to those children? The Government must establish a comprehensive database of primary school pupils to track that transition and monitor those who drop out of school, who are a vulnerable target group. Schools and their environs should be drug-free zones rather than an easy market for unscrupulous dealers. Criminal legislation needs to reflect this.

There is a certain irony that the Minister of State with responsibility for drugs presides over the housing situation — another crisis. An estimated 5,500 people are homeless. There appears to be a high level of drug use linked with homelessness and emergency hostels are, in many cases, full of drugs. Everyone has the right to a roof over their head and to live in a clean, safe and drug-free environment. People must have a choice and hostels need to reflect this.

The Government must ensure the roll out of cocaine treatment projects and devise an action plan to prevent the escalation of crack cocaine. Departments must work in conjunction with communities to ensure local and regional task forces receive the necessary funding. There must be a concerted effort to tackle the root causes of why people take drugs.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh

"She was sitting up in bed just before I slashed her. I slashed her on the throat two or three times in the bed. I covered her with a pillow so I wouldn't have to look at her face. There was a gurgling noise like she was trying to breathe. There was blood all over my hands." This is the testimony read out in court at the trial of heroin addict who killed his sister. I know this not because I read it in the newspaper or saw it on Sky News but because I sat through this harrowing court case. It was the court case of a constituent but, more importantly, it was the trial of a person who killed a close friend of mine and my family.

Lisa Bell was killed by her heroin-addicted brother almost five years ago. Her father Pat and myself found her body stuffed in a sleeping bag in a wardrobe in her flat in St. Theresa's Gardens. Evidence at the trial indicated that David Bell had stolen his nephew's Christmas presents, his sister's TV, video and jewellery to feed his chronic addiction. This is what led to the argument that led to David taking a Stanley knife to his sister's throat.

Can one imagine for just one minute as one contemplates the motion before us the absolute trauma that heroin addiction has caused the Bell family, their friends and their immediate community? This is an experience I never want to witness again and one which I would not wish on anybody. However, this is the reality behind heroin addiction. This is the reality that awaits more of us if we allow crack cocaine to take hold and fail to take decisive action to tackle the problem of drugs.

The Health Research Board estimated in 2003 that the value of the illegal drugs market in this State was €650 million. That included cannabis, heroin, cocaine, amphetamines, ecstasy and LSD. This year it is estimated the cocaine market alone will be worth over €200 million. I believe both figures seriously understate the huge profits drug barons make. I believe the figure is well over €1 billion because the State and the Garda have never acknowledged the full extent of the drugs crisis and the associated crime wave. Gangland crime, including gangland shootings, are intrinsically linked to the increasing market in heroin, cocaine and crack cocaine and also to hash and ecstasy.

The intimidation of whole communities by the continuing explosion of drug dealing, open drug dealing and the related crime spree has never been effectively tackled. If one looks carefully around most pubs in Dublin today, one will see the open drug dealing or abuse of cocaine, heroin or hash. One will see the drug abusers sniffing, snorting, injecting or smoking in the toilets or sometimes blatantly in full public view. One will see them ringing for their deliveries and dealers' cars pulling up outside to ply their trade. These dealers believe they are untouchable, invincible and the evidence to date shows they are not far wrong.

That cannot be tolerated or go unchecked much longer and if this State is not willing to seriously address this crisis head-on, then the destruction of communities as we saw with the heroin epidemic in the 1980s and early 1990s will be replicated and, as before, communities will have to take to the streets again.

There is no easy fix and no methadone for cocaine. As with heroin or other addictions, it is costly and time consuming to address the reasons for drug abuse, to tackle the addiction and to rebuild the lives of the addicts, their families, their communities and their victims. In 2001, when faced with a crisis which was not going to kill a solitary soul on this island, the whole apparatus of the State was mobilised to shut down the country. The Garda, customs officials, Department officials and the public were involved in preventing the movement of suspects and stopping the trade. This was all for foot and mouth disease.

Where are the emergency measures to tackle a trade which has killed hundreds, if not thousands, over the last 30 years? I welcome the large Garda seizures but I believe they are only the tip of the iceberg in terms of the large amount of hard drugs coming in and poisoning the country daily.

The Garda Síochána could do a lot more to tackle this vile trade. Much of the so-called low level dealing occurs with the full knowledge of gardaí because they give immunity to small scale drug dealers in exchange for information. These are the same drug dealers who threaten neighbours and shoot competitors, bad debtors or anyone who attempts to cross them. These are the invincibles. These scumbags are destroying my country, city, community and my street. The Minister must tackle the large drug barons head on but he must also ensure a parallel operation against the smaller drug dealers, otherwise they will become the replacements for the large drug barons.

Mr. Ferris

While drug abuse and drug dealing was once a phenomenon almost exclusively associated with large cities and towns, unfortunately this is no longer the case. Many rural towns are experiencing those problems with a worrying number afflicted by heroin abuse.

In my county, while heroin abuse appears not to be a problem, there have been indications of the growing sale and use of cocaine. This would, to a large extent, be due to the conscious efforts of drug gangs operating in the region to build up a market for the drug.

Apart from the health consequences which the use of cocaine has for those who take the drug, it also has serious implications for the safety of the wider community. There is substantial evidence to prove that cocaine use is a factor in increased violence, often in combination with alcohol abuse. In many rural towns this has certainly led to a marked increase in both the number and seriousness of violent assaults involving people who have taken cocaine.

The scale of the problem has been indicated by the increase in cocaine seizures in rural areas. I hope this indicates the gardaí are dealing with the problem. I note they claim to have dealt with a number of attempts to establish dealing networks in different parts of the country. The concern must be, however, that the increase in seizures reflects a massive increase in the importation and distribution of cocaine. Only two weeks ago I attended in seminar in west Kerry at which the Garda drug squad admitted its strike rate of success was less than 10%.

Apart from the prime aim of dealing with the supply of drugs such as cocaine and heroin and ensuring those involved are treated harshly by the courts, it is also necessary to deal with those who are addicted or habitual users of these substances. To a large extent, this must be dealt with by providing young people with viable alternatives in the way of education, employment and leisure. There are many preventative ways in which drug use can be discouraged. There is an onus on every State body to use role models in society who are able to click with young people.

It is also necessary, however, to provide adequate treatment for those who have become addicted. In this regard, I note the comments of Dr. Pat Troy who has referred to the difficulty of persuading GPs in some areas to treat addicts. He has identified this as one of the obstacles to providing the community-based treatment that he believes is crucial to weaning an addict away from drug dependency.

Currently there are no methadone clinics in Cork or Limerick which means addicts there must travel to Dublin which obviously makes it more difficult for them to pursue this form of treatment. It is crucial there are locally based treatment centres given that there has been a threefold increase in the number of heroin addicts in the south east, including Carlow, Waterford, Wexford, Kilkenny and south Tipperary. Some 3,000 people are in receipt of treatment in those areas. It is also the case that there are only 22 detox beds in the State which is shameful.

While Sinn Féin believes drug dealers must be targeted and severely dealt with, we also recognise the need to treat as well as punish those lower down the scale who may commit petty crime or engage in small scale dealing to support their habit. These individuals are often a major source of anti-social behaviour, petty crime and harassment in their local communities but it may be the case that some can be dealt with in a non-custodial manner. This would not apply to anyone convicted of particularly nasty crimes but as an incentive to young drug users to avail of treatment and to move away from a life of crime. In principle the new drug court can provide a mechanism to address this issue although we are disappointed that it is being confined to Dublin. The idea behind the initiative, whereby addicts who are convicted may purge themselves by completing a rigorous course of treatment and rehabilitation is a good one.

Those who succeed in passing through such a programme will not only have freed themselves of a dangerous and debilitating addiction, but will cease to be a threat to the community. Certainly, given the statistics regarding recidivism among young addicts sentenced to prison, such a programme ought to be given a chance. We also hope that it may be extended to areas outside Dublin so that drug users in rural communities can be given a chance to redeem themselves within the community, rather than possibly becoming a lost cause in prison where drugs appear to be widely available.

Ms Harkin

The scourge of drug-taking and trafficking is one of the major concerns of Irish people. It is also a real threat to the security and health of the nation. The use of drugs, particularly by young people, is at historically high levels. At one time those of us who live in rural Ireland might have considered the drugs problem to be an urban one. If that was ever true it is no longer so.

Drugs are available in every county, village and town. Nowhere and nobody is safe or off-limits. Individuals, families and whole communities suffer utter devastation. This was highlighted earlier by Deputy Ó Snodaigh's riveting contribution. I support particularly the sections of this motion that call for close co-operation between communities, civil society and all other actors and agencies involved, the Health Service Executive, the Garda, the customs and excise officers, the medical and educational services and others. This is a societal issue and solutions are to be found at societal level.

This is also a global problem. Solutions must be found at regional, national, EU and international level. Finding a realistic and effective response to this global problem must be a political priority for all countries. At European level we have adopted an EU drugs action plan that respects the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality, and leaves full scope for local, regional, national and transnational actions. This plan also encourages all actors to examine how these actions can be mutually supportive and contribute to achieving the objectives of an EU drugs strategy.

Co-ordination is crucial to the success of this strategy and at EU level we need to step up and develop law enforcement co-operation between member states and, where appropriate, with Europol, against international organised drug production and trafficking. Joint customs operations, investigations and intelligence gathering and strengthening controls at external borders of the European Union to stem the flow of drugs, play a crucial role in the war against drugs.

Global action complements national and local action and at national level education plays an important role. Having been a teacher for most of my life I know that sometimes society has unrealistic expectations of what schools and education systems can deliver, as if schools, often with limited or no resources, can solve all the ills of society. Schools do not exist in a vacuum and the influence of family, community and media impact on what schools can achieve. Adequately resourced, school-based prevention programmes can and do deliver. We cannot do this on a wing and a prayer and expect teachers to save us from ourselves. Regardless of their good work, schools are only part of our response. We need to set up, develop and improve selective prevention for target groups, and new ways of reaching target groups by using different media and new information technologies.

Drug-driving does not receive adequate consideration. There have been several campaigns against drink-driving which have had some success. We must also target drug-driving. Illicit prescribed and unprescribed drugs affect people's ability to drive and contribute to accidents and fatalities.

I commend this motion to the House.

Dr. Cowley

The drug problem is getting worse. Teenagers go around freely with cannabis resin in rural areas. It no longer frightens them. They are not afraid of being caught. Maybe when they are caught they feel sorry. It is in every secondary school in rural Ireland. Young people do not seem to be aware of the legal or health consequences of what they are doing but are responding to peer pressure.

The Garda and the schools are doing their best but there is a lack of education. The stigma of being caught is not a deterrent. In rural areas the rise in drug use is inversely proportional to the withdrawal of gardaí. Peer group pressure is strong, there is a lack of education on the effects and use of drugs. We need to concentrate on 14 to 18 year olds who are the main users of the drugs. This cuts across all classes and boundaries in rural areas, without distinction.

There is no designated rural drug task force in Mayo although we need one and we need education in the schools. The Garda runs a good school programme in national schools which in a welcome development was recently extended to secondary schools. The use of drugs in rural areas is an underground activity and needs to be given higher priority. Education of pupils and adults is the best way of bringing forward the issue. Awareness of the problem will help most of all.

Good supports are available up to a point in Dublin, where people identify a problem. In rural areas where people think there is no problem there is no proper education. A total of 15% of secondary school children in rural areas regularly use drugs, mainly cannabis. Cocaine, which is too expensive for school children, is available in night clubs. We need mandatory drug testing of drivers. Alcohol can be detected but ecstasy which costs much less is not detected. One can buy a tablet of E for €5, which is said to be the equivalent of drinking eight to ten pints. It gives the user a high for the night. These users may pay high insurance premiums to drive on a provisional licence and high petrol costs but they can get high for the night on one E tablet because E is freely available. They drive around, spend the night at the nightclub on one E tablet and drive home.

We need to examine this situation. It seems a cheaper option for the user but in the long run it is more expensive than alcohol. People can drive at will under the influence of drugs and they are much more difficult to spot than those driving under the influence of alcohol. Doctors would find it difficult to spot them. We need to consider the education of young people and the mandatory drug testing of drivers.

Mr. Connolly

I welcome the opportunity to speak in this debate because drugs are having a serious effect on society and are being increasingly used. They are available in every town and village. Members have referred to drugs being used in this House so we have not escaped their influence either.

I recently heard a reformed addict on radio say that he could source drugs within ten to 15 minutes in any town. That is a frightening message. Previous speakers have mentioned several problems. The prices of illegal and legal drugs, such as alcohol, are levelling off making it more attractive for people to use drugs. There was a time when cocaine was for the wealthy only. Now school kids can afford this drug which, like all drugs, is sold without any health warning.

I am concerned about the role of the media as an opinion maker. I suppose every newspaper is respectable but I recently read an article in a Sunday newspaper which stated that:

After five or six pints of beer you are far more out of it, aggressive or dangerous to other people than after a joint or a couple of lines of coke. Yet alcohol is legal. The advice seems to be to go for drugs instead of drink. This is a very dangerous message. The article further states that even with a hangover and the come-down, the thrill of the night before is worth it to the weekend cocaine dabbler. There is no reference to the word "addict" and the use of the word "dabbler" is almost an endorsement of use as an acceptable weekend activity. Warnings about misuse of drugs and the threat of the law do not seem relevant. The writer of the article questions whether it is really so terrible and whether they are really doing any harm to themselves. This article sends out very dangerous signals. I wondered when I read this article whether I was out of touch. I take a few pints but I certainly do not take cocaine and I am not responsible for cocaine being found in the toilets in this building. This article gives a signal that it is all right to use drugs.

Persons caught using a line of cocaine should be offered whistleblower's rights. They should be offered the option of pointing the finger at the supplier. They should be exonerated.

Mr. Boyle

The motion is commendable and on the face of it there should not be anything in it with which anyone in the House could take issue, but such is the knee-jerk nature of our politics that the Government has seen fit to table an amendment to the motion commending itself and indicating that it is doing all it can with regard to this problem. This is an attitude of whistling past the graveyard that ill suits the Government.

The motion makes only one reference to the actions of the Government and it is a very mild criticism of the effectiveness of Government policy. The motion calls on the Government to acknowledge the many shortfalls in the implementation of policy and to recommit itself to the overall strategic objective of the national drugs strategy 2001-08. It is not too much of a step down for any Government to admit that a policy may not be working as well as it could be. In the past week alone, the Taoiseach has stated that the decentralisation programme will not achieve what the Government originally hoped. If the Government is prepared to make statements of that nature about a policy such as decentralisation, why can it not do so about an issue of much wider significance which affects the lives and health of so many citizens? On those grounds I am very disappointed that the Government has seen fit to table an amendment to this motion.

The Government amendment is in the name of the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs whose Department has responsibility for the national drugs strategy. However, the amendment only refers to one person, the Minister of State, Deputy Noel Ahern, who has responsibility for drugs issues, and he is present in the Chamber this evening. If I were the Minister of State I would be very afraid of that reference because it seems to be a bit like the chairman of the football club giving a vote of confidence in his manager. The Minister of State is taking the flak for the failures of the policies of the Government and Department. This is unfair because I acknowledge the Minister of State has a personal commitment to sorting out a series of problems that many of us will readily admit are intractable.

The scope of this motion shows how complicated this issue is and the question is whether it is a justice, resources or health issue. The Green Party is of the view that this issue has arisen as a result of the current culture. Double standards apply to the use of any drug, legal or illegal, and there is a celebration by society of some drug use. This attitude sends out a mixed message to many young people who decide that if it is all right for State sources and adult authority figures to endorse a particular mode of behaviour, they are prepared to go down another route and experiment by using and abusing drugs. Their lives take a turn into dark alleys by their making those choices.

The Government chose not to bring legislation to this House to allow for regulation in the area of the advertising of alcohol products. The Government instead chose self-regulation. If one takes alcohol out of that equation and replaces it with cocaine or heroin and the Government informed those involved in that industry — it is an industry — that Government policy favoured self-regulation, this would be an indication of the level of double standards being applied towards any type of abuse of any type of drug. Until we are prepared to tackle those double standards, this debate will have painful consequences for all concerned.

There is extensive public concern about the existence of a drugs economy and a drugs society. I refer to the paraphernalia that attaches to this culture and the use of violence and deadly weapons to enforce that violence. The Government must adopt some form of weighing scales approach to our policy regarding people who come out of the shadows and practise these dark arts. They are allowed to operate because the Government has made the choice that this is overwhelmingly a justice rather than a health issue. It is taking a military approach to this issue rather than a community resource approach. Until the Government and the people who make statements on behalf of the Government, who seem to thrive on the whole idea of derring-do, change course, this problem will only intensify and worsen for many in our society.

I hope this is a message which the Minister of State will be prepared to take to some of the Cabinet members because they seem to think that this is a problem that can be solved by the hard man approach, so to speak. I do not believe this approach will work. It is also indicative that those who use and abuse drugs are untouchable and the areas in which they live are no-go communities. It is as if we have drawn metaphorical lines of barbed wire around people and communities instead of engaging and tacking the root causes and problems which these people and their communities face daily. We regard it as a problem that can be tackled in isolation, but this is not so. We have spent decades trying to deal with this type of problem in isolation. The only effect has been that the isolation of the areas concerned has become deeper and the problem has expanded throughout the country.

It is not rocket science to understand that the policies are not working. The Minister of State has a strong personal commitment in this area and he would like to see solutions. It may be that the five-year term of a Government, or even less in some instances, does not allow for an individual politician or Government to bring about those solutions. However, small steps to challenge the nature of the culture of double standards could be taken. We fail to treat people for the nature of the condition preferring instead to treat them as some kind of stain on society. The Government adopts an approach that its war on drugs can be measured by the amount of drugs seized, on which the law enforcement agencies are to be commended, but we all know it is the tip of the iceberg approach. The more drugs that are seized, the more drugs that exist in society. This is a failure on the part of society. The Government's strongest measure challenging the drugs culture in the past year has been the banning of magic mushrooms.

Young people looking for escape choose to use everyday products such as solvents and legal substances such as alcohol and they are venturing into the use of illegal substances. Many people finish up with cocaine and heroin addiction. This is a route that has been chosen for them because of a degree of indifference that the system and the Government is responsible for through its lack of political leadership.

My hope is that a motion of this type will spur a change of thinking so that in future we will not have the knee-jerk reactions of a Government amendment defending itself and that instead we will have a proper engagement, dealing with this issue in a way that it can and must be dealt with. It is a challenge for all of us within the political system, Government and Opposition, those who are in government and those who will be. It requires a long-term approach to a problem that we have only made worse by fiddling around the edges.

Minister of State at the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs (Mr. N. Ahern)

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

— supports the Government on its ongoing implementation of the National Drugs Strategy 2001-2008;

— notes that the key finding of the mid-term review of the national drugs strategy in 2005 was that the current aims and objectives of the strategy are fundamentally sound and that progress was being made across the four pillars of the strategy;

— recognises the significant work being done under the four pillars of the national drugs strategy, supply reduction, prevention, treatment and research and the decision to include a fifth pillar of rehabilitation to further focus initiatives in that area;

— welcomes the significant increase in funding provided this year for drugs initiatives;

— commends the partnership approach to tackling the drugs issue across Departments, agencies and the community and voluntary sectors;

— commends the Health Services Executive on its role in developing appropriate responses to problematic drug use through significantly increased treatment services;

— commends the level of success of the Garda and customs services in relation to drug seizures and the work of the Garda in countering drugs misuse on a countrywide basis and in a spirit of partnership with local communities;

— endorses the initiatives outlined in the recently published Irish Prison Service drugs strategy Keeping Drugs Out of Prisons;

— endorses the national action plan against poverty and social inclusion and the five year educational plan, Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools, which commenced in 2005;

— welcomes the all-island initiatives in relation to the problem of drug misuse in Ireland; and

— supports the Minister of State, Deputy Ahern, in his wholehearted commitment to, and successful handling of, the Government's drive against the problems of drug misuse in our society.

I am pleased to have the opportunity to speak to the House on the Government's response to the problems of drug misuse. Tackling drug misuse is an international issue and it is obviously not an easy task. The United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime estimated that the value of the global illicit drug market for 2003 was over $429 billion. It has been claimed that, after oil and arms, the illegal drug market is the third most profitable in the world. The key drivers of the market include both economic factors and the attitude of societies towards illicit drug consumption.

The economics of drug trafficking make it a particularly attractive activity for criminal organisations. The Celtic tiger phenomenon has both increased the attractiveness of Ireland as a market for those involved in the drugs trade as well as increasing the demand among our citizens. Globalisation has caused international trade in goods and services to increase exponentially over the past decade making it easier for criminal networks to conceal illicit commodities, including drugs, within legitimate freight. As a small open economy, Ireland is particularly vulnerable. The sheer scale of the challenges posed can be demonstrated by the fact that in 2004 an estimated 20.3 million passengers passed through the State's principal airports. Similarly in 2004, approximately 336,000 vehicles and 23.5 million tonnes of freight passed through the eight principal ports, the latter figure representing almost four tonnes of freight for every citizen of this State. That shows the difficulties that exist for the law enforcement agencies.

The use of drugs, particularly strongly addictive substances such as heroin and cocaine, has numerous social and economic costs. Costs such as drug related deaths, blood borne disease and other health consequences, are only part of the picture. The costs of drug misuse affect the individual, the family, the community and the State. No country has overcome the drugs problem. Neither the relatively heavy-handed approach in the United States nor the softer touch of the Netherlands has resulted in a drug-free population. There are no fully tested models to use and there are no quick and easy answers. However, Ireland's national drugs strategy, which runs until 2008, demonstrates the Government's commitment to address drug misuse in a proactive and decisive manner. The strategy's balanced and complementary focus on disrupting the operation of the drug market, reducing drug-related harm and helping those most in need, continues to be objectively valid.

There are encouraging signs of progress over the past couple of years in the areas of drug seizures, the expansion of treatment services and prevention programmes in schools. The landscape has changed very significantly in recent years and we must all acknowledge the work that is being done and the progress that is being made.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh

It has got worse.

Mr. N. Ahern

It is vital we recognise that the drugs problem is a volatile and changing one and that our policies need to be flexible to meet that change. It is also important to recognise that the progress made in the last few years has come about through a process of co-operation and partnership. We must focus on the fact that working together in a united way is far more beneficial than utilising a fragmented approach, especially when dealing with a problem as pervasive as drugs in our society.

I will give the House some information on the structure, with which Members will be familiar. There are a number of elements to the Government's approach to tackling drug misuse. The national drugs strategy addresses the problem of drug misuse across a number of pillars — supply reduction, prevention, treatment and research — and implementation of the strategy across a range of Departments and agencies is co-ordinated by my officials in the drugs strategy unit of the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs.

We launched the strategy in 2001, having recognised that we needed to address the issue of drug misuse across all the agencies and Departments, not just through one Department or agency. It has been apparent that the way to do it was to work in partnership with all the agencies, Departments and community groups.

We have made considerable progress in implementing the 100 actions, which we set out in the national drugs strategy. This is borne out by the review of the strategy, which was published last year. The review process included a comprehensive public consultation process, where we engaged with, and listened to, communities on the ground. That included a number of meetings I attended around the country and in this city.

The mid-term review of the strategy was overseen by a steering group, chaired by my Department and comprised representatives from the relevant Departments and agencies as well as from the community and voluntary sectors. The review sought to assess the impact and direction of the strategy at its mid-point stage. It concentrated on identifying beneficial adjustments to the existing strategy and highlighting priorities for the second phase up to 2008.

The steering group found that the current aims and objectives of the strategy were fundamentally sound and that there were encouraging signs of progress since 2001 when it was first launched which suggests that our current approach to tackling the drug problem is proving to be effective. I am not suggesting that all is perfect and accept there is no room for complacency. The review highlighted the need to refocus priorities and accelerate the roll-out and implementation of various key actions in the remaining period of the strategy up to 2008. The changes recommended will strengthen the strategy and enable it to better deliver its aims.

Rehabilitation emerged as an important issue during the consultation process. It was felt by many that, although there have been significant improvements in treatment provision, much more work is needed with regard to rehabilitation. In this regard, a working group was established last September, chaired by the Department, to develop an integrated rehabilitation provision as the fifth pillar of the strategy.

The working group includes representatives from a range of Departments and agencies as well as the community and voluntary sectors. It is expected to finalise its recommendations by mid-summer and that it will report to the interdepartmental group on drugs and to the Cabinet committee on social inclusion at that stage. Among the bodies involved in dealing with the problem of drugs misuse is the national drugs strategy team, NDST. This is an interdepartmental team involving Departments and agencies operating in the drugs field with representation from the community and voluntary sectors and it plays a vital role in overseeing the work of the local and regional drugs task forces, LDTFs. The LDTFs were established by the Government in 1997 in the areas worst affected by drugs. Twelve of the 14 LDTFs are located in Dublin, one in Bray and one in Cork. Membership of the LDTFs includes representatives of all the relevant agencies such as the Health Service Executive, the Garda Síochána, the probation and welfare service, the relevant local authority, elected public representatives, the youth service, FÁS, voluntary agencies and community representatives. The task forces prepare local action plans which include a range of measures for treatment, rehabilitation, education, prevention and curbing local supply. In addition, they provide a mechanism for the co-ordination of services in these areas while, at the same time, allowing local communities and voluntary organisations to participate in the planning, design and delivery of services.

The LDTFs have played a very important role in recent years in tackling the drug problem. They continue to be key players in dealing with the problem in the worst affected parts of the city and country. Many services and facilities have been established over the past nine years. More than €125 million has been allocated to support the work of the 14 LDTFs and this year expenditure on LDTF projects is €16 million. There are approximately 450 community-based projects, employing more than 300 staff and delivering services such as advice and support to drug misusers and their families in the worst affected areas. The focus of the LDTF plans is on the development of community-based initiatives that will link in with and add value to the programmes and services already being delivered or planned by the statutory agencies.

Last year we set up an emerging needs fund to facilitate a flexible and timely response to changing needs in regard to drug misuse in local drugs task force areas. Some 54 projects have been approved to date and funding of more than €3 million has been provided for them.

We have also introduced a premises initiative fund which looks after the provision of accommodation needs of community-based drugs projects. Approximately 60 projects have been helped and almost €14 million has been allocated to the fund. The initiative will be extended to the regional drugs task force areas for the accommodation needs of community-based projects.

The success of the local drugs task forces can largely be attributed to the positive and active involvement of local communities. I look forward to the same active involvement from communities in the implementation of the regional drugs task force plans. Ten regional drugs task forces have been set up and they cover all parts of the country outside the 14 LDTF areas, further proof that we are delivering on the commitments of the programme for Government. There are regional drugs task forces in all areas. Deputy Cowley said there was not one in Mayo, but there is. Every part of the country is covered by a local or regional drugs task force.

Last year when the regional drugs task forces submitted their plans, l approved an initial annual sanction of €5 million for them. l envisage that funding will be increased on an incremental basis over the coming years to achieve the full roll-out of the plans, which are estimated to cost approximately €12 million. Until now, interim co-ordinators have been working on these task forces, but they are now being replaced by full-time appointees. It is expected that all ten full-time co-ordinators will be in place within the next month. The RDTFs have started to implement a range of drugs programmes in communities and l expect these will accelerate as the full-time co-ordinators come on board.

Drug misuse is a complex issue and is not confined to urban areas or to just one region of the State. I accept that and that the problem has spread. The illicit drug market can be seen as having three interrelated levels: the global market, which incorporates drug production and international trafficking; the importation and distribution of drugs at a national level; and the local drugs market, which is basically the drug dealer who supplies to the individual. If we can disrupt the supply in the top two levels, we can prevent drugs ever reaching the individual. This is the reason the work of the Garda Síochána and the customs and excise is so important. They have achieved considerable success, although they have not managed to stop supply.

The drugs strategy specifies a number of challenging supply reduction targets for the Garda Síochána. In terms of drug seizures, these targets are being met. Garda strategies for dealing with drug offences are designed to undermine the activities of organised criminal networks involved in the trafficking and distribution of illicit drugs. The strategies include gathering intelligence on individuals and organisations involved in the distribution of drugs, conducting targeted operations on criminal networks based on intelligence gathered, and working in collaboration with other law enforcement agencies, both within and outside the jurisdiction, to address problems from a national and international aspect.

The success of Garda operations has resulted in significant drug seizures. In 2002, the value of seizures amounted to €49 million and this increased €132 million in 2004. The upward trend continues. People will say that more is getting through, which may be true, but gardaí are working hard and doing their best to stop drugs at all levels. The Garda community policing initiatives are proving successful in the push against drug misuse.

Customs and excise seized almost €200 million worth of illegal drugs in the past six years. No doubt such success will continue, especially as a result of the recent acquisition of a mobile X-ray scanner which can scan full 40-foot containers. This will aid drug detection and do a similar job to a scanner at an airport. Drug seizures are one of the many encouraging signs of progress and of the good work being done by customs and excise and the Garda Síochána.

The Department has also invested in facilities and services through the young people's facilities and services fund which is aimed at diverting young people away from drug misuse. The fund was established seven or eight years ago and is used for the development of youth facilities, including sport and recreational facilities, and services in disadvantaged areas where a significant drug problem exists or has the potential to develop. The main aim of the fund is to attract at risk young people in disadvantaged areas into these facilities and activities and divert them away from the dangers of substance abuse. We target young people in the age range of ten to 21 years who are defined as being at risk.

To date, the main focus of the fund has been on the local drugs task force areas where integrated plans were prepared on the basis of detailed guidelines agreed by the Cabinet committee on social inclusion. In addition to these areas in Dublin, Bray and Cork city, funding was allocated to four other urban areas — Galway, Limerick, Waterford and Carlow. Until recently these areas only had services, but we have allocated capital funding to Waterford and Carlow and may extend this to Galway and Limerick. Funding was also provided to a number of voluntary organisations with a national or regional remit with the capacity to deliver targeted education and prevention initiatives. Approximately 450 facility and services projects now exist, with approximately 300 employees being supported under the fund. To date, more than €100 million has been allocated from the fund for the development of youth facilities and these have been very successful.

The main focus of the national drugs strategy in respect of the educational sector is on preventative strategies targeting primary and secondary level as well as the informal education sector, including youth services. Our children are now being educated on the dangers of drugs through the social, personal and health education programme, which is compulsory in all primary and post-primary schools.

We also have a national drugs awareness campaign. The four phases of the national drugs awareness campaign which have been pursued to date have been aimed at the population in general and at certain groups such as parents, cocaine users and cannabis users. A number of data sources, including drug treatment data, law enforcement data and official survey data at national level, are used to determine the extent of drug use in society. These data sources have recorded increases in the incidence of cocaine use in Ireland, albeit from an initial low base, in recent years.

A joint drug prevalence survey was undertaken by the national advisory committee on drugs, which acts under the remit of the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, in partnership with the Northern Ireland drugs and alcohol information and research unit. The survey is seen as providing the most reliable baseline data on drug prevalence in Ireland. The cocaine-specific data from the study, which I launched in January, are based on a survey of 8,442 people aged between 15 and 64 between October 2002 and April 2003. The survey found that just over 3% of the population had used cocaine at some time. One could argue that the information is three years old and that the situation might have deteriorated since then. It was the first time that detailed baseline information on issues such as the regular use of cocaine was available at a population level.

The survey asked whether people had ever used cocaine, whether they were regular users of it, why they decided to quit its use and how and where it was obtained. It also gathered attitudinal information about cocaine use. Its findings confirmed that cocaine is becoming a drug of choice for many young people. It has probably always been available, but it was more likely to be used by professional people in the past. The use of cocaine has spread to the extent that it is now a drug of choice for many young people.

I understand that the survey I mentioned, when compared with similar comprehensive population surveys in other European countries, found that the level of cocaine use in Ireland is roughly average or perhaps slightly higher than average. The national advisory committee on drugs is seeking expressions of interest for tendering for a second drugs prevalence survey. With the baseline figures which are already available, the new survey will allow us to measure the changes in the use of various illicit drugs in the past few years. One often encounters bits of surveys, but the survey I have mentioned was very detailed. Approximately 8,500 people were interviewed in their homes for between 30 and 45 minutes. The survey, which went into great depth, is seen as the authoritative baseline study. When the second study has been completed, we will be able to track the changes which have taken place.

With the prevalence survey, the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs and I are actively involved in co-operating with our colleagues in Northern Ireland at meetings of the misuse of drugs sector of the British-Irish Council. The council, which is a forum for the exchange of information and best practice, was established under the Good Friday Agreement. The members of the council include the British and Irish Governments, the devolved institutions in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the assemblies of Guernsey, Jersey and the Isle of Man. Each jurisdiction takes the lead on one of eight topics. Ireland takes the lead on the issue of drugs through the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs. Regular meetings of senior officials take place on specific drugs related themes. Each meeting is attended by national experts in the particular area under discussion, thereby facilitating the exchange of views and allowing members to network with their colleagues in member administrations. Four senior level meetings are scheduled to take place this year on the commissioning of drugs treatment services, the confiscation of drugs related criminal assets, the rehabilitation of drug misusers and the use of subutex as a possible treatment for opiate misusers. Ministerial level meetings are usually held once a year.

The Health Service Executive has made significant strides in the provision of treatment services, such as prevention services and hospital and residential care services, if required. Specialist services, including needle exchange, detoxification and relapse prevention are provided for people with specific needs. More than 8,000 heroin misusers are receiving methadone treatment, which is more than twice as many as seven or eight years ago. The national advisory committee on drugs estimates that the number of heroin users has started to fall in Dublin and has stabilised at relatively low levels elsewhere. Capital expenditure in the past seven or eight years has resulted in the provision of 47 addiction clinics. The HSE employs more than 730 people in addiction services, in addition to the 300 people who are employed in local drugs task forces and the more than 300 people who are employed in the young people's fund.

The extraordinary investment that has been made means that between 600 and 650 people are working in projects which started at community level. Those who always say that more investment could be made should bear in mind that more than 700 people are employed by the HSE and between 600 and 650 people are employed in projects which started at local drugs task force level. A substantial investment is being made and a great deal of good work is being done.

No substitution treatment drug is available to treat cocaine misuse. Existing services such as counselling and behavioural therapy are the best treatments available. It should be noted that the health authorities have recruited additional counsellors and outreach workers in recent times. In 2005, I launched four pilot cocaine treatment projects to examine different methods of treating cocaine use, as well as a training initiative focusing on frontline workers, many of whom were originally dealing with heroin users. It is important to upskill the staff as circumstances change so they can deal with new situations. Funding was provided by the Department to support these initiatives. The four projects deal with intravenous cocaine users, poly-drug users who use cocaine, intranasal cocaine users and problematic female cocaine users. Consultants have been engaged to conduct an evaluation of the pilot projects. This work has commenced and it is expected that a preliminary report will be available in the coming months.

I am aware that Deputy Crowe has submitted parliamentary questions about a project in Tallaght. That project will continue to receive funding until its evaluation has been completed.

Mr. O’Connor

Hear, hear.

Mr. English

The Deputy should not get excited.

Mr. McGinley

He is making sure he gets his spoke in.

Mr. O’Connor

The Minister of State is familiar with my thoughts on the matter.

Mr. N. Ahern

The main thrust of the evaluations will be to analyse in a systematic manner what is being achieved by the projects and to report on the lessons which can be learnt as a result of them. I hope the results of the evaluation process will aid the formulation of effective actions aimed at tackling cocaine misuse. If any or all of the projects prove to be effective, consideration will be given to rolling out similar projects in other areas.

Mr. O’Connor

Hear, hear.

Mr. N. Ahern

The Government has demonstrated its commitment to tackling the drugs problem.

Mr. McGinley

The Minister of State must be joking.

Mr. N. Ahern

This commitment is made clear by the Government's financial investment in the area, through the Vote of the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs. The allocation for drugs initiatives was just under €27 million in 2004, but it was increased by 18% to just over €31 million in 2005. This year's Revised Estimates Volume provides €43 million in this area, which represents an increase of 37% on the allocation for last year and an increase of approximately 60% on the allocation that was made two years ago. One will not find many Votes in many Departments in which there has been such a high increase in investment. I reiterate the Government's commitment to playing its part in the efforts against drug misuse. Tackling the drug problem is a key priority for the Government and will continue to be so. The evidence of the Government's commitment in this regard is the extent of the resources it is investing in this area.

I note the motion which has been tabled. It has provided Members with the opportunity to debate the issue. However, I commend the amendment to the House. It sets out the progress and achievements of the Government in its ongoing efforts against the misuse of drugs in our society.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh

It has nothing to say about the future. That is the problem.

Mr. N. Ahern

No one suggests that the problem has gone away.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh

It has become worse.

Mr. N. Ahern

We have a strategy and everyone has a part in it, including statutory bodies, Departments, agencies——

Dr. Cowley

County Mayo has no dedicated drug unit. There is no dedicated drugs task force. It is wrong of the Minister of State to state that.

Mr. N. Ahern

——and communities. The strategy was drawn up and reviewed and we pursue it. It is being resourced. While I fully recognise the problem has not gone away——

Aengus Ó Snodaigh

It is not working. That is the problem.

Mr. N. Ahern

——we are working together. The problem can only be beaten if we so do.

Mr. Crowe

Members are trying to steer the Minister of State in the right direction.

Mr. English

Amendment No. 2 reads:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"— recognises the serious threat facing Irish society as a result of the significant growth in drug dealing and drug misuse throughout Ireland in recent years;

— notes the devastating impact of drug misuse on individuals, their families and communities;

— expresses its concern over the alarming growth of drug misuse, particularly cocaine, and the related increase in organised crime and gangland violence from such growth;

— condemns the Government for its failure to comprehensively deal with the drugs problem and for its failure to fully implement the National Drugs Strategy;

calls on the Government to tackle the problem of drug misuse by:

— ensuring that all recommendations of the National Drugs Strategy are fully implemented;

— increasing the type and range of drug prevention and rehabilitation programmes available to drug misusers;

— expanding the resources and means available to the Garda Síochána to comprehensively deal with the criminal elements involved in the drugs trade;

— properly resourcing the drug task forces to allow them to prevent and treat drug misuse in our communities; and

calls on the Government to reinstate the partnership approach to addressing drug misuse through greater co-operation between local communities and all State bodies tackling drug misuse."

I wish to share time with Deputies McGinley, Neville and Jim O'Keeffe.

I tabled this amendment to amend Sinn Féin's motion slightly. It condenses the motion somewhat. However, I thank Sinn Féin for tabling a motion on drugs. A proper debate on this subject is required.

The purpose of this motion was to have a real and proper debate. However, it is a pity that Members have listened to 20 minutes of garbled statistics that do not deal with reality. We have a massive drugs problem which worsens continually. No amount of spin, twisting or producing expenditure figures will resolve the problem. I am disappointed the Minister of State was obliged to defend the indefensible. In his heart, he knows the drugs problem is worsening and is spiralling out of control. However, it is not good enough for him to tell Members that the review of the drugs strategy found it to be working and making progress.

Mr. N. Ahern

Is the Deputy criticising the people who served on that committee?

Mr. English

I will make some points.

Mr. N. Ahern

Is he criticising the community representatives who gave of their time for several months to review it?

Mr. English

The figures speak for themselves.

Mr. McGinley

Some have already resigned.

Mr. English

The figures speak for themselves. Ireland has one of the worst drugs problems in Europe, in terms of cocaine and cannabis abuse.

Mr. N. Ahern

That is not true.

Mr. English

The figures go across the board. Members do not require reports in this regard and know from personal experience that Ireland has an enormous drugs problem. There is no point in burying one's head in the sand. Parents are afraid, children are dying and people are getting hurt. Some day perhaps, Members will have a proper debate in the House that will deal with the facts. While all Members wish to ameliorate the problem, they cannot continually listen to the recitation of a range of initiatives that are not being implemented.

The review stated that progress has been made in implementing some strategies and in launching some programmes. However, as far as the strategy's overall aim of reducing the number of people on drugs is concerned, it is failing. Regardless of what initiatives have been launched or what sums of money have been spent, more people are on drugs now than when it started. That constitutes failure. One should abandon the self-congratulatory myth that Ireland is doing well as it is far from doing so.

I compliment the Minister of State for the increase in expenditure. However, the level of drugs misuse and the numbers of people on drugs have also increased. Hence, we must increase expenditure rapidly. Those who make millions from drugs every week will not be stymied by an expenditure of less than 10% of their profits. Members must wake up to that. Their financial resources must be matched and war must be declared on them. They must be tackled head on.

The Minister of State noted that at present, 8,000 people are on methadone. This constitutes a doubling of the figures and is viewed as a positive step. How many people have come off methadone? Can that be re-evaluated? While it is good to wean people from heroin, should they not also be weaned away from methadone? It is a failure if most of the 8,000 people on methadone programmes turn out to be those who started on them in the beginning. How many people on methadone live to be 60, 70 or 80? That speaks for itself.

Mr. N. Ahern

We must wait and see.

Mr. English

We must tackle this issue seriously. This is another new policy area that must be examined and questioned.

I refer to the lack of urgency. While I do not have time to go into all the facts and figures, the Government's sense of urgency and commitment to tackling this problem is missing. People have been obliged to wait for 19 months to receive methadone treatment. We have 30 treatment beds for those who wish to get off drugs completely. Although the Sinn Féin Members mentioned 22 beds, I will increase their figures slightly to 30 beds. A total of 30 beds with which to get people off drugs is not good enough and hardly constitutes a success.

Mr. N. Ahern

What about the residential centres?

Mr. English

The Minister mentioned residential centres. The people involved must beg for money. Every week, those people who try to do something useful must engage in fund raising. All voluntary groups must beg for money.

This problem must be tackled seriously. The proceeds from the Criminal Assets Bureau should be ring-fenced and spent in this area. It should be spent on prevention programmes and schemes to give people a chance to stay off drugs.

As for community policing, proper gardaí are required. Every Garda station must have a number of gardaí specifically allocated to tackling drug abuse. I am tired of hearing from residents that although the drug dealers are known, the Garda cannot tackle them. Although everyone seems to know who is involved, no one wishes to tackle the problem.

It has been noted that rehabilitation will become the drugs strategy's fifth pillar. However, families must become involved in the treatment and addicts must be given a chance to get off drugs completely, to return to society and to get a job. We must greatly increase our expenditure on education and in community facilities to give young people a chance.

This is not happening at present. The money set aside for the regional drugs task force is approximately €200,000 per county. As I stated last week, such a sum will not deliver much. It will not deliver effective youth programmes and will only employ one or two staff in an office. It will not achieve results. The Minister of State said €5 million has been allocated to the regional drugs task forces of which, half way through the year, 13% to 20% has been spent. A sum of €5 million out of potential expenditure of €12.2 million is far from what must be spent to achieve results. While I accept it cannot be spent in a single year, this problem is far from resolution. One should face facts. If the Minister of State deals in facts, Members will work with him.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Deputy should conclude.

Mr. McGinley

Tá lúcháir orm deis a bheith agam cúpla focal a rá maidir leis an ábhar tábhachtach seo. Ceann de na fadhbanna sóisialta is mó atá againn sa tír i láthair na huaire ná mí-úsáid drugaí agus achan rud a chothaíonn sí i measc gach páirt den phobal — brúidiúlacht, dúnmharfóirí agus mar sin de. Níl aon pháirt den tír nach bhfuil an fhadhb sin ann.

Tonight's motion is very important. It urges the Government to sit up, take notice and realise that Ireland's problem with drug misuse is worsening and is spiralling out of control. The Government and the Minister of State would rather tell us that we are making progress in the fight against drugs. The reality is very different. Our young people, our parents and our communities could easily tell the Minister that the situation is different. They could tell us that drugs have never been more affordable, more easily available and more widespread at any time in our history.

Since it took office in 1997, the Government has failed to get a grasp on this problem. Drugs were once mainly a problem in highly urbanised and disadvantaged areas, particularly in our capital city. This is no longer the case. Drugs, of all varieties, are now widely available throughout every village, community and estate in Ireland. This has occurred during the Government's watch. The Government has stepped back from its responsibility to tackle our national drugs crisis. This approach, or lack of action, in dealing with our drugs problem on the part of the present Government, contrasts markedly with that taken by the rainbow Government when it was in power.

Between 1994 and 1997 the rainbow Government was the first Government in the history of the State to treat the drugs problem seriously. It launched two particularly significant initiatives in this regard. One was the establishment of the national drugs strategy, which in turn led to the setting up of the local drugs task forces. The other was the establishment of the Criminal Assets Bureau which allowed the State for the first time to seize the cash and assets of the crime barons. While the Criminal Assets Bureau did not solve the drugs problem, there is no doubt that the problem would be far worse without it.

The Government has not shown a similar level of commitment to dealing with drug abuse. If anything, it has allowed the situation to slip back into the bad old days of increased violent gangland activity, as well as spiralling levels of drug dealing and misuse on our streets.

Even since the beginning of this year, we have seen shocking levels of murder and violence on our streets, all of which is related to the burgeoning drugs trade. Criminal gangs are openly killing each other on our streets in their war to gain control of the drugs trade. The public shrugs its shoulders at each new gangland killing and our under-resourced security forces feel increasingly helpless at their inability to make an impact on or to end the drug culture developing on our streets.

The lack of treatment places for heroin misusers outside of Dublin is a serious issue and has reached crisis. A response to a parliamentary question tabled by my colleague Deputy English recently revealed that in one part of the country, addicts seeking a place on a methadone maintenance programme were obliged to wait for one year and seven months. This is disgraceful. Today I read a report in The Irish Times that the number of heroin addicts in the south east Health Service Executive area had trebled in 2005 compared with 2004. The picture is the same throughout the country and the sad reality is that we do not have the treatment services to deal with a problem of this scale. The Government has sat back and allowed the drug problem to escalate because it is not prepared to put in place the structures necessary to meet the challenges presented by growing drug abuse.

I call on the Minister of State and his Cabinet colleagues to get their heads out of the sand and give this problem the commitment it deserves. We need political leadership to deal with the problem. The Minister of State simply chooses to ignore that we have a problem. He would rather insist that we are making progress when it is clear we are moving backwards. The problem will only be tackled by committing the resources to our police force, to our treatment and prevention services and to our communities at the coalface of the problem.

The Government's paralysis in tackling drug misuse creates the impression that Ireland is soft on drugs, which is sending out the wrong message. It is undermining efforts to curb drug misuse. I urge the Minister of State and his Government colleagues to take the extent of our drugs problem seriously. We need to introduce measures immediately which make it clear to all that we will not tolerate drug dealing at any level in society and that the supports needed by misusers, their families and their communities are available to allow them overcome their addiction. If we fail to do so the drug barons will continue to hold our justice system to ransom and destroy the lives of our young and their families.

Mr. Neville

I wish to deal with the issue of drugs and suicide. It is internationally accepted that drug misuse has a serious role in suicide. Drug addicts have a higher level of suicide and are more likely to be in prison or homeless than is average in the community. I have been unable to find research in Ireland on the number of drug addicts who have completed suicide. I will deal with a specific drug and its effect on suicide, namely alcohol. Alcohol plays a key role in suicide. The drug alcohol is as lethal in terms of suicide as any other drug. During the 1990s Ireland experienced a 41% increase in alcohol consumption and suicide rates increased by 44%, showing almost 100% correlation.

The effect of alcohol consumption on the adolescent and young adult brain causes an even greater depletion in important mood-stabilising neurotransmitters than occurs in a mature adult brain. A high level of alcohol consumption as might occur in a drinking spree can induce a significantly depressed mood state over the subsequent eight to 12-hour period. Research has shown that binge drinking is particularly associated with suicidal acts with the relative risk of suicide increasing tenfold for men and women relative to those of a similar baseline mood state who were not binge drinking. Liberal licensing laws and a lax regulatory environment contribute further to the problem. States with laws that set the minimum legal age for drinking at 21 years, such as the US, have lower youth suicide rates than states where the legal drinking age is 18.

Aggressive marketing, political lobbying by the drinks industry and the increase in disposable income has enabled the opportunity of spending money on alcohol with its well described depressant effect on mood and the increase in distorted judgment and impulsivity in its wake. Notwithstanding the number of people employed in the drinks industry and the huge excise paid on alcohol, the Government's failure to implement the report of the national task force on alcohol has a serious negative impact on suicide prevention.

It has been reported by general practitioners that 20% of their patients who died by suicide had a history of problem alcohol use, while psychiatrists reported 27% of their patients lost to suicide had a history of alcohol abuse. Only 46% of those were known to have attended for alcohol counselling.

A recent study carried out on unnatural deaths in 2001 and 2002 in Counties Louth, Meath and Cavan found that 93% of young men aged less than 30 years who had ended their lives had alcohol in their system, with 58% of them having a blood-alcohol level of greater than 160 mg/dl and 25% having a blood-alcohol level of greater than 240 mg/dl. By comparison, no man over 30 years lost to suicide had the same level of alcohol consumed, which indicates that this is a key issue for younger people. A six-year study carried out by the County Louth coroner published in January 2006 revealed that 48% of the 47 people who died by suicide in his area of inquiry had consumed alcohol prior to ending their lives.

I ask the Minister of State to deal with the area of research into the effect of drugs on suicide which is known to be an issue internationally. We have figures for the effect of alcohol which are very serious especially for those under 30.

Mr. J. O’Keeffe

Clearly the Government is sleepwalking its way through a drugs epidemic. Cocaine is the example that is currently mentioned. Its use has become increasingly widespread. A reply to a parliamentary question by Deputy Stagg indicated that the figures have increased each year. In 2001, 5.3 kg was seized by the Garda with a value of €371,000; in 2002, 31 kg was seized with a value of €2.2 million; in 2003, 107 kg was seized with a value of €7.5 million; in 2004, 167 kg was seized with a value of €11 million; and in 2005, 242 kg was seized with a value of €16 million. The Government seems to be helpless in addressing the problem of this very addictive drug which now apparently affects 3% of the population.

Another drug, methamphetamine, is regarded as potentially even more dangerous than heroin. However, no extra resources have been committed to the Garda Síochána to deal with that problem. As Deputy English mentioned heroin addicts who wish to enter a rehabilitation programme must wait up to 19 months before being admitted to a methadone clinic. The Government promised the resources to deal with the problem. Above all we are experiencing the consequences of the Government not providing the Garda with the additional resources that were clearly promised before the last general election and in the programme for Government. We do not have the additional gardaí and the strength of the force is still less than 12,000. It does not have the equipment it was promised and the Government is solely responsible for the consequences of not providing those resources.

The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, has talked big about drugs in prisons and acted very small. Under the regime of that Minister, prisons have become breeding grounds for new drug users. One of the most alarming aspects is the prevalence of drugs in prisons. The Minister has made great claims that he had addressed the issue and yet the problem of drug supply has increased each year since he became Minister. Instead of eliminating drugs from prisons, they have become crime universities. Studies have shown that between 19% and 21% of users of intravenous drugs began injecting heroin in prison. The programme for Government — the foolish document that was launched some years ago — promised a plan to completely end all heroin use in prisons by the end of 2002 in tandem with compulsory drug testing. Needless to say neither goal has been realised, which is to be expected from the Government in light of its performance, or lack of it, in so many areas at this stage.

Talk about minimum mandatory sentences will not solve the problem. We have ended up with courts imposing sentences that are neither minimum nor mandatory. Talking about minimum sentences will not frighten the crooks. They know perfectly well that these sentences the Minister and his colleagues talk about are neither minimum nor mandatory. Ultimately these people go to jail. The day they enter jail, they receive 25% remission when they sign in. Has the Minister ever considered not giving them remission until they earn it through good behaviour, participation in rehabilitation programmes and ensuring they do not become involved in drug use? Such fresh thinking is needed but it will not be provided by the Government.

Debate adjourned.