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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 20 Jun 2006

Vol. 621 No. 7

Road Traffic Bill 2006 [Seanad]: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This Bill represents the sixth major legislative initiative in as many years to underpin and promote road safety. That legislative progression has seen the introduction of penalty points, a new system for the independent licensing of taxis, hackneys and limousines, a new structure of speed limits based on metric values and, most recently, the establishment of the Road Safety Authority.

Deputies have expressed an interest in and concern about road safety issues generally and were particularly concerned about the high level of deaths and injuries on our roads. The Government shares this concern. Many of the issues raised by Deputies during debates and discussions in this House are now reflected in provisions promoted in the Bill.

The ongoing progression of road traffic legislation reflects both a response to the changing environment in which we use our roads and an increase in the number of vehicles using our roads. The scope and level of investment in the modernisation of our road network in the past ten years, allied to programmes for the improvement in the design, construction and performance of vehicles, has given rise to an ongoing need for an appropriate legislative response. However, the most significant driver of the process of legislative modernisation has been the need to augment and enhance existing road safety provisions.

The debate on road safety has become the centre of political, media and public attention and it is a central and immediate element of our national consciousness. There is understandable and significant disquiet over the number of deaths and injuries as a result of road collisions. A deeply moving and thought-provoking series of articles currently running in The Irish Times presents in graphic detail the grim reality of the human consequences of collisions.

The promotion of legislation to support road safety initiatives represents an important response by Government and the Oireachtas to the need for the ongoing advancement of improved safety performance. This, allied with consistent and effective enforcement of the traffic laws promulgated in such legislation, the promotion of road user education and awareness and programmes to promote the formation of drivers, provides the bedrock for the application of the measures that stem from legislative initiatives and ensures the effectiveness and relevance of such initiatives.

In Ireland, as in many other states, the force that binds the various road safety measures and programmes into a cohesive policy framework can be found in the road safety strategies. Adopted in the first instance eight years ago, the strategies have provided the basis for the development of a range of legislative and other responses promoted in the meantime. The current strategy forms the policy framework from which the major initiatives proposed in the Bill can be traced.

In adopting our road safety strategy we learned from the experience of states such as the Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom, which are the leading states in the European Union in terms of road safety performance. We have also adopted an approach that has seen the engagement of all the organisations that contribute to the various elements of road safety policy in the identification and pursuit of the policies through which the overall targets can be achieved. The collective goal of all of those involved in the promotion and delivery of road safety policies is to ensure the improvements achieved are sustained and built on.

The number of people being killed and injured on our roads is at an unacceptably high level. I will not hide my personal concern over the road death trends that have become established over the past two years. Three hundred and ninety-nine people lost their lives on Irish roads in 2005 and the upward trend continues with 185 dead up to 19 June this year. This represents an increase of 11 over the figure for this day last year. However, the House will recall the prediction made in the first road safety strategy that if the Government did not determine that a strategy to provide for the co-ordination of actions across a range of disciplines should be pursued, road deaths would amount to approximately 550 in 2002. A continuation of what was termed in that strategy a "business as usual" approach would at this stage have resulted in over 600 road deaths per annum. While we cannot be content with the current trends in road collisions, it must be recalled that our road safety record is now significantly more advanced than would have been the case if the Government had not adopted a strategic approach.

Through the adoption of road safety strategies we have seen the identification of a series of significant and, in many instances, linked measures that have to date and will continue in the future to advance the safety message for all road users. One of the great advantages of adopting strategies is that they place our plans in the public domain, thus allowing for informed debate that in turn provides a benchmark of public, media and political opinion for the delivery of the measures that have been identified.

That process of public and political scrutiny of the first road safety strategy gave rise to the identification of many of the policy options identified in the second strategy, which is now in its final year. There was a significant acknowledgement in that strategy that delivery on its extensive range of initiatives would take until the period to which it applies, that is, until the end of 2006. A planning horizon of just three years for a strategy is relatively short, particularly when compared to the EU road safety strategy, which is based on a ten-year timeframe. The current national strategy was envisaged as a mechanism through which very significant measures would be put into play.

The key determinant of road safety performance is the behaviour of road users. Positively influencing such behaviour is at the centre of our road safety programmes and forms the primary focus of our road safety strategies. Behaviour is influenced positively through initiatives across a number of areas. One of these is the promulgation and enforcement of laws that promote good road user behaviour. Such laws must also be underpinned and supported by the application of fines, prison sentences and driving disqualifications that collectively create an appropriate deterrent to those who endanger the lives of others by their failure to acknowledge and comply with the appropriate behavioural norms.

In the area of legislation, as promoted in the current strategy, we have already seen the implementation of the new system of speed limits based on metric values, the extensive roll-out of the penalty points system and the allied system of fixed charges, the administration of which is being outsourced so as to relieve the Garda of administrative functions. The establishment of both the national Garda traffic corps and the Road Safety Authority have become a reality and the contribution of both of those organisations will, I am sure, have a profoundly positive effect on road safety in future.

The immediate focus of the Bill is to support the introduction of legislation that will enable the delivery of the remaining outstanding legislative initiatives identified in the national road safety strategy.

In general terms, the Bill seeks to address the issue of the adoption of a system of mandatory roadside breath testing for drink driving, introduces an administrative alternative to a court hearing for certain drink driving offences, introduces a new legislative basis for a prohibition on the use of mobile phones, allows for the engagement of private sector interests in the provision and operation of safety equipment and promotes a range of initiatives relating to driver formation. All of those issues stem directly from commitments given in the road safety strategy. Experience in recent years indicates other legislative initiatives were needed to address, in particular, the need to further advance the range and effectiveness of deterrents against the commission of traffic offences. This is also addressed in the Bill.

I will refer in some detail to the main provisions proposed in the Bill. Driving under the influence of alcohol is recognised as one of the most serious contributory factors in road collisions. Evidence shows that drink driving is increasing in the younger age groups. There is widespread acceptance among responsible motorists and society as a whole that driving under the influence of alcohol is potentially dangerous and unacceptable. Despite high-publicity, targeted campaigns, some drivers are not willing to change their behaviour. The level of deaths on our roads will not decrease unless strong legislative measures are adopted and enforced to bring about the necessary attitudinal change.

The primary target of the road safety strategy commits the Government to the introduction of a form of roadside breath testing which would address, in a positive way, the problem of driving under the influence of alcohol.

The first road safety strategy did not include a commitment to introduce random breath testing. However the high-level group on road safety, which was tasked with the preparation and delivery of both road safety strategies, presented the adoption of random breath testing as a recommendation in the second strategy. Section 4 of this Bill responds to the recommendation of the high-level group and promotes the concept of mandatory alcohol testing.

The concept of mandatory alcohol testing has been the subject of lengthy consideration and consultation, which included a very significant engagement by the Office of the Attorney General, supported by independent legal advice. The aim of that consideration was to see the introduction of a system through which motorists could be made subject to a requirement to submit to a preliminary breath test without there being any prior suspicion that alcohol had been consumed or that the behaviour of the motorist warranted that a test be administered. The determination of the legislative provisions necessary to support the proposed scheme has been an extensive process in order to strike the appropriate balance between the rights of the individual and the service of the common good by the adoption of a measure that will enhance road safety.

The section provides that the establishment of check points for mandatory alcohol tests can only be pursued on the specific written authorisation of an officer of the Garda not below the rank of inspector. That authorisation must be in writing and must clearly establish the place, date and times of day when the check point may be operated. It is envisaged that the Garda Commissioner will establish guidelines to assist and inform all members of the force in the carrying out of their roles in regard to the operation of mandatory alcohol tests. This initiative is an additional measure to the range of existing provisions that apply in respect of the operation of preliminary roadside breath testing for alcohol.

The advancement of mandatory roadside testing for alcohol will provide for the first time a means for the detection of drink driving offences that is based exclusively on the level of alcohol consumption as opposed to a motorist's behaviour. If motorists choose to continue to drink and drive, the introduction of mandatory alcohol testing will inevitably result in further increases in the levels of detection. In recognition of this, the Bill promotes an alternative option to a court hearing for those charged with the commission of certain drink driving offences.

Mandatory roadside testing in other countries, where it is not required to form an opinion as to whether alcohol has been consumed, has proved itself as an enforcement tool capable of changing attitudes towards drinking and driving. It aims to provide a clear and consistent message to drivers that drink driving is a dangerous and unacceptable activity.

The introduction of the new system combined with rigorous publicity and enforcement should result in the level of general deterrence needed to address drink driving in a robust way, bringing about the change in attitudes and behaviour that is necessary to reduce fatalities on our roads.

Section 5 provides for the introduction of a new system of fixed charges for certain drink driving offences, the payment of which will lead to the imposition of a fixed period of disqualification. The section provides that where a motorist has been detected with a level of not more than 100 milligrammes of alcohol per 100 millilitres of blood, or the equivalent levels in urine or breath, he or she will be offered the opportunity to pay a fixed charge of €300 and accept a driving disqualification of six months. Payment of the charge will be voluntary on behalf of the accused person. If the charge is not paid, however, court proceedings will be instigated. The consequences of a conviction in court will be significantly more onerous as a result of other initiatives being promoted in this Bill, which I will refer to later.

The offer of paying a fixed charge will only be available to those who have not been convicted of a drink driving offence in the previous five years and the offer will only be made once to any motorist in any period of five years.

The advent of the new system for administrative disqualification for certain drink driving offences places in the spotlight the range of mandatory disqualifications currently applied under the Road Traffic Acts. The immediate consequence of the decision to apply an administrative disqualification of six months to a specific group of drink driving offences means that the periods for minimum disqualifications that apply following convictions for drink driving offences generally required review. The result of that review is set out in section 6.

The process of that review established that there was a need to look critically at the overall range of minimum disqualifications that are currently applied in respect of the more serious offences created under the Road Traffic Acts. The disqualifications in question are known as consequential disqualifications as they are applied as a consequence of a conviction for an offence. The range of offences to which this system applies was last set out in the Road Traffic Act 1994. That Act, with an amendment promoted through the Road Traffic Act 1995 in respect of certain drink driving offences, also establishes the minimum periods for such disqualifications.

Given the much higher profile that applies to road safety now and accepting that there is a broad consensus for the need for more consistent deterrents that reflect the seriousness with which society views the more serious breaches of traffic law, it is timely that the system for consequential disqualifications should be reviewed at this stage. Section 6, therefore, provides that the minimum period of disqualification for the most serious offences, which include dangerous driving causing death or serious injury, and the most serious drink driving offences, will be increased from two years to four years in respect of a first offence and from four to six years for a second or subsequent offence.

The new offence of striking a railway or other bridge, which gives rise to death or serious injury, has been added to the list of the offences to which that range of minimum disqualification will apply. The minimum period of disqualification following a conviction for a drink driving offence will now be one year. That same period of disqualification will also be applied to the general range of offences that attract consequential disqualifications. The offence of driving when disqualified has been added to that group of offences and in a final change to this system, the offence of dangerous driving, where it is tried summarily, will also attract a disqualification of at least one year.

The review of the system of consequential disqualifications has also prompted an examination of the system whereby persons who have been disqualified from driving may apply to the courts to have their licences returned. The current provisions relating to such applications are cumbersome and lack clarity. In addition, while the principle that underpins this system has merit, its application to all disqualifications raises questions in respect of the degree to which the deterrent value of disqualifications is being compromised. With that in mind, section 7 promotes a new system through which applications may be made to the courts for the restoration of a licence. In particular, the facility will only be applied in respect of first time disqualifications of not less than two years. The determination of "first time" is applied in the context of a ten-year threshold from a previous disqualification. In future, the application for the restoration of a licence may only be made following the completion of half of the period of the disqualification and a successful application will only result in a reduction of one third in the overall period at the maximum. These new provisions will mean that where a person is disqualified for any period of not more than two years, the full period of disqualification will apply and where a person is the subject of repeat disqualifications, he or she will not be able to avail of the facility to apply for the restoration of the licence.

Deputy Olivia Mitchell's Bill to ban hand-held mobile phone use while driving provided the House with the opportunity recently to debate the issue of mobile phone and other communication equipment use while driving. It was clear from that debate that all sides in the House wish to see an immediate ban on the use of hand-held mobile phones while driving and for it to be backed up with strong deterrent measures. In that debate many Members also referred to the increasing amount of information, communication and entertainment equipment which has become part and parcel of today's motor vehicle and pointed out the driver distraction risks associated with them when not used responsibly.

Section 3 provides specific responses to the principal concerns of the House both in regard to mobile phones and in-vehicle equipment. The section applies a specific ban on the holding of a mobile phone by a person while driving a motor vehicle. It also provides that the Minister may regulate for mobile phone use generally as well as in-vehicle technologies of an information, communication or entertainment nature for the purposes of preventing driver distraction arising from inappropriate use of such technologies by occupants of vehicles.

Given the pace and scale of innovation in these sectors, it is considered sensible and necessary to confer such enabling powers on the Minister to control inappropriate and irresponsible uses of these technologies. In addition to a maximum fine of €2,000, the commission of the offence of holding a mobile phone while driving will attract the endorsement of four penalty points on conviction. Following the completion of the passage of the Bill through the Oireachtas, I intend to make regulations that will apply a fixed charge in respect of this offence, on the payment of which two penalty points will be applied.

I will now turn to the driver licensing provisions of the Bill. Sections 8 to 13 relate to the driver licensing system. The main object of these provisions is the introduction of a learner permit to replace the provisional licence and enabling provisions that will enable me to require learner drivers to undergo a course of instruction. In addition, I will also be able to specify a period which must elapse before a person who obtains a learner permit will be allowed to apply for a driving test. The intention is to ensure that a person will have an opportunity to improve their driving skills before taking the test. I see this provision having a positive effect on the test pass-fail rate.

Section 8 provides that the Minister may by order recognise a driving licence issued by another country for the purpose of exchanging that licence for an Irish driving licence. Driving licence exchange arrangements operate in respect of licences issued by member states of the European Union and the EEA. These arrangements are based on provisions in the Road Traffic (Licensing of Drivers) Regulations 1999.

Licence exchange arrangements also operate in respect of licences issued by a limited number of states outside the EU under these regulations. However, we are advised that the power in the regulations to declare such countries as recognised states may be ultra vires and requires primary legislative provision, hence the provision in section 8.

Section 9 provides that where a person undergoing a driving test has already passed a theory test, the statutory requirement for driver testers to satisfy themselves that the person has a satisfactory knowledge of the Rules of the Road no longer applies. This should create additional time for testers to undergo the test and will enable further improvements to the delivery of the test without reducing the number of tests that can be delivered per day.

Section 10 re-enacts existing provisions in section 42 of the 1961 Road Traffic Act which provides for making regulations governing the driver licensing system. The revised section together with section 11 provides for the introduction of a learner permit to replace the provisional licence. In addition it provides that regulations may require learner drivers to undergo a course of instruction and regulate the content of such courses. This provision will facilitate the introduction of compulsory initial practical training of motorcyclists before they are allowed on the public road.

These provisions will facilitate the introduction of reforms to the licensing system to reduce long-term reliance on provisional licences as provided for in the Government's road safety strategy. These reforms are dependent on the current driver testing backlog being eliminated. In this context I appreciate that the driver testers have accepted the proposals to deal with the backlog which were put forward by Mr. Kieran Mulvey CEO of the Labour Relations Commission recently. We are now in the process of putting in place the contract to outsource a limited number of tests and I look forward to a significant reduction in the backlog by early next year.

The Bill also changes the penalties that apply for driving without a licence. The provision in section 12 is balanced in that it takes account of situations where a person may have simply failed to renew his or her licence on time. Where a person allows a driving licence to lapse for less than a period of 12 months, he or she will only be liable to a fine not exceeding €1,000 while if the licence has expired for a period of more than 12 months he or she will be liable to a more severe penalty of a fine not exceeding €2,000 and one penalty point on payment of a fixed charge or three penalty points on conviction. In addition a person who is caught driving while disqualified or who does not have a licence will be subject to a mandatory disqualification for a year, as provided for in section 6, and a fine of up to €5,000 or up to six months in prison, or both. I am sure Deputies will agree that these provisions will enable significant reforms to the driving licence regime to be introduced.

The Road Safety Strategy 2004-06 promoted the introduction of a legislative basis for a form of random roadside breath testing and for an offence relating to the use of mobile phones by drivers. In addition, the strategy recommended that private sector interests should be engaged in the provision and operation of equipment used for the detection of speeding offences.

Speeding continues to be a major contributory factor in causing death and injuries on our roads. The best way to ensure greater levels of compliance with speed limits is a wider deployment of cameras operated by the private sector. The purpose of deploying cameras is to encourage road users to drive within the speed limit, specifically at locations where there is a known speed-related danger of crashes. I assure the House that the central focus of this initiative is on saving lives not on earning revenue. There will be no direct link to the fee paid to the private operator and the number of detections.

It has been accepted that the Garda cannot operate a system of fixed and mobile cameras without a significant private sector engagement. Decisions on the locations where cameras will be provided will reflect both experience of speed related collisions and evidence of a history of speeding. A combination of fixed and mobile cameras will operate in target areas. A target of 11.1 million vehicles to be checked for speeding annually as outlined in the Road Safety Strategy cannot be achieved without privatisation.

Section 17 delivers on this commitment. The section addresses the specific parameters necessary to facilitate the engagement of a private sector operator. However, I remind the House that the Government is fully committed to the establishment of very strict criteria that will be applied in respect of the determination of the locations and operational parameters for the engagement of the private sector in this area and this project will be under the control of the Garda at both the strategic and operational levels.

The use of safety cameras is just one of a range of measures that have been implemented or are currently being implemented. Significant changes were introduced in 2004 with a review of speed limits leading to a lowering of speed limits on regional roads, the metrication of speed limits, better and more signage and a safety awareness campaign on speed limits to improve road safety.

There have been press reports within the past week as regards speeding cases being dismissed in Bray District Court over a query regarding the legality of the special speed limit of 60 kph that Wicklow County Council have applied on the N11 at Kilmacanogue, in lieu of the default speed limit of 100 kph. Wicklow County Council has indicated that it is satisfied that the special speed limit in question is validly applied. Press reports on this issue over the weekend erroneously linked the circumstances relating to the application of the special speed limit at Kilmacanogue with the changeover to metric speed limits in January 2005, stating that special speed limits across the country are in question on account of the fact that local councils did not pass resolutions to ratify special speed limits following the changeover to metric speed limits. This is inaccurate and I want to take the opportunity to put clarification of the matter on the public record.

The Road Traffic Act 2004 that was passed through the Houses here in late 2004 contained express transitional provisions in section 12 that provided for the automatic conversion of speed limits in existing special speed limit by-laws that were expressed in miles per hour values to read as specified metric values. This conversion through operation of the statute came into operation on 20 January 2005 on the commencement of section 12. No requirement arose therefore on local authorities to go through a ratification or any other process, as suggested in the media reports, in relation to the conversion of speed limit values that stood in special speed limit by-laws on 20 January 2006.

In view of the importance of road safety generally and the need to provide the maximum level of deterrent possible, it is appropriate to look again at the general level of financial penalties that may be applied to traffic offences. The level of maximum financial penalties was last reviewed through the Road Traffic Act 2002. However, significant increases in the levels of fines have since been, promulgated in other legislation. Section 18 sets out the result of that review, and provides in particular that the lowest level of maximum fine applicable to a road traffic offence will now be €1,000. This is an increase of 25% over the comparable level set in 2002.

In referring to the issue in Wicklow as regards confusion over the metric value, I should have stressed it is the responsibility of local authorities to ensure all existing by-laws that stemmed from the conversion were properly ratified by them over the years, or whatever levels they have set in terms of introducing the special speed limit by-laws, to ensure this has been done correctly, in accordance with the by-laws. It was simply not correct to say that it was because of the changeover. We introduced legislation and automatic reflection on that stands. However, there is also an onus on local authorities to ensue that the original ratification of these by-laws was done correctly in the first place.

And subsequent ones.

That is correct — if there were new ones, subsequently, that were not included in a local authority's by-laws to start with.

The Bill, in addition to addressing the major policy issues I have outlined, provides for a number of necessary initiatives that will help to bring clarity to a number of areas, with particular attention being paid to deterrents.

Section 2 will allow for the use of regulations under the Road Traffic Acts to be used for the purpose of transposing EU legislative initiatives into Irish law. This provision is necessary following the determination by the Supreme Court in the Browne and Kennedy judgment.

Sections 14 and 15 provide for the introduction of a number of changes to the fixed charge system, which include the capacity of applying the system to the offences that have been recently created under the European Communities regulations relating to the use of seat belts and child restraint systems and which replaced similar regulations made under the Road Traffic Acts. Other new fixed charge offences being introduced in section 14 relate to road transport operator licensing rules. This provision means that freight and passenger transport operators can, under regulations to be made by the Minister for Transport, face fixed charges for operating illegally and, very importantly, for breaking tachograph and excessive driving hours rules. There are obvious safety benefits that should flow from that. This provision also allows the Department's transport officers, who will move to the Road Safety Authority when it is formally established, to issue fixed charge notices for these types of offences, thus extending even further the number and range of officers enforcing road safety laws.

Section 16 introduces changes to the penalty points system that are also targeted at the application of that system to the new seat belt and child restraint offences and sees the application of the system to offences relating to the use of mobile phones and offences relating to bridge strikes, as I have already indicated. Section 19 provides for the extension of the powers available to the Garda to detain uninsured vehicles to vehicles that are registered in states other than Ireland. This is an issue that many colleagues have previously raised in the House.

Section 20 provides for the restatement of section 115 of the Road Traffic Act 1961, to provide that the offence relating to the making of false declarations will be extended to reflect the various changes made to road traffic laws over the past 45 years regarding licences, permits and certificates. Section 21 makes minor changes to the Taxi Regulation Act 2003 to facilitate the development of a superannuation scheme by the Commission for Taxi Regulation and to clarity certain provisions in section 36 of that Act, which refers to mandatory disqualification from holding or applying for a licence by a person who has committed one of a range of serious offences.

The key determinant of road safety performance is the behaviour of road users. The primary focus of our road safety strategy is to influence positively the behaviour of road users. This can be attained through initiatives across a range of areas, including the enactment and enforcement of laws that promote road user behaviour. Such laws must also be underpinned and supported by the application of fines, prison sentences and driving disqualifications. This Bill is one element of the programme for the advancement of road safety that will deliver the gains that society requires, whether in the short, medium or long term. Over the past two years major institutional changes have taken place that will support that requirement. The establishment of the dedicated Garda traffic corps and the allocation to that force of an additional 60 officers per quarter represents a very significant level of delivery on the Government's commitment to meet the immediate challenges presented by those who continue to commit traffic offences.

The recent passage of legislation to provide for the establishment of the Road Safety Authority is testament to the need for a radical approach to the development of future road safety policy. That approach is also supported by the separate establishment of a special ministerial committee on road safety, chaired by me, to promote cross-cutting road safety issues and at which all of the relevant Ministers are afforded the opportunity to address issues of immediate importance in a collective and systematic way.

The Bill presented to the House today is targeted at very specific areas in respect of which there is a particular urgency. When taken with the institutional changes mentioned above, the Bill marks a significant watershed in the deployment of road safety policy. Deputies will appreciate that there is a particular urgency which the Government wishes to see applied to the passage of the Bill. In particular, we wish to allow for the early deployment of mandatory alcohol testing and to begin the process for the engagement of private interests in the operation of the speed camera programme. I am sure Deputies will make very worthwhile suggestions for initiatives in the area of road safety that do not fall within the parameters I have set for this Bill. Any such suggestions will be considered very carefully and it is my intention to return to the House with a further road traffic Bill before the end of the year. I look forward to the co-operation of members in facilitating passage of the Bill. I commend the Bill to the House.

I welcome the eventual emergence of a Bill which is long overdue and of which much is expected. However, I regret that the Bill, as constituted, does not derive from any over-arching and coherent policy on our road safety problems. It is, in effect, a miscellaneous provisions Bill rather than a road traffic Bill. It deals with the issues in a piecemeal fashion. It is a collection of unrelated issues simply pulled together into single but disconnected legislation. Having said that, Fine Gael accepts and supports the general principles of the Bill.

The issues dealt with in the Bill would never have seen the light of day had it not been for the Opposition's persistent criticism and outrage at scandals such as driving without a licence and without passing a test, which was allowed to persist for 400,000 drivers. The Minister spoke about his efforts to tackle the driver testing backlog, but the truth is that the Government was quite happy to sit on its hands for eight years before any attempt was made to address the problem. The problem has grown over these eight years and it is not at all clear that this Bill will make any great difference. Simply changing the name from a "licence" to a "permit" does not make acceptable the failure to ensure the right to drive freely on our roads is contingent on passing a test. Giving the Minister additional powers to provide for graduated licences or permits is a pointless exercise and cannot be implemented until the testing system works and drivers can be tested virtually on request.

The Minister has been announcing and reannouncing measures for this Bill on an almost daily basis, for which it seems he must have a press conference. Passing legislation which provides for further restrictions on learner drivers gives the impression of progress. However, we cannot even implement the single restriction we already have for learner drivers, that is, the requirement to have an accompanying fully licensed driver. While we have put up with that situation in Ireland and have an almost limitless capacity to tolerate the intolerable, our neighbours in Europe, rightly, are not willing to tolerate that. Now that they have discovered with disbelief that we have been blithely allowing untested drivers and failed drivers to drive freely, not just on our roads, but on their roads as well, they are rightly about to throw the book at us.

Nothing in this Bill will change that scandal and the timid measures recently announced by the Minister will not have an impact for years. I refer to the measures for the outsourcing of 40,000 tests, which I believe is insufficient. I do not believe it will have the expected impact. The Minister has blamed everybody for the delay, including the unions, Sustaining Progress and the drivers who fail to turn up for their tests. It is always the fault of someone else, but the truth is that the fault is with the Government. This is the result of monumental incompetence and indifference over many years. The gross incompetence demonstrated in respect of the driver testing system reflects the general attitude to road safety by the Government. In turn, this is reflected in the attitude of many road users to drink driving and speeding. These attitudes are directly responsible for the growing and unacceptably high numbers killed and seriously injured on our roads.

Most measures in the Bill, such as the graduated licence, depend on enforcement of the existing legislation. We have not managed to do that. It seems a pointless exercise to introduce graduated licences because one must take a test to graduate to the next level. Until the testing system is sorted, there is no point in bringing in further restrictions. Our legislation and how we implement it shapes public attitudes and informs public behaviour. There is a huge responsibility on all of us to take very seriously road safety legislation and implementation.

The Bill provides for a long overdue ban on mobile phones. Successive Ministers assured us that this could not be done because a definition of a mobile phone could not be found. It was only when Fine Gael introduced a Bill to ban mobile phones that the Minister was able to do so. However, I am not sure he was quite as able, because any lawyer to whom I showed this section has said that it is utterly deficient. I ask the Minister to consider amendments before Committee Stage. For instance, there is no definition of "driving" yet the operation of the entire section rests entirely on that word. The Bill states: "A person shall not, while driving a mechanically propelled vehicle in a public place, hold a mobile phone." The Minister and I both know the everyday meaning of the word, but it may have a very different interpretation in a technical, legal sense. Does being stopped in traffic constitute driving? Does being belted up with the engine on, ready to go but not actually moving constitute driving? If we do not define "driving", the courts will do it for us.

This provision will be widely enforced by the Garda because it is widespread practice and we can see it at any time of the day. Conviction can result in penalty points or a fine of up to €2,000. In some cases, the penalty points may push the driver over the 12-point limit, resulting in the loss of a licence. Therefore, this provision will be the subject of intense scrutiny by lawyers. Everyone to whom I have spoken has indicated that it is wide open to legal challenge. We cannot prevent the challenges, but we can anticipate them and the very least we can do is ensure there is no ambiguity in the Bill. One way of avoiding ambiguity is to include a strong definitions provision in legislation. It is our job to say what we mean in the legislation we pass, otherwise the courts will say it for us.

As the Minister is aware, the provision regarding the use of a mobile phone will be primarily applied in the District Court where judges are well known for their lack of consistency in approach. The decisions and direction of decisions depend on individual judges' likes and dislikes, preferences and prejudices. If we are serious about what we do in this House, we must take this fact into account. It should reinforce our determination to limit the opportunity for judicial imagination in interpreting what we say in regard to this legislation. It is not only that this section is ambiguous, it is also weak in limiting what is prohibited merely to holding a mobile phone. It should also be given the belt and braces provision of prohibiting the holding and-or using of a hand-held mobile phone.

The defence provided for in section 3(7) to allow a call to be made to a member of the Garda Síochána is wide open to abuse. This defence provision would open the flood gates to applications for penalty points to be removed. I can understand a person using a mobile phone to make such a call in a genuine emergency, but the section does not state that. The section is open to people claiming they were making a call to the Garda because in respect of pay as you go mobile phones, there is not a record of calls made. A motorist caught by a garda making a call on a mobile phone could say he or she was ringing the Garda and in the case of a call of short duration — the destination will not necessarily be recorded on the bill. Inevitably some motorists caught in such circumstances will claim they were using a mobile phone to telephone the Garda, even when they were not. Even if they were, such a call is permitted under the legislation even when the call is not in respect of urgent matter. One could telephone the Garda about one's driving licence or about a signature on a passport application form. A mobile phone should be only used by a motorist to make a call in a genuine emergency and the circumstances must be demonstrated to be an emergency. While a mobile phone can be used by a motorist to make an emergency call, the section must be amended to ensure claims of casual calls to the Garda cannot be used as a defence.

Another significant provision allows for mandatory alcohol testing. This is a measure we were assured could not be included in the legislation. The Minister informed us that he had consulted the Attorney General and received independent legal advice on this matter. However, it was only after a period of sustained political pressure that suddenly not only was this measure possible, but the Minister was claiming credit for its inclusion. The reality is that he was dragged kicking and screaming to this Pauline conversion.

In terms of the way the legislation is framed, there is no doubt that giving power to the Garda to test for alcohol without suspicion or cause is considerable and represents an encroachment on a constitutionally guaranteed liberty. The giving of such power has been a problem in regard to such legislation and a reason such a measure has not been introduced prior to now. I believe that society will accept this encroachment. We may not like it but given the widely accepted consequences of drink driving for potentially every member of society, it will be viewed by society as a justified limit on our liberty. Some protection for the public in this context is required and some constraints on the exercise of Garda power are required if this legislation is to withstand challenges in the courts.

The requirement for authorisation by an inspector to be in place prior to a road-block is reasonable and a necessary protection for the public, but the legislation, as it is worded, does not limit an authorisation to a specified day or week. Every one in the legal profession to whom I have shown this legislation indicates it is far too lax, open-ended and open to challenge. It offers no protection to the public in the way in which we envisage it will be necessary and the courts will find necessary if it is to withstand constitutional challenge. In practice, under this legislation an inspector could sign an authorisation in January which might be valid for the entire year. It is a protection intended to protect the public and the provision is to ensure that a measure would be acceptable in the courts should it be challenged and, as the Minister is aware, undoubtedly it will be challenged.

The legislation should also provide for authorisation by the Garda of other persons to escort people who have failed a roadside breath test to a station or perhaps to a van where they could be given an intoxiliser, blood or urine test. Such a provision is not included in the Bill. Given the strict time limit allowed between the beathalyser test and the intoxiliser evidential test, the numbers potentially to be caught at a busy checkpoint could result in a major waste of gardaí time while they ferry motorists to a station to be tested. I accept the test must be done by an expert who is trained to carry out such testing, but such a provision could ensure that gardaí could remain on duty at a roadblock while an authorised person could bring an offender to the station or elsewhere to have the test carried out.

Section 4 also allows a garda to arrest without warrant a person "who in the member's opinion" is committing an offence under this section. I have spoken to many lawyers and many members of the public about this provision, but nobody has the slightest idea why it is included or what it means. Perhaps the Minister could clarify it. We already know there is a difficulty in establishing in court the basis for forming an opinion — that has always been problematic for the Garda. As the section is worded, it appears it would allow a garda to form an opinion independent of any testing. If that is the case, what is the point of having a roadblock and a test in the first place? Doubts about the intention underpinning this provision will result inevitably in court challenges. It may be that the Minister or somebody else is perfectly clear about why this provision is included, but it is not clear to anybody else. If it is not clear to me or to legal experts, it certainly will not be clear to the courts and it will leave judges free to interpret what it means. The provision must be clarified by amendment on Committee Stage to ensure the intention of the Minister and the Oireachtas is made clear to judges and that it is clearly stated in the Act and not merely in the House as part of a parliamentary debate on Second or Committee Stages. It must be amended and I ask the Minister to take that on board.

Sections 5 and 17 relate to outsourcing and in the case of section 5 to the issuing of disqualification notices as a result of drink driving offences, accepting fine payment and issuing receipts. I understood that practice was already under way and therefore I am a little perplexed as to why we are now legislating for it.

The main issue I wish to raise is in section 17, which empowers the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform to outsource the operation of speed cameras subject only to selection by the Garda of the camera locations. I welcome what the Minister said about the complete disconnection intended between the number of speeding offences detected and remuneration to the speed camera company. I favour the introduction of speed cameras and I would like them to be introduced on a widespread basis. The speed camera system can be utterly fair if it is properly implemented and, more importantly, it can release gardaí for real policing duties.

I raised the issue of the danger of using the speed camera system for revenue raising purposes. It is important that members of the public see that the system is not used for that purpose because if they are to accept the speed camera system they must be assured it is entirely objective. I do not believe anybody could accuse me of being against outsourcing but this is an issue of the administration of justice and it is different from other kinds of outsourcing. For that reason not only should the location of the cameras be subject to Garda control and supervision but the overall speed camera system should be subject to supervision by the Garda. I fully support getting the day to day work off the shoulders of gardaí, but such a system must have the overall safeguard of Garda supervision if the public is to have confidence in it. More important from an evidential perspective, the backing of Garda authority is essential from the point of view of withstanding court challenges, which will occur, to the outsourcing of the speed camera system. I urge the Minister to ensure the legislation is amended accordingly to put the overall system under Garda supervision.

I wish to refer to the penalty points system because this legislation extends penalty points to a further number of offences and increases fines and penalties. I have raised with the Minister and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform on a number of occasions the issue of how the penalty points system is implemented. I am concerned specifically about the removal of penalty points from people's driver licence files. I welcome the clarification the Minister has given today about the court case in Wicklow, which I always understood was quite different from the problem that seems to be associated with special speed limits. There have been questions in that regard. I welcome the Minister's clarification that this is watertight in legislation.

Nevertheless, in reply to a parliamentary question, I was informed that, since the new protocol was introduced, there have already been 823 cases of penalty points being removed from people's licences. This protocol was not introduced until I raised the problem in the House and it began to arise in the courts. Almost all the 823 cases had to do with the absence of by-laws, which implies there is a major problem and a need for local authorities to get their by-laws in order. This problem may be a slightly different problem from that referred to in newspapers, but it is urgent if all the points relate to that matter.

The minimum requirement of our justice system is for it to be just. With the protocol in place, we now have a mechanism for removing incorrectly recorded penalty points from a person's licence file, but it only applies to penalty points received as a result of paying a fine. Penalty points received as a result of a court case are doubled as a result of the case going to court. We must have an automatic system in place to remove these points from people's files when they are found to be incorrectly recorded, which happens often, as evidenced by the batch that arose in court last week.

It is unacceptable and unconscionable that people who were incorrectly accused, through no fault of their own but as a result of a defect in the system or a mistake by the authorities, should be forced to the inconvenience, cost and stress of returning to court when they are clearly not to blame. I urge the Minister to set the automatic system in place as part of the legislation. If the penalty points system is to work and gain widespread public acceptance, the least the public is entitled to expect is that the implementation of the scheme should be impeccable and fair.

The legislation does not deal with the issue of expired driving licences or the offence of driving without a licence, but this type of legislation should change the current system. Many people get ten-year driving licences although they could get licences for a shorter period. We have, apparently, invested a fortune in getting the national driver file up to scratch to be capable of operating the penalty points system. I hope this is true and that it can do what is expected of it. Now that the system is fully computerised, it is only reasonable to expect that people will be notified when their driving licence is about to go out of date. This is not too onerous a demand. We are notified when our road tax is out of date, so we should be notified about our driving licences. This is the least people can expect if they will have to go through the process of retaking a test if their licences lapse. I hope the Minister takes this on board.

I could have raised many of the headline-grabbing issues omitted from the legislation, but I have tried to concentrate on what is in it instead. Much of the Bill, especially that dealing with permits and driving licences, is enabling legislation and we do not know when it can come into force. Whether it will be of value and give results depends on two things, namely, the resources provided for the implementation of the measures proposed and the robustness of the legislation. Much of our current legislation does not work because resources were not invested in it. I accept there is an urgency to the legislation, but in recent weeks we have seen several cases in the courts which show the impact of court challenges to our road safety regime. We cannot prevent challenges, but we can do all in our power to ensure our legislation is as robust and resistant to challenge as possible.

The new chairman of the Road Safety Authority expressed the hope that the Opposition would not delay the legislation. We found that hard to take because we were not aware the Opposition was to blame. If it had not been for the Opposition's persistence, there would have been no legislation. We certainly cannot be blamed for the delay and, without our persistence, Mr. Gay Byrne would not have been chairman, nor would there have been a Road Safety Authority. It is a little difficult for us to be taken to task for delaying the legislation and for us to be referred to as "that other crowd".

Notwithstanding this, it is vital for us to scrutinise this type of legislation thoroughly. It is important that the chairman of the Road Safety Authority and others understand the role of both Parliament and Opposition in a democracy. Nobody will be slow to criticise us if the legislation falls at the first fence, and we all accept it will have many fences to face. Road traffic legislation is the most challenged of all, and we should bear in mind that no legislation might be better than bad legislation.

We know from events in the courts in recent weeks that the potential for harm and for sending the wrong message is enormous where legislation is found to be deficient. It need not even be found deficient, just sufficiently doubtful not to be taken seriously by the courts and for them to accept that a reasonable case to challenge it exists.

I understand and share Mr. Byrne's impatience to see additional measures enacted to enforce road safety. I want the Minister to know that I and my colleagues intend to do our job on this legislation. I have taken time to outline some of the amendments necessary if we are to produce a robust Road Traffic Act that will make our roads safer for all who use them. I urge the Minister to listen to my concerns and do his part to bring forward the necessary amendments to ensure the Act we pass is robust. Perhaps he could take Opposition amendments on board. He must be open to the fact that we understand the urgency and need to have the legislation on the Statute Book before the end of the session. Nevertheless, if he wants our co-operation, he should listen to our concerns about it.

The Labour Party generally welcomes the measures outlined in the Bill, which is long overdue. I agree with the points made by Deputy Olivia Mitchell that it has come about as a result of persistence within this House, the public outcry over what is happening on our roads and the urgent need to introduce modern legislation to address the problems that exist. While we know that speeding is a serious problem, the issue is with detection. How can we enforce the existing law and how can we detect people who continue to take risks with speeding? We have been promised privately-operated speed cameras for many years and I welcome the fact that the Bill will provide for these. However, we are a long way from having those much-needed cameras on the side of the road. It is very hard to understand the delays in this regard.

We are dealing with this legislation in the context of a fairly poor record on road safety. We had the initial 1998 road safety strategy and then the 2004-06 strategy. When these strategies were launched, we were told that they would tackle the problem by creating awareness about the need to drive carefully and observe the speed limits, not to drink and drive and various other matters. In spite of all the hype, publicity and glossy publications, those strategies have failed. The current road safety strategy set a target of a maximum of 300 deaths on our roads this year. Some 159 deaths have taken place since January and it is highly unlikely that we will reach the target. Probably a more telling target is the three-year target up to the end of 2006 set in the road safety strategy. However, by mid-April we had already exceeded that target with eight months still to run.

We are debating the Bill in a context where the numbers of deaths and serious injuries on our roads are increasing. There is general recognition that something needs to be done urgently. It is not just about launching strategies with glossy publications and issuing the umpteen press statements that have been released on this legislation. It is about tackling the issue in a serious minded way, looking at the detail of what needs to be done to change the culture in respect of driving in this country. We all accept we have a problem regarding our culture. Not only must Government play its part in changing that culture, but it must also guarantee having a robust body of law to deal with the problem and most importantly we need a guarantee that the laws on the Statute Book will be enforced. This has been the main problem with road safety over the years. We have had plenty of law, but it was not enforced. All kinds of excuses were made. I am very sceptical about the rush to introduce new legislation when existing legislation is not being adequately enforced. This is the context in which we are debating the legislation. The single most important issue in respect of road safety is having adequate enforcement of the law.

The Bill highlights the need to consolidate all road traffic legislation. The Bill is very difficult to read as it contains so many references to other legislation. We know that various speeding, drink-driving and other cases have resulted in challenges to legislation. Having unconsolidated legislation with references to umpteen different Acts lends itself to being contested in court. It creates the industry of solicitors and barristers who make a very good living out of challenging road traffic legislation and exploiting potential weaknesses and inaccuracies. The Minister referred to the need to carry out such consolidation in the past. I wonder why he did not avail of the opportunity afforded by this legislation. It is not as if we suddenly realised the need for legislation. Having the legislation spread over many different Acts is unacceptable and chaotic. This Bill amends 15 other Acts. It is no wonder so many offences are challenged in the courts.

While there are many facets to the road safety problem, the key ones relate to drink-driving, speeding and general driver behaviour. Deputy Olivia Mitchell and I, with other Opposition Members, identified two particular areas more than a year ago. We raised the issues here on umpteen occasions and discussed them in detail with the Minister at the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Transport. We met the Minister privately to discuss breath testing. We went through the issues in detail. Throughout last year the Minister maintained that random breath testing posed serious legal and constitutional difficulties. It is extraordinary that having kept this up throughout last year, this year after a particularly bad weekend on the roads leading to a public outcry, with many people talking about the need to tackle the problems of speed and drink-driving, the Minister announced that there was no problem after all and that he would proceed to legislate as he has done in this Bill. Why has it taken so long? If all those problems existed last year, what happened to allow them to just vanish? At no point did the Minister provide a satisfactory explanation given the delays we all endured last year. Suddenly, as if by magic, the problem is now resolved. We are due an explanation.

Obviously random breath testing is one of the most important aspects of the Bill and one of the most important factors in respect of our very poor performance in road safety. The Minister made the same excuses in respect of mobile phones. The use of mobile phones while driving was to have been outlawed and the offence was to attract penalty points in the first raft of penalty point offences going back to 1998. It is only now in 2006 that the Minister is moving to deal with the issue. Throughout that period he referred to legal difficulties. Can he assure us that those difficulties have been overcome? What, exactly, were those difficulties?

Licensing for learner drivers is also critical and the Bill is very disappointing in this regard. The Minister has missed an opportunity to make considerable progress in addressing the unregulated and unacceptable arrangements in place for learner drivers. He maintains he will end unaccompanied arrangements for this group but has provided no detail on a timeframe for doing so. I have outlined the critical areas which I propose to address in detail.

As I stated, the Labour Party supports this Bill and intends to facilitate its passage, irrespective of how late the House must sit in the weeks before the summer recess. This legislation must be passed and signed into law before the recess because the summer months tend to be a bad time on the roads. We need to do all in our power to try to improve matters.

I was incredulous when I heard the new chairman of the Road Safety Authority state the Bill needed to be enacted as quickly as possible and could be passed before the summer provided the Opposition parties did not choose to play games on the issue. For how long have we waited for this legislation? For years, Opposition Members have called for its introduction every time the Minister has taken questions in the House or appeared before the Joint Committee on Transport. Now, three weeks before the summer recess when Deputies finally have an opportunity to debate the legislation, the chairman of the Road Safety Authority makes the unfortunate comment that all will be fine provided no one holds it up.

In fairness to Mr. Byrne I do not believe he referred specifically to the Opposition.

He did refer to the Opposition.

He used the term "the other shower".

The chairman's heart is in the right place.

His comments were unfortunate. As Deputies will be aware, all road traffic legislation has been contested in the courts and will continue to be so tested. For this reason alone, it is important we ensure we get this Bill right.

I agree.

It is my job and responsibility, as a member of the Opposition, to identify potential difficulties in the legislation and I intend to do so. I will take my time and argue my points as we proceed through Committee and Report Stages. I hope we will have a stronger Bill when we complete our considerations. This is how parliamentary democracy works. No single person has a monopoly on wisdom in this area.

On the specifics of the Bill, section 3, which deals with mobile telephones, proposes to impose a ban on holding a mobile telephone while driving. I will repeat a point made earlier in this regard. The Bill does not appear to define the word "driving". I have not found such a definition in section 3 or elsewhere. Given the likelihood that this section will be contested, it is important to provide a clear definition.

The Bill proposes that the offence of driving while holding a mobile telephone will be established on the basis of the opinion of a garda. Many of the new penalty points offences are also established on the basis of the opinion or word of a garda. I foresee these types of provision being the subject of many challenges in the courts. How, for instance, will a garda establish that the item in the hand of a driver was a mobile telephone? Could the driver have been holding something else? I am concerned about the responsibility the provision to allow the opinion of a garda to be taken as evidence places on gardaí and expect it to be challenged in the courts.

I accept that difficulties have arisen with regard to definitions, for example, as to what precisely constitutes a mobile telephone. Many people use headsets which allow users to hold the telephone device in the ear. The definition "holding" in the Bill is to hold a telephone by hand or support it with "another part of the body". Given that one supports these types of headsets with one's ear, I presume they will also be outlawed. I cannot discern much difference between a headset and a hands-free mobile telephone placed in a cradle on the dashboard. Does the Minister intend to ban the use of these types of headsets while driving?

The Deputy is referring to Bluetooth headsets.

I appreciate the Deputy's point and will address the issue of hands-free devices.

To return to the proposal that an offence is deemed to have been committed if a garda witnesses a mobile telephone being used by a person driving, the number of cars with tinted windows will increase once this legislation is enacted. How can a garda see if a driver of a car which has tinted windows is speaking on a mobile telephone? This is an important point which occurred to me before the legislation was published. I am concerned about the use of tinted windows on cars and uncertain as to the justification for them. Anyone in charge of a mechanically propelled vehicle should be visible. Perhaps the Minister will address the use of tinted windows because they will make this legislation unenforceable and present a general problem. For example, in terms of enforcing the law on speeding the owner of a car with tinted windows photographed while exceeding the speed limit could argue that he or she was not driving and is not aware of who was driving at the time the photograph was taken. I will propose an amendment to address the matter.

The definitions set out in section 3(9) will become obsolete as mobile telephone technology develops. For this reason, the Minister should include an arrangement to allow the section to be regularly updated by ministerial order. Given that technology is moving at such a fast rate, we should ensure the introduction of every new version of a mobile communications device does not necessitate a change in the law. It should be possible for the Minister to amend the legislation by regulation.

Section 4 deals with mandatory alcohol testing. Why is it necessary to require a senior garda to authorise a road check? This requirement places a significant burden on Garda inspectors. Perhaps it helps to bypass potential constitutional impediments. Why was it necessary?

Section 5, which deals with drink driving, gives rise to many concerns. I have already indicated that the practice of having two, three or more drinks before taking a chance and driving home is very much part of our culture. We must all recognise and endeavour to eliminate this problem. Deputies present will recall a time when people would think nothing of drinking for three or four hours before driving home. The only reason many of us survived that period is that there were fewer cars on the road and they could not travel at great speed. Most Members of a certain generation grew up during an era when people held very different attitudes towards drink driving. Thankfully, such attitudes are no longer acceptable to younger people, many of whom never drink when driving. However, major cultural problems remain among middle aged and older people in respect of drink driving, and a small number of young people cannot see danger because they think they will live forever.

The Minister should have availed of the opportunity presented by this Bill to lower blood alcohol limits. Only Ireland, the UK and one other country have established blood alcohol limits of 80 milligrams. Other European countries have limits of 50 milligrams. We should send out a loud and clear message on this issue and I hope the Minister will consider an amendment to reduce the limit to 50 milligrams.

In a recent press announcement, the Minister said he was considering a reduction in the blood alcohol limit to as near to zero as possible for learner drivers, a limit which has been introduced in other jurisdictions. However, he did not provide for this in the Bill.

The matter arose at a ministerial conference in Dublin, during which the Netherlands and Australia reported that they found the limit to be very effective, with an immediate reduction of 38% in the number of accidents. I consider the limit to be a good idea and have asked my officials to examine the legal framework within which it could be introduced. A host of ideas have come forth in that context.

The Minister will be aware of the length of time required to turn an idea into legislation.

I have clearly stated that the measure would not be included in this Bill.

That is unfortunate because the Minister should have used the opportunity available to him.

A variety of issues will arise at the side of the road with regard to record keeping. I am not satisfied that the Garda's record-keeping capabilities are adequate to deal with a situation in which somebody is convicted of an offence or pays a fixed penalty and is disqualified for six months. For example, it can be up to six months before a person receives notice of a fixed penalty for speeding. If people are now to be disqualified for a further six months, what happens if they are caught a second time during the six months in which the first notice is being processed? I would not share the Minister's confidence in the records and data available to the Garda.

It appears that fixed penalties will not be recorded as convictions. Why should records not be kept of what, in essence, are convictions? The driver concerned has admitted he or she was over the limit and received a fine and disqualification.

No mention is made of the penalty which could have been introduced to demote a driver from a full to a provisional licence upon a drink driving conviction, even though the Minister referred to such a provision. It would be an effective way of changing the culture of drink driving.

There must be an expectation that the test can be retaken within a reasonable timeframe. We cannot fulfil such an expectation until we resolve the test backlog.

That backlog could last forever. Section 6 revises upwards the penalties applying to drink driving offences. The period of time in which a licence is suspended upon conviction for drink driving has been extended to a minimum of one year in all cases, depending on the concentration of alcohol found in a person's blood. The provisions in the principal Act allow judges to hand down lower sentences in special circumstances. I am not sure about the wisdom of that. The maximum penalty is four years for a first offence and six years for a second. Why have sentences been capped at six years? No distinction appears to have been made between licence categories. For example, heavy goods vehicle and bus drivers, who could do enormous damage, are being treated the same as car drivers. The penalties imposed on the former should be much more severe.

Section 7 allows a driver to apply for a reduction in his or her period of disqualification. I have concerns about this provision and will table amendments to it. However, I welcome the fact that gardaí will now be able to seize uninsured foreign registered cars.

Section 10 does not provide for post-licensing restrictions. The experience of other countries indicates that the critical period in terms of accident risk for drivers is the first four to seven months after passing the test. It is generally agreed that drivers should be restricted during the first 12 months of qualification. I will propose amendments for such restrictions, which are already in place in other European countries. This section does not provide for the demotion of drivers to learner status as a penalty, even though such a penalty could act as a severe deterrent.

Section 12 sets out a penalty of €1,000 for driving for up to 12 months without renewing a licence and €2,000 in respect of driving for longer than 12 months. It also sets out penalties for driving while disqualified and provides for another category of person who will be required to produce a certificate of competency or fitness before obtaining a driving licence. However, that provision is somewhat ambiguous. A distinction should be made between drivers of cars and those who drive heavy vehicles.

Such a distinction has been provided for in the legislation we introduced on train drivers. I will give further thought to the matter.

Buses, like trains, can carry large numbers of passengers.

Section 13 makes various amendments to the fixed charge penalty system. A separate penalty, perhaps set at €3,000 and a prison sentence, should be introduced where a person deliberately provides a false name to the Garda. A number of provisions could be introduced. I hope the Minister will accept amendments from the Opposition that will improve the legislation and that the Minister will have an open mind on Committee and Report Stages. We are supportive of the legislation but believe enforcement is the key. That includes resources for the Garda Síochána.

I propose to share time with Deputies Catherine Murphy and Boyle. Like the previous speaker I believe the key is enforcement. Any progressive measures to combat the carnage on our roads and prevent unnecessary loss of life by significantly reducing preventable motor accidents will be welcomed by Sinn Féin and all Members. Some 399 people lost their lives on Irish roads in 2005 and 185 have died this year as of 19 June. This is an increase of 11 on last year's figure.

This Bill will contribute to road safety but it contains flaws. It is important we pass legislation as quickly as possible but flaws must be highlighted and changes made. The introduction of mandatory alcohol testing seems a positive step. The problem of drink driving is particularly acute and such a measure is expected to deter people from taking risks and detect those that do. This can be equated with random breath testing, an obvious method of increasing detection of those irresponsible drivers who consume alcohol before driving. I have no problem with this concept as long as it is not used to target certain individuals. A superintendent is required to authorise a checkpoint and this provides a balance. Random breath testing was first mooted during the tenure of Deputy Brennan as Minister for Transport. The delay in its introduction has cost lives.

The increase in punishment has been due for some time. Drunk drivers can currently face bans of as little as three months if convicted of driving while over the limit. This minimum penalty will be doubled with the passing of this Bill. Disqualification periods and fines will also increase.

Section 5 stipulates that a driver caught with a certain alcohol intake over the limit will pay €300 and receive a six month ban. However, drivers who challenge their case in court and are subsequently found guilty will face heftier punishment and a minimum 12 month ban. This policy of deterring people from a court hearing is contentious. Citizens should have a right to access the courts and should not be penalised for opting to exercise this right. All such drivers should be treated equally and guilty drivers, whether they choose to challenge the case in court or not, should be liable to equivalent repercussions for similar offences instead of discriminating against those who challenge the case in court.

A review of drink driving laws is needed. Although many campaigners have called for a blanket ban on alcohol before using a vehicle, the same amount of alcohol affects everyone differently. Greater awareness of the effects and dangers of drink driving should be made a priority. We must challenge the mentality that drinking a couple of pints and then driving is acceptable. The Minister referred to young people but people of our generation are the major problem. One sees people driving at closing time but there is a way to respond to this. Instead of public order, we need to invest in high-visibility Garda checkpoints and patrols at closing time.

I call on the Ministers for Transport and Education and Science to finalise a plan to introduce road safety as an integral part of the secondary school curriculum. Transition year could be used to educate our future drivers on how to drive responsibly, as is the case in the United States. A talk on road safety delivered by a garda may have minimal effect on students but talks by victims of road accidents may be a positive step in hammering home the message of safe driving. Fines and penalty points alone will not change the minds of the driving public. Road safety is in everyone's interests and education is the key.

Another increasing phenomenon endangering lives on the roads is drug driving. The head of the Medical Bureau of Road Safety has warned that the extent of drug driving in Ireland is significantly underestimated. Eye-opening evidence from Scandinavian countries suggests that for every 100 people detected drink driving, 50 more have taken drugs before driving. The scale of drug taking among young people in Ireland is much higher than that of European countries. The explosion of cocaine use in this country, and the inadequate response to drug driving, will lead to an increase in drug taking. In the constituency I represent cocaine is freely available to all age groups. This Bill has no provision for testing for drug taking even though the Minister has acknowledged this is a serious, growing problem. Gardaí need to be trained to recognise behaviour and symptoms suggesting drug driving, as are members of police forces in other countries.

The provision for privatisation does not surprise me. The Bill will pave the way for private sector interests operating speed cameras and this is not a positive step. Private operators will be driven by profit rather than enhancing road safety. In private companies shareholders are all that count, to the cost of the greater common good. Drivers will be caught on motorways rather than on rural roads and roads with black spots. The monetary incentive to place cameras on such roads is a problem. Privatisation of a section of the law is not the answer and will not enhance public safety. It will result in indignation and frustration among Irish drivers.

Section 11 proposes the replacement of the provisional licence with a learner permit. Reforms to reduce long-term dependency on provisional licences are positive. Stipulating a minimum period during which a learner driver may not apply for a test will give learners time to complete necessary practice. Recently, a radio station invited transport spokespersons to undertake a test and we all failed. It is not just learners who need to learn but those who consider themselves safe drivers. People need to improve their driving skills and this should be examined.

The introduction of mandatory lessons will undoubtedly improve the overall driving ability of all concerned. However, it is stated that these regulations may require learner drivers to undergo a course of instruction. Clarity is needed on how many hours of instruction are envisaged and over what period. Driving lessons should be affordable to encourage their uptake, and the introduction of compulsory initial practical training for motorcycles——

Deputy Crowe indicated he was sharing time with Deputies Catherine Murphy and Boyle, whereas, according to my list, it should have been Deputies Cowley and Eamon Ryan.

There is much confusion in the House.

I call Deputy Cowley so.

I am glad to speak on this Bill, parts of which I welcome. I called for mandatory alcohol testing in October and November 2005 and I asked that the collective responsibility of the Government be exercised on the killing fields which are our roads, but this Bill does not go far enough.

Other than alcohol, there is no testing for drugs. I spoke about this in the Dáil on a number of occasions and I will do so again. Everyone involved in a road traffic accident needs to be breathalysed. I have sought this in the Dáil and I seek it again, especially for those involved in fatal or serious road traffic accidents. As matters stand, a driver can walk away without being breathalysed. I abhor the terrible consequences of drink driving and know the terrible effects the loss of a loved one through a drunken driver can have on a family. It is scandalous that this Bill does not address this matter and I demand that it be changed to ensure that any driver involved in a serious road traffic accident, especially where someone is killed, is breathalysed for alcohol and tested for drugs.

The Bill also does not address the serious failure of any public authority to take responsibility for public safety, including road accidents due to road conditions for which no one is apparently responsible. Neither does the Bill address the gross underestimation in serious and fatal road traffic accidents caused mainly by road conditions. I repeat my previous call for an audit of all road traffic accidents because I believe that the number of accidents attributed solely or mainly to road conditions is grossly underestimated.

There should be a consideration for those provisional licence holders in their sunset years who have been driving for a long number of years. Under the restricted category, these people need a driving licence to go to a church or a shop to overcome the isolation in which they live. I make a case for those people who should be facilitated in some way in this Bill and perhaps the Minister will examine this. There is talk of restricting the licences of learner drivers. Why not extend this to thousands of older people? Surely their driving could be confined to daylight hours and to a certain area of ten or even five miles.

I have been approached by many older people who are morbidly concerned about the new changes in the regulation of the provisional licence system which, incidentally, I welcome. These older people have been driving without incident for 40 years. They more than likely bought their licence at a time when they could do so and they only travel limited distances. They feel that they are being unfairly discriminated against by these changes. They want a concession equivalent to young people waiting for a driving test who must undergo mandatory training and spend an interval before they can apply for the test to get their licence. Otherwise these older people, who are in their mid-60s or mid-70s and who live in remote rural locations will not be able to go to the shops or the church on a Sunday. That is all they require their driving licence for. They do not drink. They are unable to take the test because they say it is too complicated. There is no public transport system in those rural areas. They would settle for a limited test or a compulsory training programme. Their lives will not be worth living if the use of the car is taken from them or, in other words, if this essential lifeline is taken from them. Will the Minister consider those in such a position?

Driver education in our schools is necessary. It is provided in other jurisdictions. It is not provided in this country and it certainly should be.

Helicopter emergency medical services are an essential part of any programme to save lives. Helicopter emergency medical services are provided in every EU state except this country and the North. We hold that dubious distinction. There was a cross-Border study which showed that such a service would be feasible if done jointly by the two jurisdictions.

Ring-fencing fines to the particular county in which those offences took place might help people understand that, if they are fined, the money paid will go towards the upkeep of the roads which might prevent accidents.

I referred to the difficulty with this Bill that it does not address the fact that a person involved in fatal road traffic accident is not breathalysed. On a number of occasions I raised in the Dáil the case of Stephen Gray who was killed tragically when he was mown down by a driver who was never tested, even though that driver was seen in a number of public houses and at a nightclub. As a result, there is a petition, which has well over 20,000 signatures at this stage, demanding that the Minister change the law to ensure that anybody involved in a serious or fatal road traffic accident is breathalysed. That change in the law should definitely be made.

I am also concerned that the Bill does not address the problem of people driving having taken drugs other than alcohol. Alcohol is the most common drug of abuse and its use has increased by 41% in the past ten years. I abhor the terrible consequences of drink driving and I know the effects of premature death.

Gardaí, no more than in the case of breathalysing, cannot test someone for drugs unless they have some reason to do so, for example, finding drugs in the car. It is essential that there would be mandatory testing for drugs as well, and random drug testing. Just as there can be a road block for breathalyser testing, surely the same can be done for drugs. While I realise it is more problematic and impractical, with modern technology such a provision should be in place.

I am well aware that there are people who are high on drugs driving around our cities and towns and even around rural areas. Ecstasy tablets, which are in common use and are freely available at €5 each, are reputed to give a high equivalent to eight or ten pints of beer, yet there is no way one can detect whether a person is high on ecstasy tablets. There are many young people on provisional licences with high motor insurance costs who are happier to use ecstasy tablets, at €5, on their nights out instead of drinking alcohol, which is expensive for them. With no alcohol in their blood, they have no fear of the breathalyser or of being caught.

Random mandatory drug testing, as well as more gardaí to increase detection, would help. Leaving large areas of 20 miles without a garda encourages more drug pushing in rural areas. The lack of a dedicated drugs task force in Mayo as well as the lack of education of parents, insufficient gardaí and a failure to recognise the growing problem in rural areas is taking its toll. The Garda is doing good work with its education programmes but, without additional resources, it cannot do enough.

I estimate that 50% of children in Mayo secondary schools who are regular drug users do not seem to be aware of the seriousness and the legal consequences of a drug habit. The increasing drug problem in rural areas is inversely proportional to the withdrawal of gardaí from rural areas. Even the stigma of getting caught is no longer a deterrent. Drug abuse is a particular danger on our roads, especially among the group aged 20 to 25 who drive regularly under the influence of drugs and who have little chance of getting caught. This Bill is no consolation to anyone who is concerned about that problem because the Garda has no reason to arrest anyone in the absence of a smell of alcohol unless drugs are found in a car. Smoking cannabis and using cocaine while driving is commonplace and the Bill will not address that problem.

I am concerned by instances where young people have been killed on our roads and no one is held accountable. Aisling Gallagher, who was killed in Mayo, and Sinéad McDaid, who was killed in Donegal, died directly as a result of road traffic accidents caused by the road conditions. While the same may be said of the Kentstown bus accident, those two young girls in particular were killed through no fault of their own. Their cars were in perfect order, they were not speeding and they were breaking no laws. Their cars were perfectly roadworthy in each case, yet they were killed. No one is answerable in such situations. There is a protocol between the Garda and the Health and Safety Authority but, unfortunately, to date no one has been held responsible. An investigation is proceeding in the case of Aisling Gallagher while a Garda investigation has been reopened in the case of Sinéad McDaid.

Debate adjourned.
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