Enda Kenny
Question:1 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the Northern Ireland political parties in Belfast on 29 June 2006; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [25543/06]
Ceisteanna — Questions (Resumed).
Northern Ireland Issues.
Enda Kenny
Question:2 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when he next intends to visit the United States; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [25549/06]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:3 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach the meetings or contacts he has scheduled with the British Prime Minister in relation to the Irish peace process before the resumption of Dáil Éireann in September 2006; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [25991/06]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:4 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on the outcome of his discussion in Northern Ireland on 29 June 2006 with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair. [26176/06]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:5 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on the outcome of his meeting with political parties in Northern Ireland during his visit there on 29 June 2006. [26177/06]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:6 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an assessment of the prospects for political progress in Northern Ireland in view of his meetings there on 29 June 2006. [26178/06]
Joe Higgins
Question:7 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the parties in Northern Ireland. [28157/06]
Joe Higgins
Question:8 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair. [28158/06]
Finian McGrath
Question:9 Mr. F. McGrath asked the Taoiseach the position regarding the Northern talks and his meeting with Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28159/06]
Enda Kenny
Question:10 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments in the Northern Ireland peace process; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28178/06]
Enda Kenny
Question:11 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the political parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28179/06]
Enda Kenny
Question:12 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the British Government; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28180/06]
Enda Kenny
Question:13 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28181/06]
Enda Kenny
Question:14 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when the Forum on Peace and Reconciliation will next meet; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28186/06]
Enda Kenny
Question:15 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to visit the United States; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28187/06]
Enda Kenny
Question:16 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will convene a meeting of the Ireland-America Economic Advisory Board during his next visit to the United States; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28188/06]
Enda Kenny
Question:17 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach the arrangements in place within his Department for maintaining contact with the Ireland-America Advisory Board; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28189/06]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:18 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on the outcome of his meeting on 13 July 2006 with representatives of the Ulster Political Research Group. [28235/06]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:19 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the British Prime Minister to discuss the situation in Northern Ireland. [28236/06]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:20 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his most recent contact with the political parties in Northern Ireland; his assessment of the prospects of a political breakthrough prior to the 24 November 2006 deadline in view of these contacts; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28237/06]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:21 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his most recent contacts with the United States Administration; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28246/06]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:22 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach the outcome of meetings he or his officials have held with representatives of loyalism; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28282/06]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:23 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach the contacts he has had with the British Prime Minister about the Irish peace process since the adjournment of Dáil Éireann in July 2006; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28283/06]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Question:24 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach if his Department uses the services of economic advisers; and if such advisers are engaged to advise on economic issues in relation to the Six Counties and all-Ireland matters. [28284/06]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:25 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on the outcome of his meeting with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, in Chequers on 16 September 2006. [28892/06]
Pat Rabbitte
Question:26 Mr. Rabbitte asked the Taoiseach the proposals he has agreed with the British Prime Minister for talks to be held in Scotland between the two Governments and the parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28893/06]
Joe Higgins
Question:27 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the parties in Northern Ireland. [29211/06]
Joe Higgins
Question:28 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the President of the United States of America, Mr. George W. Bush; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29213/06]
Joe Higgins
Question:29 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair. [29214/06]
Joe Higgins
Question:30 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the US Administration. [29215/06]
Joe Higgins
Question:31 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the Governor of Florida, Mr. Jeb Bush. [29217/06]
Trevor Sargent
Question:32 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments in the Northern Ireland peace process; and if he will make a statement on the matter [29601/06]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 32, inclusive, together.
On 29 June 2006, the British Prime Minister and I met at Stormont with the Northern Ireland political parties to discuss plans to restore the democratic institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. This meeting allowed a timely opportunity to assess the work done since the recall of the Assembly on 15 May. The two Governments emphasised the need for intensified and accelerated engagement between the parties in view of the deadline of 24 November. The work plan which we published following the meeting set out an indicative timescale for full restoration of the institutions. We urged the parties to use the summer to consult with their members and communities on the way forward and to weigh in the balance any outstanding issues and any lingering mistrust against the prospect of losing devolution for another generation.
I welcome the work done since then by the Preparation for Government committee, which continued to meet over the summer. I hope the committee's work can provide the basis for reaching agreement on a range of issues relevant to the restoration of the institutions. The two Governments want to see restoration of all the institutions created by the Good Friday Agreement as soon as possible and in any event by 24 November. This is a considered, reasonable and fixed deadline. We will do everything in our power to help achieve this. There are ongoing contacts with the Northern Ireland political parties and I expect these to intensify over the coming period.
A continuing absence of the Executive and Assembly is not sustainable. It is time for elected politicians to take responsibility and they will have the opportunity to do so over the coming weeks. I believe that if the political will is there, it should be possible to address satisfactorily all outstanding issues in the time available, for Northern Ireland to settle down and for its parties to share power on the basis of the Good Friday Agreement.
The close partnership and engagement between the two Governments continues to be a vital part of the process and I welcomed the opportunity to meet again with the Prime Minister on 15 September at Chequers. We availed of this meeting to review our joint strategy for the restoration of the institutions. In this context, we agreed that we would meet together with the parties in Scotland from 11 to 13 October. In the meantime, we expect to receive a further report from the IMC in the near future. This report is due to be published next week. The most recent report from the IMC on normalisation, published earlier this month, was very encouraging and I hope that its October report will enhance confidence further. I hope the peaceful and calm marching season will also give a boost to constructive political engagement and agreement in the coming weeks.
At our meeting on 6 April, we made it clear that we would work on new British-Irish partnership arrangements to ensure our effective joint stewardship of the Good Friday Agreement in the event that devolution does not take place by 24 November. This work is ongoing. In our statement at the end of the meeting with the parties in June, Prime Minister Blair and I indicated that we would meet in December to announce details of these arrangements, should this be necessary.
We remain in close contact with the United States Administration, whose ongoing support for the process is deeply appreciated and remains invaluable. I expect that my next visit to the United States will be in March 2007 to mark St. Patrick's Day. It has been the practice in recent years to meet the Ireland-America Economic Advisory Board over the St. Patrick's Day period and I expect to do so again next year. My Department maintains contact with the board primarily through our embassy in Washington, as well as through annual visits and meetings. As the House will be aware, board members give voluntarily of their time and expertise in a number of ways. I welcome and greatly appreciate their ongoing advice and support. I received a courtesy call from the Governor of Florida, Mr. Jeb Bush, on 21 July. Our discussion covered a range of topics, including business issues, tourism and the peace process.
On 13 July 2006, I met representatives of the Ulster Political Research Group. They outlined their proposal for a conflict transformation initiative in loyalist areas. The meeting was positive and focused. I welcome the ongoing efforts to bring about a genuine transformation in loyalism. The British Government recently approved funding for a pilot project to develop this initiative. I assured the group that the focus and priority of the Irish Government, whatever the outcome of the forthcoming talks, was the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.
With the exception of the better regulation unit, which currently has a contract with Goodbody economic consultants to provide economic support and advice to Departments in the preparation of regulatory impact analyses, my Department does not use economic advisers. A small team of consultants is assisting in a comprehensive study on the all-island economy which is being undertaken at the request of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference chaired by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Northern Ireland Secretary of State. That study is likely to be completed in October.
The question of further sessions of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation will be kept under review. As of now, there are no plans for a further meeting.
The Taoiseach will meet the British Prime Minister before the 24 November deadline. Is it his view that the parties in Northern Ireland will get together to enable a restoration of the Northern Ireland Assembly? How fair is the recent announcement about making administrative structures available for those who were previously involved in loyalism? Will they be able to resolve their problems through democratic principles? Is the Taoiseach hopeful that this will happen? In view of the fact that Mr. Blair may not be Prime Minister in 12 months' time, there may be forces at work among some elements of Northern Irish politics who might not want this to proceed. What is the Taoiseach's view on this?
When he meets the Prime Minister, will he pursue the issue of a public inquiry into the Pat Finucane case? This House unanimously called for such an inquiry some time ago.
In respect of the Taoiseach's contacts with the United states, what is the present status of Shannon Airport's business regarding troop transits? I understand a decision was made to transfer such business to Germany. Has the Taoiseach discussed this with American interests?
Recently, I saw a report stating that the Government intends to set up a forum for conflict resolution. In this House a couple of years ago, Deputy Gay Mitchell made a proposal for a European centre for transatlantic conflict resolution, which would be based at Shannon and would be funded in part by the European Union and by the American Administration with a number of conditions applied. Is this what the Taoiseach has in mind? Does he consider that to be a realistic proposal, given Ireland's capacity to negotiate and make headway in many conflicts around the world?
On the general position, the recall of the Assembly on 15 May has proved to be an important milestone. While the process was slow at the outset, progress has been made subsequently and continues to be made. The engagement which has taken place among all the parties in the forum has been extremely helpful. It is jointly chaired by Sinn Féin and the DUP and a considerable amount of effort has gone into dealing with and teasing out important substantive issues.
However, I regret the continuing absence of direct engagement between the DUP and the leading Nationalist party, namely, Sinn Féin. Clearly, this is unhelpful to the process of getting agreement. Throughout the year, I have urged the DUP to engage directly with Sinn Féin. That would be helpful. I still wish it would happen because it would help to make progress before what is a definitive deadline of 24 November.
We have seen the DUP in the same room as Sinn Féin and other parties at the Preparation for Government Committee which is jointly chaired. It has been examining a range of issues, including policing, how the institutions will operate, the important economic issues that will face an incoming executive and there has been agreement on a number of issues to date. Others, obviously the most difficult ones, have yet to be resolved and will be the subject of further discussion when we meet in Scotland next month.
The deadline is entirely realistic. More than a year has elapsed since IRA decommissioning and the IRA statement announcing the end of its activities. It is now a matter of leadership and political will. We overcame most of the difficult issues in recent years and there is no reason the remaining few issues cannot now be resolved. Hence, 24 November is a real and fixed deadline. Our aim is to secure agreement for the restoration of the devolved institutions of the Good Friday Agreement by that date.
While good progress has been made, the continued failure of the two parties that are to be in the Executive together to engage worries me greatly, as it is time for progress on that issue. However, this is a matter for the DUP. As I understand it, Sinn Féin are ready to have such a meeting at any time.
On the payment to loyalist groups and the recent announcements, I met the Ulster Political Research Group, UPRG, on 13 July. The meeting was extremely positive and focused and that group is trying hard. During the meeting, its representatives briefed me on the conflict transformation initiative they have prepared. The initiative aims to bring about a genuine transformation in loyalism and is an extremely welcome development. Like all such matters, this will not happen overnight. It will take time. However, they have assembled a good plan to move away from paramilitarism and into community activity and working within their neighbourhoods. This is similar to the activities of many community partnerships, development companies and groups in the Republic. We have helped them in recent years and organisations have helped them by showing how such groups operate.
I informed the UPRG that the two Governments were committed to the restoration of the Assembly. I also said that if the Northern Ireland political parties fail to reach agreement, the two Governments will initiate a partnership arrangement to implement and protect the Good Friday Agreement.
I welcome the British Government's intention to fund a conflict transformation initiative in loyalist areas. It is important to so do and while I have always called on it to fund initiatives in Nationalist areas, it is equally important to call on it to help in this respect. Many within loyalism wish to break from the past and are genuinely engaged in efforts to move the organisation away from paramilitary activity and criminality. Such work should be supported and while the Government will not fund it, it has stated that any arm of the State or of community activity in the Republic will be glad to provide help. They have built up a number of ties, which is important.
I have stated a number of times that the British Government should extend practical assistance to those leaders within loyalism who work for transformation within their communities. We are extending practical assistance in several ways. We also give small grants from the Department of Foreign Affairs' reconciliation fund to groups in deprived loyalist communities and engage with a number of them. I hope such initiatives can assist in delivering transformation in loyalist areas and I hope we will see further progress in this respect. While I cannot say everything is perfect, we have had an extraordinary summer. It has probably been the best summer since the early 1960s. Even before the Troubles officially started in 1968, the North had been tense for several years. As for other work, a comprehensive all-island economic study is being undertaken which is intended to try to induce both business and trade union interests to work on the all-island economy and to try to help in its transformation.
As for the issue regarding the United States, discussions are under way. While I am not completely up to date with matters pertaining to the Department of Transport, the United States indicated that, as they did some years ago, they would move more and more of their activities to their bases in Germany. To the best of my knowledge, some larger aircraft already go directly to Germany. While a substantial number of flights still come here, this trend will increase, for American logistical reasons. Moreover, the American relationship with the German Administration is probably far stronger than was the case at the start of the conflict, which is probably also relevant. However, while it is not a question of them ceasing, they are certainly down-sizing their involvement in Shannon.
Is the Taoiseach aware that the continued participation of Sinn Féin in the Hain approach at the Assembly is geared solely towards the full restoration of the Good Friday Agreement? Is the Taoiseach aware there are real concerns, both within Sinn Féin and across Nationalist and republican opinion within the North of Ireland and throughout this island, that many Unionist representatives clearly are using the current arrangement in the Assembly to divert attention away from the main task at hand? Is he aware there is also real concern within broad republican opinion that the major initiative taken by the IRA last year is not being matched by even a broadening of minds within significant sections of Unionist representation? Can the Taoiseach assure Members that the 24 November deadline is absolute and that if the DUP does not agree to enter into power sharing before that date, the Irish and British Governments will move on immediately? Will the Taoiseach assure us that the first priority, which I stress and believe the Taoiseach and I share, is the full restoration of the Executive and the all-Ireland Ministerial Council, and that the two Governments will move forward with the implementation of the Agreement to the maximum extent possible in that situation? It is not a position at which we want, nor do we believe the Taoiseach wants, to arrive. There is a responsibility on all involved to try to ensure the DUP, those who are primarily opposed to real momentum and progress at this time, faces up to its collective responsibilities.
Will the steps the Taoiseach considers taking also include co-operation and integration on an all-Ireland basis of a whole raft of new areas of social and economic co-operation? That must also be a part of what the Taoiseach envisages post 24 November if the worse case scenario presents itself.
Is the Taoiseach aware that at a meeting of a Sub-Committee on the Barron Report of the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights a former senior Garda officer, who had responsibility for the Border region, advised the Members of this House in attendance and others who were before that committee that the Garda had knowledge of the farm at Glenanne prior to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974, which had been infiltrated by British intelligence and that it was from that farm that the bombings of Dublin and Monaghan were planned and executed? Will the Taoiseach agree this is major information? Will he accept that the evidence of the former senior Garda officer today before a committee of the Oireachtas——
The Deputy's question is outside the context of the questions submitted.
Yes, Deputy. The Chair has ruled on the matter.
The Ceann Comhairle is welcome back from Monaghan. In light of the evidence given today, will the Taoiseach recognise that the call I made to him previously to seek a special summit with the British Prime Minister on the whole area of collusion has been given greater impetus? Over the summer period did the Taoiseach ask the British Prime Minister to accede to such a request for a special summit on collusion? Did he also ask the British Prime Minister to move to ensure the putting in place of a full independent inquiry into the murder of Mr. Pat Finucane? I request that he tell us what he said to the British Prime Minister during recent months and inform us as to what he and the British Prime Minister intend to do about these important matters.
As I said, there is no need for a special summit because at every meeting we stress these important matters, in particular the Finucane case, collusion and issues from the past involving a number of cases with which we have been dealing from the historical position. We raise these continually with the British Government. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, also raised them with the Secretary of State, Mr. Peter Hain, and I raised them again at our recent meetings.
On the Pat Finucane inquiry in particular, it is always a source of difference between us. We continue to fully support the holding of an independent public inquiry into this case. We have made clear that we want the standard agreed at Weston Park and set by Judge Cory adhered to. We continue to share the concern of the Finucane family and Judge Cory, a point I have continually made, that the new Inquiries Act, under which the British Government intends to have the Finucane case investigated, will not meet these standards. We continue to raise these issues with the British Government and we continue to support the Finucane family 100%.
We have been involved and engaged on behalf of families and support groups in a number of other cases in raising the issues concerned. I assure Deputy Ó Caoláin that I do that at all times.
On the issue of the date, I have already answered that question. The date in November is real and fixed. Our aim is to secure the restoration of the devolved institutions and the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. Deputy Ó Caoláin and other Members know I do not want to move away from the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. However, if forced to do so, we will have to operate a new partnership arrangement with the British Government, but I would prefer not to do that, and I have made that clear. If forced to do so, we will have no alternative but to secure the Agreement as best we can. I have told the loyalist groups, the political groups, all the parties, the British Government and the Americans that the Irish Government's position is full implementation of the Agreement, as the people voted for and as was negotiated. The alternative is definitely a plan B, as far as we are concerned. If we have to move to plan B we will do so, and will be ready to do that post-haste if that is what we face.
As I said, it would be far better if the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin were to have meetings. Good progress has been made, the joint chair arrangement has worked and substantive agreements have also worked, but there are outstanding issues. It is a year since decommissioning and even longer since the IRA statement on ending all its activities. I take this first opportunity of Question Time when answering questions on the North to urge the parties to engage positively over the coming period. They should not be tempted to play for time. We are serious about the deadline. It is fixed. I hope no party will make the mistake of underestimating the seriousness of the Governments' intent. We have given the parties more than enough time. We gave this deadline at the beginning of April, it was not a case of stating it in the middle of the summer or in the autumn. We must move the process forward. We need to know whether people want to govern together or not. There is an enormous responsibility on all the partners, but particularly on the largest parties, to move forward.
Deputy Ó Caoláin knows my view on a point where I believe he can also help. It is that Sinn Féin will have to commit completely to policing in the context of an agreement. Any right thinking person should understand the significance of this. Northern Ireland would be an entirely different place in a context where agreement on government and policing were finally achieved. This obviously is an issue that must be resolved. I accept it must be resolved as part of an overall agreement, but it is a very important issue. The best way of making progress on this in the short term is for the DUP and Sinn Féin in particular to engage — all the parties are engaging — and sit down and deal with this issue.
The Taoiseach did not reply to my question on the evidence given today by a senior Garda officer at a meeting of the Sub-Committee on the Barron Report of the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights.
I am not aware of what happened at a meeting of a committee of the Houses today. As the Deputy is aware from the inquiry and the reports of it by Mr. Justice Barron, it is clear throughout them that there is an identified location where activities were going on and that was highlighted a number of times. Mr. Justice Barron definitely wrote a considerable amount about that in his first report. It is a serious matter.
As the Deputy is aware, I have raised previously that after the Dublin and Monaghan bombings not a great deal of activity seems to have happened around that issue for whatever reason. It is through the work we had done here, the groups I got together and through the work of the late Mr. Justice Hamilton and Mr. Justice Barron that much of this information was uncovered. The Garda investigations into these matters closed in August 1974, which I have always said was extraordinary. It would be more extraordinary if the Deputy told me today that a senior Garda who was on duty at that time would have known that and that the inquiry was still closed in August 1974.
That information was known prior to the event.
We cannot have a debate on the matter. I call Deputy Rabbitte.
That is significant. The newer investigation being undertaken by senior counsel is looking at those aspects. That work continues and co-operation with the British Government has continued over the summer months.
I take it from what the Taoiseach has said that there is no backing away from the 24 November on the part of the two Governments. Has he thought about what would be the correct course of action if there were no progress from the talks in Scotland? Is there any point in persisting until 24 November if there is none? Would it not be better to call it a day at that stage?
Do I misinterpret the comments of the preparation for Government committee of the DUP as suggesting it is not ready to share power? If I do not, is the best way to test the DUP's mettle for Sinn Féin to declare its support for policing in Northern Ireland? Has there been any progress in the summer months in respect of the likelihood of Sinn Féin taking its seats on the policing board?
If things do not proceed as we hope they will, what is the Taoiseach's expectation of what will happen to the North-South bodies in any new dispensation? Will it be possible for them to continue in existence and will it be possible to expand their role?
How does the Taoiseach respond to statements, made during private discussions a number of us have held with senior members of the DUP, to the effect that they have come to grips with many issues in recent times and are prepared to see a form of democracy return to Northern Ireland in the form of devolved institutions but are damned if they are going to co-operate with an arbitrary date set by the two Governments? They say that is not the way to make progress and that they will do so in their own time rather than respond to the fixing of an arbitrary date by the British and Irish Governments.
The Deputy asked a number of questions and I will answer the last one first. I know the arguments the DUP makes but they cannot say it is an arbitrary date because it is one the British Government fixed at Cabinet level and enshrined in legislation which was passed by the House of Lords and the House of Commons. They cannot blame the Irish Government if it is a date embedded in their own legislation via a legislative assembly in which they have considerable participation.
We argued from January until spring this year that a reasonable amount of time should be allowed for serious dialogue with the parties in the absence of the issues which previously existed, such as the IRA being active or the International Monitoring Commission's inability to produce accurate reports on the progress of decommissioning. We suggested we leave it for the entire year so the end of the November was fixed as a suitable date and transposed into legislation. On that basis I put considerable effort into persuading parties to agree to the recommencement on 15 May of the Assembly so that dialogue could take place and committees meet. If I had not been able to say that, more than one party would have refused to enter into the Assembly to get things moving again and to stay with it for a prolonged period. That was the right call. The date is set in legislation and people cannot keep pushing it back. The British Government is as firm as the Irish on that.
The North-South bodies and other mechanisms that exist have been operating on a temporary basis and in their own way have proved satisfactory and led to some progress. However, it is nothing compared with what we should have achieved. The North-South bodies should have been much enhanced and more progress made. They have existed on a caretaker basis which has held back a number of decisions, including some legislative measures we were to deal with in this House. That is an unsatisfactory position.
Deputy Rabbitte asked what would happen if we had to move on to a plan B. We have held detailed discussions with the British Government on how to deal with new arrangements on the basis of partnership. It is not my preferred way but we have made constitutional changes and made concessions in many areas. The North-South element is very important and new partnership arrangements must embrace those issues in a very substantive way. As the Deputy pointed out to me previously, including in written form some years ago, there are legislative implications which we cannot just set aside. The Attorney General has consistently made clear that they are important issues and I made that point very clearly to the British Government at the meeting in November.
I hope it does not come to that but all the parties in Northern Ireland must decide in the next few months if they really want to share power based on the strength of their parties, which is the basis of the Good Friday Agreement. That is the only way of governing Northern Ireland because of the unique situation there. It is not like this State or other places and the Agreement is the basis for it so people cannot stand back from it.
On policing, it is important that Sinn Féin commits completely to policing in the context of an agreement, which is necessary in Northern Ireland. There has been ongoing dialogue on that issue but I cannot be sure what Sinn Féin will do. I hope we can make progress in that area. It is essential because we will not persuade the DUP or others to agree unless that is resolved.
Does the Taoiseach share my total frustration and annoyance, and that of many people on this island, at the delaying tactics of the DUP, especially in recent days? Yesterday the sub-committee on the Barron report met victims, including Stephen Travers of the Miami showband massacre, the Dundalk families and others who gave evidence and made oral submissions. We heard of their grief and hurt and their serious allegations of collusion at the time. Will the Taoiseach strongly raise these issues with the British Government? Many of these victims are very concerned that the same mistakes will be made again whereby everybody retreats into a cushy silence and there is no movement from certain quarters in the North in respect of these talks. This is a very important issue.
I wish to raise very strongly the recent incident of the intimidation of an official of the Department of Foreign Affairs in the North, who I believe was doing much valuable work assisting people in Unionist communities. I ask the Taoiseach to point out that this is not acceptable to anybody on this island, especially when it happens to one of our own civil servants. What is the exact situation in regard to that?
I attended the sub-committee on the Barron report this morning and, as Deputy Ó Caoláin mentioned earlier, new information is coming forward about information the Garda had at the time of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings. I urge the Taoiseach to raise these issues with the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and with the British Government. If the November deadline is blocked by the DUP and not reached, will the Taoiseach consider the sensible proposal, which many Members of this House, notwithstanding some cynics, support, of allowing Northern Irish elected representatives to sit and participate in debates in this House?
How was plan B, reported in the newspapers, formulated and is the Taoiseach satisfied there has been sufficient consultation will all parties involved to ensure it will not set back progress and make it more difficult to make an agreement? Will plan B be on the agenda of next month's multi-party talks in St. Andrew's? Following my attendance and that of other Members of this House at the British-Irish Association conference in Oxford the Taoiseach will be aware of considerable and growing reports of the sectarian gulf in many communities, which is growing apace irrespective of the levels of violence. It seems to be ingrained and to be getting worse in the absence of political progress. Does the Taoiseach see a role for the non-sectarian parties, which find it difficult in the climate of a polarised society? Will he ensure that any consultation takes into account their importance in developing a normal society and that, regardless of their size, they are engaged to ensure that sectarian gulf in bridged at every opportunity?
I will continue to raise the issues mentioned by Deputy McGrath. I consistently engage with at least ten such groups on issues including the shooting of Mr. Pat Finucane and the Miami Showband massacre. I make the case to the British Government and to the Northern Ireland Office and my officials will continue to do so. I will return to the Deputy's point on the Civil Service.
Deputy Sargent's point about the sectarian gulf continues to be of major concern because in some of these communities overcoming these issues is difficult. We are trying, through every channel, including the Ulster Political Research Group, the reconciliation fund for North-South and Anglo-Irish co-operation, the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Ireland Fund from the United States and the economic initiative to change that position as much as possible through the education system and co-operation among religious institutions to break down those barriers of mistrust and to work with the initiative to remove graffiti and flags. The parties are working directly to build cross-party contacts and dialogue. Sinn Féin has been doing this for some time. This is important.
Deputy McGrath raised an important point about a member of our Civil Service. The PSNI informed us that it had reason to believe there was a threat against an Irish official working closely with loyalist communities. Measures were taken to ensure the officer's safety. It was a matter of concern and we went to some efforts to deal with it. Beyond that I do not propose to comment on the details of individual cases. We all join in deploring this threat. Some of the strongest condemnations came from within the loyalist communities. Several loyalist leaders underlined the importance of the work the individual had been doing to assist their communities. While the incident will not diminish our determination to do all we can to assist the process of transformation in loyalism, we had to take protective measures for the individual official.
Written Answers follow Adjournment Debate.