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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 1 Mar 2007

Vol. 632 No. 6

Adjournment Debate.

Human Rights Issues.

I welcome the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Conor Lenihan, and point out to him that this is an important matter relating to the issue of extraordinary rendition. We debated this issue last summer with regard to Senator Marty's report. The matter was subsequently further investigated and went to the European Parliament. A resolution emanated from that Parliament on 14 February.

Both the Senator Marty report and the European Parliament's resolution were highly critical of the Irish Government and the manner in which it dealt with the issues of extraordinary rendition, the transportation of detainees and the use of Irish airports by Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, operated aircraft. Senator Marty said the United States had "progressively woven a clandestine spider's web of disappearances, secret detentions and unlawful interstate transfers, spun with the collaboration or tolerance of Council of Europe members".

He went on to mention member states of the European Union, including Ireland, that could be held responsible for active or passive collusion — in the sense of having tolerated or having been negligent in fulfilling the duty to supervise — involving secret detention and unlawful interstate transfers of persons whose identity so far remains unknown. He felt Ireland in particular could be responsible, in this sense, for permitting the use of Shannon airport for the stopover of flights involving the unlawful transfer of detainees.

After the debate here last summer, the matter went before a temporary committee while it was addressed separately by the Council of Europe. A report was then sent to the European Parliament which concluded in the following terms on the subject of "the alleged use of European countries by the CIA for the transportation and illegal detention of prisoners":

The European Parliament welcomes the testimony given to the temporary committee by the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs on behalf of the Irish Government as well as his unequivocal criticism of the process of extraordinary rendition.

However, they noted that "he failed to answer all the questions in relation to the concerns that Irish airports may have been used by CIA aircraft travelling to or from extraordinary rendition missions, as in the case of Abu Omar".

The European Parliament thanked the Irish Human Rights Commission for its testimony and endorsement of the view which considered that "the acceptance by the Irish Government of diplomatic assurances would not fulfil Ireland's human rights obligations". The diplomatic assurances that the Minister so often quotes are not regarded as adequate by the European Parliament or the Irish Human Rights Commission.

The European Parliament made reference to human rights obligations that would oblige the Government to actively seek to prevent any actions that could in any way facilitate torture or ill-treatment in Ireland or abroad. It went on to say it regretted the decision of the Irish Government not to follow the Irish Human Rights Commission's advice in the matter. The European Parliament wrote that it noted the 147 stopovers made by CIA operated aircraft at Irish airports and expressed concern about the purpose of those flights which came from or were bound for countries linked with extraordinary rendition circuits and the transfer of detainees. They deplored the stopovers in Ireland of aircraft that had been shown to have been used by the CIA, on other occasions, for the extraordinary rendition. They go on to name and number the people taken in this fashion.

The European Parliament noted the absence of Irish parliamentary scrutiny of either Irish or foreign intelligence services and the potential for abuse that this created. They considered that, in the absence of a system of random searches, a ban should be imposed on all CIA operated aircraft landing in Ireland. They urged the Government to agree to launch a parliamentary inquiry into the use of Irish territory as part of the CIA rendition circuit.

I propose that the Government take on board the resolution passed by the European Parliament that urged it to set up a parliamentary inquiry. It could be established under the auspices of the Committee on Foreign Affairs or the Committee on European Affairs or a joint sub-committee of these committees. The inquiry would examine the circumstances I have outlined and report back to the Dáil. The House would then take action arising from the findings of the report.

The European Parliament and Council of Europe are not satisfied that all questions have been answered. It is not good enough to constantly reiterate the mantra that the Government has received categorical assurances from the highest authorities in the United States. More definite information is needed.

The Government has made clear on several occasions its response to the report of the European Parliament's temporary committee examining extraordinary rendition and I do not propose to repeat its response in detail. I will, however, again place on record the Government's unequivocal condemnation of extraordinary rendition, whether it emanates from friendly or hostile powers. I also repeat that we welcome certain aspects of the report, in particular its effective confirmation that prisoners were never transferred through Irish territory. This is a matter on which Ireland has received unparalleled assurances from the United States authorities, which are of a different quality and clarity from those received by most other countries. Ireland was the first country to raise this issue with the United States authorities and has taken the lead in the European Union in highlighting it.

It is a matter of serious disappointment that the temporary committee of the European Parliament squandered the opportunity to examine how to prevent, or at least deter, extraordinary rendition in future. This failure exposes some of the committee's members to the allegation that they were show-boating on the issue, rather than addressing the underlying problem.

As Dr. Maurice Manning, president of the Irish Human Rights Commission, has been reported as saying, the final report contains "a lot of political point-scoring". Such was the degree of partisanship in it, that I understand certain Irish MEPs on the TDIP committee felt they could not vote on the report.

As Deputies will be aware, extraordinary rendition in Europe has been the subject of investigations in the European Parliament and Council of Europe. The Government's policy of co-operation with these investigations is demonstrated by the fact the Minister for Foreign Affairs was one of only two Ministers for Foreign Affairs to attend a meeting of the European Parliament's committee in Brussels. At the Council of Europe, Ireland's response to a questionnaire circulated by the Secretary General was one of only nine of 46 member state responses which he adjudged to be sufficiently exhaustive as not to require further clarification. International evidence clearly shows that Ireland has been proactive and responsive on this matter.

The Minister of State must not have read the report or resolution.

If people want to electioneer or abuse the process by accusing the Government of being dilatory, it is not borne out by the facts.

Is the Minister of State referring to the European Parliament and Council of Europe?

It is a little rich to hear comment by some members of Deputy Costello's party whose record in human rights is not the best, given their previous associations with the Soviet regime, Kim Il Sung and Saddam Hussein, none of whom were exactly great pioneers in the development of human rights.

Closer to home, Seanad Éireann debated the establishment of a committee of inquiry as recently as 31 January. On that occasion and twice during the previous year Senators, having debated the issues, concluded there was a lack of evidence to justify the establishment of such a committee and rejected a motion similar in content to the Deputy's proposal. The subject has also been thoroughly examined in this House in debates and through parliamentary questions and last summer Dáil Éireann voted to endorse the Government's policy in this area.

These investigations have raised a number of questions which require to be addressed. Domestically, the Department of Foreign Affairs continues to engage with the Irish Human Rights Commission on issues relating to our obligations under international law, on which there is a clear difference of opinion. In this context, I am pleased to report that the IHRC has accepted an invitation from the Department to continue this dialogue and a date has been set for a meeting.

That is a red herring.

In following up on the concerns raised by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, about the regulation of international civil aviation, last week Ireland's Permanent Representative to the European Union raised with colleagues the need for the EU to consider what action it might take in this area. Separately, officials from the Departments of Foreign Affairs and Transport will travel to Switzerland in March to discuss issues relating to transiting aircraft with other states in Ireland's International Civil Aviation Organisation grouping.

Against this background of early and transparent action by the Government, extensive international inquiries and consistent Oireachtas involvement, there is no basis for believing the establishment of a committee, as proposed by the Deputy, would achieve anything.

The establishment of an inquiry has also been proposed by the European Parliament.

I oppose this motion as it constitutes further show-boating on this matter by the Labour Party, some of whose stellar and leading members have human rights records which are not as pure as driven snow given their associations with the Soviet Union, North Korea and the former leader of Iraq.

This is the most despicable reply I have received since my election to the House. Nothing in it relates to the European Parliament's report.

Noise Pollution.

I welcome the opportunity to raise with the Minister of State, Deputy Conor Lenihan, the issue of road traffic related noise. The M50 runs through my constituency, from Leopardstown through Stepaside, Sandyford, Ballinteer, Rathfarnham, Edmondstown, Ballyboden and Knocklyon. I raise the need for noise abatement measures in that context, although the issue has acquired national relevance as a result of the growth in traffic volumes nationwide. While the Minister of State does not have responsibility for the environment, he will be aware of the problem I raise because he represents an adjoining constituency which is also affected by traffic related noise.

The environmental impact statements prepared for road proposals contain noise predictions. While Ireland does not have national standards, the British standard, under which decibel levels above the value of 74 are regarded as meriting noise abatement measures, are usually accepted. The nub of the problem is that traffic volumes and, consequently, noise levels, on the M50 and its approach roads are infinitely greater than predicted.

Having stood in the front gardens or at the front doors of constituents, it is not an exaggeration to state it is impossible to carry on a conversation in some of them because one cannot hear oneself speak. It is easy to imagine the impact of such continuous noise levels on families' quality of life. This appalling noise occurs night and day, during the week and at weekends. One does not need to be a medical expert to know that living permanently in this type of environment will impact on general health and well-being as well as hearing.

While I accept the need for new motorways and roads, many people in my constituency are being asked to pay too high a price in order that the rest of us can have better roads. The problem is not confined to the M50 motorway. Many of its approach roads are worse because no attempt has been made to provide noise abatement measures on them. None of this would matter if the motorway cut through green pastures but in the greater Dublin area, specifically my constituency of Dublin South, the M50 ploughs through residential suburbia where hundreds and thousands of people are raising families and hoping to live in peace.

The reason I raise this issue at this time is that two opportunities are emerging to address the problem. The first of these is the upgrade of the M50. It would be unthinkable and unforgivable to increase the capacity of the motorway and consequently the noise levels to which families would be subjected, while ignoring the opportunity to increase robust and effective noise amelioration measures. The implementation of European Union directive 2002/49/EC presents a second opportunity to address the issue. The directive requires that all populated areas are mapped to establish noise levels. While this is a welcome development, unfortunately there is no timescale for the implementation of action plans to deal with the problems identified as part of the mapping process. The M50 will produce the most severe noise hot spots. I ask the Minister to ensure these areas are accorded urgent priority for action to ameliorate noise levels in advance of any timescale for action laid down by the European Union.

I cannot overstate the constant, injurious and mind-numbing unpleasantness caused to residents by unprotected proximity to major roads. The Government must act immediately to protect these residents or face court cases which will force it to do so.

I thank the Deputy for the opportunity to deal with this important issue. The Roads Act 1993 firmly places responsibility for the planning and supervision of works for the construction and maintenance of national roads, including the M50, on the National Roads Authority, NRA. Issues relating to noise pollution and other environmental issues are dealt with during the planning approval process.

The M50 motorway and all its approach roads have experienced massive traffic growth in line with the significant economic and employment growth of recent years and the consequent increase in rates of car ownership. The current position is that the M50 is operating beyond its designed capacity. Average annual daily traffic flows on several sections of the motorway are in excess of 85,000 vehicles. As a result, congestion occurs at peak times. The Government and the NRA are fully committed to improving the level of service provided to motorists on the M50. This will be best achieved through the M50 upgrade project along with the move to barrier-free tolling.

The upgrade project involves the widening of some 32 km of motorway from two to three lanes in each direction, with a fourth auxiliary lane in places, from the M50-M1 interchange near Dublin Airport through to the Sandyford interchange, and the upgrade of ten junctions along this length. The total cost of the upgrade is some €1 billion and it is being undertaken in three phases. Phase one comprises the widening of the carriageway between the N4 Galway Road roundabout and Ballymount interchanges and the upgrading of the N4, N7 and Ballymount interchanges. Work has commenced and is expected to be completed by mid-2008.

Phase two comprises the widening of 24 km of the M50, other than the West Link section between the N3 and N4 junctions, and the upgrade of interchanges. The NRA aims to award the contract for phase two in mid-2007 and expects that construction will be completed in 2010. Phase three comprises the widening of the West Link section between the N3 and N4 junctions, which is expected to commence in spring 2007 and to be completed by mid-2008.

It is against this background that I will now turn to the specific issue raised by the Deputy. The M50 upgrade is a major infrastructure project by any standards. The delivery of the project is immensely complicated by the need to carry out the work under live traffic conditions. This imposes serious constraints on those carrying out the works and on motorists using the facility. It is simply not possible to implement a project of this scale without incurring a worsening of traffic conditions and causing a certain amount of unavoidable disruption to the lives of people living in the vicinity of these works.

The NRA informs me it is aware of its obligations pursuant to European Directive 2002/49/EC, which was transposed into Irish law by the Environmental Noise Regulations, SI 140 of 2006, by the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government. The arrangements entered into between the NRA and local authorities in the Dublin area provide for the NRA to carry out noise mapping on all national roads outside the agglomeration of Dublin. The various local authorities will be charged with mapping the M50 itself and all roads within their administrative areas with traffic volumes in excess of 6 million per annum. Moreover, section 7 of the Environmental Noise Regulations 2006 places the responsibility for developing action plans to deal with noise issues on the local authorities.

I am assured by the NRA that it is striving to find a balance between the need to complete the much needed upgrade of the M50 as early as possible while at the same time mitigating the negative impacts of construction. For example, the NRA, local authorities and Garda are co-operating closely to ensure everything possible is done to mitigate the impact of the work on traffic flows. In addition, the NRA and the contractors are working to strict noise abatement constraints that were imposed as part of the planning approval granted by An Bord Pleanála. The imposition of these constraints is adding to the length of time it will take to complete the works.

I am informed that the works are on target for completion within their respective deadlines. I expect that when the works are completed, residents of the areas affected will notice a significant reduction in the noise generated by both the construction works themselves and by passing traffic.

The Dáil adjourned at 5.05 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 6 March 2007.
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