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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 17 Apr 2008

Vol. 652 No. 1

Twenty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2008: Second Stage (Resumed).

Atairgeadh an cheist: "Go léifear an Bille an Dara hUair anois."
Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

It is ironic to note, when we have just had a vote on many of the issues which are for debate in the course of this referendum campaign, that if the referendum was passed and the Lisbon treaty of reform was passed and approved by all Europeans, the kind of problems now faced by the agri-food sector probably would not occur at all.

I should mention that some years ago I was Chairman of the Joint Committee on European Affairs, as I am now. At that time we set out a series of objectives. We identified the issues that we felt needed attention to ensure member states were not disadvantaged by any decision taken by the Commission, the Council or the European Parliament. It is interesting that most of the issues we raised at that time — to our surprise — have been address in the Lisbon treaty of reform. We did not expect that but it is indicative of the fact that somebody somewhere was listening. I compliment the Taoiseach and the Ministers, former and current, who listened to what we had to say at that time, obviously took it on board and used it, as we had done, among the European institutions with a view to ensuring it was possible for smaller countries to retain their position, to be part and parcel of the European scene notwithstanding the proposal to reduce the number of commissioners and to rearrange the Council and its operation.

We all recognise that it is not a question of Ireland joining Europe. We have got away from that notion which we held for some time. We now recognise that we are Europeans, that we are part and parcel of Europe and that we have a meaningful, constructive and important role to play in the Europe of today and the future. If we do not accept our responsibilities in that area, if we shirk, shilly-shally and equivocate, that will be seen by all around as well and it would not be consistent with the attitude we have adopted.

We do not shilly-shally.

I am glad to hear we do not shilly-shally. Sitting on a fence is a dangerous and sore place, as Deputy McGrath will know the longer he sits on it.

I never sit on the fence.

Through the Chair——

I can only protect Deputy Durkan if he speaks through the Chair.

I was being provoked, Acting Chairman. When I get provoked I lose control of myself completely. I apologise entirely.

I want to say this for the benefit of my heckler who, I am told, is waiting for a call at present. In that situation, as elected Members of a sovereign Parliament——

He is knocking on a different door.

He had the wrong door. There was silence from that one. There would be an echo.

As Members of Parliament with a mandate from the people, whether those inside or outside like it or not, we have a responsibility to the people who elect us. We then must represent those people and their best interests in the interests of the country and in the interests of the community at large. We, on all sides of the House, have done that.

It is also extraordinary that the majority of the membership of the House happens to be of the same opinion on the issue of the Lisbon treaty of reform. There are those who state that is not democratic enough——

——that there should be room and space in Parliament for those who do not hold that view. There is, and there was. It happened less than a year ago and if the people did not see fit to provide for that way of thinking, then it is not possible to arrange. One cannot arrange democracy. One cannot configure it in such a way. Our proportional representation system has already catered for that — the majority and one's second, third, fourth and up to tenth choice. Everything is provided for in the electoral system of this country. The only system remotely like it is the Australian one. Therefore, I reject the notion that every such position has not been provided for.

That said, I agree it is always beneficial to hear the opposite side of the argument because it forces those who are on the other side to bring forward their best argument. Let us hear it. Let us put it forward, analyse it and dissect it and let us then make a decision.

That is beneficial to the public at large, it is beneficial to the elected representatives and it is beneficial to the country.

Sadly and wrongly, all politicians seem to reach the conclusion that when something goes wrong one should blame Brussels for it being wrong because they did not do what they should have done. In fact, that is not the case at all. We are our own masters. We predetermine what happens in Brussels. We ourselves draw up the rules and regulations.

In this treaty there is specific provision for the member state parliaments to have a greater influence than they ever had previously, and that is by way of the Joint Committee on European Affairs of which I am chair and the Joint Committee on European Scrutiny which is chaired by Deputy John Perry. There is in place a vetting procedure that did not exist previously. It is significantly beneficial to Government, irrespective of who is in office. It is significantly beneficial to European institutions because they will know at a much earlier stage whether what they propose is in order and acceptable.

That is a good development, but I would voice one proviso. It is almost a veto. It is not a veto but it close to being one. The danger of any such situation is that the entire development and the evolution of the European concept may be slowed down. It is necessary to slow it down in some cases but in other cases, it is not a good thing. That argument has two sides. I ask that it be borne in mind by European institutions and national governments in the future that this is not intended to be a recipe to bring the European Union and the development of its institutions to a halt. It is merely to prevent those who decide to rush off on a solo run, like our friend Mr. Mandelson, and determine what they may well see as the best option in the EU's interests from doing so.

The new proposals whereby the Commission will now be divided up may be seen by some people as a disadvantage. We only have one third of representation over a 15-year period. I used to think this was a disadvantage and was a strong supporter of the notion that each country should retain its Commissioner. Of course, that would mean that some countries would retain two Commissioners. I have changed my mind. I believe the proposed system is much better, much safer and much more in the interests of smaller countries. It will defend the interests of the smaller countries in a much better way than allowing a situation where the Commissioner was referred by every country as "our Commissioner" to continue. It was never intended that a Commissioner would be referred to in that way by a national government or state. It was never intended that the Commission would become the property of member states. From the outset, it was always intended that the Commission would be the driving force and engine that drove the European Union on in a responsible and regulated way. What has happened in recent years is that we have all fallen into the trap of referring to what has become known as "our Commissioner". If everyone out of the 27 member states in the European Union has an "our Commissioner" attitude, we will ultimately find ourselves in a situation where it cannot go in 27 different directions. This only relates to the present situation because the Union will be larger.

There is a notion that the European Union has fulfilled all its objectives and that it is time to slow down, row back from the shore, go backwards, reassure and re-examine matters. There is an argument for slowing down from time to time but slowing down and bringing things to a halt are two very different issues. One of the things that needs to be remembered is that the entire Continent of Europe is a long way from being within the European Union. I know there are and always will be proposals in the future for enlargement. However, we also need to recognise that there are areas within Europe, for example, the western Balkans, which have, to say the least, caused friction in the past and are likely to cause friction in the future unless specific action is taken. I know the Acting Chairman is about to tell me to stop. I can see the hair standing up on the back of his neck and can see him getting ready to tell me that my time is up.

I merely wish to remind the Deputy that one minute remains.

I thought it was something that he had in mind and my worst fears have been realised. Can I say that it takes a little bit longer than the ten minutes available to us to develop all the themes relating to this issue?

I honestly believe that the Lisbon treaty is an honest treaty that does more to address the issues of concern we had than any other treaty I have seen heretofore. One cannot have a treaty that will meet all the requirements of every member state, be they 27 or 37. However, it does go down the road of addressing the issues that have concerned us in this country and many other people throughout Europe over the past four or five years. If Europe progresses for the next 50 years as much as it did in the past 55 years, it will do well. I hope that this is the legacy that the current generation of Europeans could well hand over to the next generation and that it would be a good one.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I am delighted to get the opportunity to speak on the EU reform treaty, or the Lisbon treaty as it is commonly known. We can all accept that since Ireland joined the EU in 1973, our involvement has helped shape our economy and our society in an extremely positive manner. EU membership has been a key factor in the growth in employment and prosperity which has come our way in recent years. For Ireland, it has provided the foundations for unrivalled economic development and has been a positive factor in the development of Irish life. The reform treaty will allow the EU to continue to positively influence Ireland. The EU has helped Ireland to develop our strong and distinctive voice on international affairs and to have an influence way beyond the size of the island itself.

Our membership of the EU is one of the factors that has enabled this State to consistently punch above its weight. Our young people no longer need to emigrate. As we all know, we see significant immigration, particularly from our fellow EU member states. Membership of the EU has served us very well and will continue to serve us well.

To put it simply, the reform treaty, as the name suggests, will reform the way in which the EU does its business. After half a century of EU integration, there will clearly be a need for the arrangements governing the Union to be brought up to date so we can ensure that they meet the needs of today's Europe. The reform treaty makes a series of positive changes which will make the Union function far more effectively and efficiently. For example, the amended treaty on the European Union will eliminate the old distinction between the European Union and the European Community. It will provide for a single legal entity, the European Union, which, in formal legal terms, will replace and succeed the European Community once the reform treaty has been ratified. The European Union, which is given explicit legal personality, will fulfil the tasks of the current European Community as well as those provided for in the current treaty on European Union. The Union's current laws and all other aspects of its legal order will continue to remain in force.

The reform treaty will continue to pay attention to the wider purposes of the Union. It will highlight the values and objectives of the Union, for example, democracy and respect for human rights. It strikes a balance between the social and the economic goals of the Union. It aims towards full employment, social progress and combating social exclusion and discrimination. It also stresses the need to ensure balanced growth and competitiveness.

The EU has been to the fore in the advancement of gender equality over the years. Many concrete improvements in the lives of Irish women, such as the right to equal pay, were brought about by our membership of the Union. This is something we have been reminded of in recent days with the sad passing of the former President, Dr. Patrick Hillery, ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam dhílis, who as European Commissioner for Social Affairs, played a key role in the directive on equal pay. The new reform treaty will copperfasten the importance the Union gives to equality and, in particular, to gender equality. It will do so most visibly by specifically referring to gender equality as a value common to EU member states. It also clearly states that the promotion of equality between men and women is an objective that the Union will strive for.

A new horizontal "social article" will require the Union in its work to promote a high level of employment, adequate social protection and a high level of education, training and protection of human health. The reform treaty will also give special recognition to "services of general economic interest", which will include services with a public good.

Another important innovation in the reform treaty concerns EU accession to the European Convention on Human Rights. In the words of the Convention working group, this is intended to "give a strong political signal of the coherence between the Union and the "greater Europe" reflected in the Council of Europe and its pan-European human rights system".

During the treaty negotiations, some member states sought to include a stronger reference to Europe's Christian heritage, an understandable desire when one considers that the European region was known as Christendom for hundreds of years before it was known as Europe. Ireland could have supported such a reference, but it was not possible to agree the wording. However, a new treaty article recognises the specific contribution of the churches and, for the first time, provides for an open, transparent and regular dialogue with them. This has been widely welcomed by the churches and faith organisations.

It is in our interests to have a regional and international environment which allows us to consolidate and build upon the great economic gains we have made in recent years. The treaty will enable Ireland and the Union to continue to prosper. It is important to remember that the creation and maintenance of the EU Single Market allows Ireland, a country of 4 million people, access to a market of 500 million people. The treaty will enable Ireland to continue to create a business-friendly environment, one which has seen the level of employment in this country grow from 1 million when we joined the Union in 1973 to 2 million today. The treaty will not challenge either Ireland's foreign direct investment policy or broader national enterprise policy. This point cannot be understated. All member states will remain free to determine their own policies in these areas subject to state aid and competition rules and other areas of EU competence. The reform treaty does not change this position.

In the reform treaty, qualified majority voting is the standard decision making mechanism in the common commercial policy. However, there are some important qualifications. The Council is to act unanimously in the areas of trade in services, intellectual property and foreign direct investment where the negotiations cover issues for which unanimity is required internally. An important example of this is the area of taxation. Under the reform treaty, Ireland continues to have the right to determine how our fiscal policy is developed and applied. For us, this is a key aspect of enterprise policy for both the indigenous and foreign direct investment sectors. The treaty will, therefore, allow Ireland to continue to attract vital foreign investors.

In 1972, just before we joined the Union, foreign direct investment was just €16 million. Today it is measured in billions. The most recent IDA annual report indicated that, in 2006 alone, there was new capital investment of €2.6 billion; €470 million was invested in new research, development and innovation projects. Multinational companies employed more than 135,000 people, with an annual payroll of €15 billion, and paid an estimated €2.8 billion in corporation tax. It should also be borne in mind that hundreds of thousands of other Irish people are employed indirectly as a result, often in the small and medium-sized sector.

Ireland has a vital interest in a well functioning EU. We have benefited greatly from Europe and we want to retain our role as an active and committed EU member. This Government will make every effort to secure a positive outcome in the forthcoming referendum. It is in the best interests of the people of Ireland that Ireland be an integral part of the reform treaty.

I thank the Minister for sharing time. The challenges facing Ireland's jobs, environment and competitiveness are global. Against climate change, rising energy costs, transnational crime and global economic downturns our capacity, acting alone, to defend our interest is minimal. Ireland's sovereignty, power and strength is, after all, that capacity to act for our people in defending Ireland's prosperity, safeguarding its environment and protecting the jobs and livelihoods which Irish families have worked so hard to build. However, the capacity to act, although minimal when acting alone, is enhanced and increased extraordinarily through the unique partnership that is the European Union, as seen in the free market, practical co-operation and the greater clout on the world stage which membership has given us. The reform treaty increases Ireland's capacity to act even further. It cuts bureaucracy, tackles inefficiency and speeds up decision making, delivering a Union more responsive to our citizens and more accountable to the Oireachtas. The EU empowers us and the treaty empowers us further. We have done well out of the EU and this treaty will allow us to do better.

I will briefly speak about the role of the Union on the international stage. The treaty aims to make the Union more coherent and effective as a campaigning voice in international fora. The challenges facing the world today do not recognise national borders. Climate change, natural disasters, internecine wars and trafficking in persons or, indeed, terrorism spill across national boundaries. Acting alone, we can achieve little, but by pooling sovereignty we can make, and have made, a difference. Climate change is one of the greatest environmental, social and economic threats facing our planet. The warming of the climate system is happening, as is now evident from observations of increases in global air and ocean temperatures, widespread melting of snow and ice and rising global mean sea level. Projected global warming this century is likely to trigger serious consequences for humanity and other life forms, including a rise in sea levels which will endanger coastal areas and small islands. As an island nation we should be very concerned about it. We are already witnessing greater frequency and severity of extreme weather events.

What has any of this to do with the European Union and the reform treaty? It has everything to do with it. The EU is to the forefront of international efforts to combat climate change. Kyoto would not have happened without the EU. The UN framework convention on climate change reached in Bali in December was achieved because the EU herded the United States, China and India into a binding agreement. These countries signed up to emissions targets for the first time. That is real progress, and it was achieved through the efforts of the European Union.

Today, the EU is the largest donor of humanitarian aid in the world. Some 56% of all development assistance delivered by major industrialised countries is provided by the EU. The primary objective of EU development co-operation is the eradication of poverty in the context of sustainable development, including the pursuit of the UN millennium development goals. These are not simply lofty aspirations couched in fancy rhetoric. They are real commitments, which range from the eradication of extreme poverty to halting the spread of HIV/AIDS. I am pleased the EU chooses to focus the majority of its resources on Africa, which is suffering the worst ravages of war, natural disasters and the affliction of HIV/AIDS. Our assistance is unconditional; it does not matter if the disaster is natural or man-made.

Much will be heard in the coming weeks and months about the Union's common foreign and security policy. Those promoting a "No" vote will suggest it is a cloak for increased militarisation and a surrender of our policy of military neutrality. This is quite simply false. What it actually does is provide the Union with the capacity to respond to crisis situations such as those that engulfed the Balkans in the 1990s. The European Union stands indicted for its inaction in the Balkans. It is regrettable for me and many other citizens of Europe that it was left to another superpower to deal with a problem on our border and within our Continent. We witnessed the deaths of thousands of people through acts of genocide. We must work to ensure that such an event never befalls Europe again. In the five years since the first European security and defence policy mission was launched in 2003, the Union has conducted over 20 such missions, the great majority being civilian rule of law missions, such as the ongoing police mission in Bosnia.

For Ireland, the key point is that participation by Irish soldiers in any peacekeeping mission, whether led by the UN, the EU or others, has always been and always will be a sovereign decision of this State, and the legal requirements of the triple lock of Government decision, Dáil approval and UN authorisation must be respected. Nothing in the reform treaty changes this in any way, and there is no change in the rule that any one member state can veto a proposed mission by the EU if it disagrees with it. I was shocked last week to hear an Opposition Deputy, in the course of the debate and advocating a "No" vote, describe the Irish Defence Forces' participation in the UN-mandated, EU-led peacekeeping mission to Chad and the Central African Republic as a "military adventure". It is incredibly disrespectful and shows absolute contempt for our Defence Forces to describe our peacekeeping troops in such a manner. I realise that regard for the Irish Defence Forces by some on the "No" side is to some extent coloured by past history. It is pitiful to think that a mission with a central purpose of peacekeeping being carried out in a highly dangerous battle zone is thought of as a military escapade. Thankfully, the Irish people value the proud tradition of peacekeeping a little more than some on the "No" side.

In turbulent economic times, security is to be found in a solid trading bloc that speaks with a single voice. No longer do we find ourselves second-guessing currency speculators in an attempt to insulate our economy. We were told by the naysayers that economic and monetary union would result in a flight of Irish capital and the loss of thousands of jobs. A noted campaigner on the "No" side, Professor Anthony Coughlan warned, "the euro is a key instrument for eroding national defences against the dangerous effects of economic globalisation, which transmit downturns in some major economies rapidly to others". On the contrary, the EMU has helped us create thousands of jobs and we have become the envy of the industrialised world. In this and every claim made by Professor Coughlan and his kind over the past 30 years, they were wrong in their interpretation and understanding of the positive impact and benefits of membership of the EU for Ireland and other member states.

My final point cannot be repeated often enough. Due to European integration there has been the longest continuous period of peace on the European continent. There has not been a 60-year stretch of peace in Europe since the congress of Vienna. I can say with some confidence that hopefully my children will never witness a war in which European states are locked in combat with one another. That is great and is a recognition that the EU's approach in its recognition of the importance of using military for the purpose of defence and protection is good and is not, as others suggest, militarisation for its own sake.

When leadership on the world stage has been required, Europe has stepped forward. I am proud that Ireland is a member of a community with a strong voice that is listened to by the international community. Ireland's ability to influence the global challenges facing the world is determined by our relative strength within the Union. Little can be gained from alienating our colleagues. To put it more bluntly, Ireland can achieve little on its own in the context of the global challenges facing our planet. As a committed member of the EU, we can achieve a lot.

The treaty represents a very good outcome for Ireland. On issues of major sensitivity, such as unanimity in the taxation and defence areas and the general principle of equality among member states, we have secured a good result. The Minister has outlined that, particularly related to the retention of the veto on taxation policy despite the desires of others to drive towards a common, consolidated tax base. Nothing in the Lisbon treaty will allow that to happen, but the treaty will reaffirm Ireland's position to retain the veto.

No Irish interest would be served by creating a political crisis in Europe by turning our backs on a treaty that was to a considerable extent "made in Ireland" and that responds to our needs and aspirations. As we face current and future challenges on our domestic front, such as the need to safeguard the livelihoods and quality of life of our citizens, Ireland's membership of the EU is as vital as ever. Imagine for a second if we had to face the current uncertainty in the global economy on our own, outside of the European monetary system. A key section of the treaty is devoted to setting out the values and democratic principles on which the Union is based. It specifies that the Union is founded on "representative democracy" and makes it clear that "every citizen shall have the right to participate in the democratic life of the Union."

The treaty contains concrete measures that will enhance democracy within the Union. It strengthens the role of national parliaments by giving them a direct input into European legislation. The provision whereby a sufficient number of national parliaments can object to a particular proposal is a genuine step forward. It will enable national parliaments to ensure that the Union does not exceed its authority. I recognise the efforts this Parliament is making through the establishment of the Joint Committee on European Scrutiny chaired by Deputy John Perry. Its role as a stand-alone committee is critically important to retaining an oversight of the proposals coming from the European Commission and one which is most welcome.

The treaty gives national parliaments a right to veto any proposal to move issues from unanimity in the European Council or Council of Ministers to qualified majority voting, QMV. It is important that point is made because some on the "No" side suggest this treaty has the capacity to move certain elements from majority to QMV in the future and that is unacceptable.

I hope, as others have said, that the Irish people will examine this treaty as a whole, the comments, the people supporting it, the various social partners and interests which have come out behind it, and that they will come out and vote "Yes" to the continuous development and evolution of the EU.

I thank the Cathaoirleach for this opportunity to speak on the Lisbon treaty. It is good that the Government has selected a date, although it will be late in the political calendar and well into June. I do not know if all those who have holiday homes in Ireland and abroad will be able to return to their usual residences to vote. The fate of the treaty will depend on voting outturns and, so far, in the public debates and fora, including those sponsored by the National Forum on Europe, the people broadly in favour of a "Yes" vote are less motivated to vote with the degree of zeal and vigour that many in the "No" camp seem to feel.

I want to refer to what happened after a Labour Party meeting in Liberty Hall on Monday night, which is indicative of the deeper currents that disturb people regarding the fundamentals of where we are going as a society and an economy. It is fine for the Government to be bullish and cheerful, and to say to construction workers who are losing their jobs, people in north Westmeath and the Coole electoral area who are losing valuable local employment that has been there for 30 years, that all this is all right and that the treaty does not impact on it. However, there are deeper currents of concern among people regarding where we are going as a society and an economy.

Monday night's Labour Party meeting was chaired by former Minister for Education, Niamh Bhreathnach, and speakers included the leader of the Labour Party, Deputy Gilmore, and Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP. A number of people were there who had no votes and no views and they were very agressive and agitated about the wider implications of this. It was not a free exchange of views in which people argued for and against the treaty with mutual respect, in particular the people arguing from a "No" point of view, some of whom were highly aggressive. They wanted to film all the speakers and had various media devices. That is all fine and good, but it is not a good sign when, after the meeting, somebody of the eminence, experience and commitment to democracy of Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP, is brought to the ground. At least one of the people involved sat on his back and he had to be rescued by the Garda. I do not know if the excitement or determination on the issue got the better of the people involved and they acted out of character, but what happened was wrong. It poses a question for people involved in both sides of the campaign that, while we need a debate, it is important to respect the views of those in both the "Yes" and the "No" camps. People with conscience, after due thought and examination of the issues, believe on balance that Ireland should vote "Yes" to this treaty.

Even if it is a small, unrepresentative fringe on the "No" side, it is not appropriate to treat people as some kind of political Antichrist or to treat them with disrespect, spilling over into the kind of episode that occurred after the recent Labour Party meeting. Thankfully, Mr. Prionsias De Rossa has made a full recovery from the shock of the ordeal but the episode was a very dangerous indicator of what can happen when people get carried away on European issues.

There is a small group of people in Ireland with general and genuine disagreements with the European Union about how certain policies have progressed, who have taken that further and ended up demonising the Union as carrying some responsibility for everything that is wrong in Irish society. Some might say that the Government, in a certain sense, has been provocative by blithely saying that all is right with everything and that everything that is good in Irish society is a product of the European Union. This then puts objectors into a box and forces them to argue that anything that is wrong with Irish society must be laid at the door of the European Union.

We must have a balanced debate. We need to have an adult debate about the future of the country, where we go from here and whether, on balance, saying "Yes" to the Lisbon treaty is in the economic and social interests of the broad mass of people in Ireland. The Labour Party believes that, on balance, voting "Yes" to Lisbon is in the interests of Irish people. We are not urging people to vote "Yes" because the European Union is perfect or because there are no serious issues to be addressed by the EU. We do not deny that there are serious inequalities throughout the European Union but we believe the EU, for all of its faults, offers a mechanism to make progress on a broad range of issues that affect people in Ireland. Giving the European Union the additional powers set out in the Lisbon treaty will help to make the EU better and more effective in terms of carrying out those actions that benefit Ireland and Irish people.

In that context, it must be recognised that a Union of 27 countries needs better and more effective procedures than those designed for a much smaller Union. Ratifying the Lisbon treaty will allow for several changes to the EU decision making process, such as more qualified majority voting, which will ensure that more timely and effective decisions can be made in terms of how the Union addresses its business.

Like many others, I was rather surprised by the recent statements of the French Finance Minister, Madame Christine Lagarde, in which she set out, very robustly, her views on the harmonisation of taxation in the European Union. She set forward views which would, very precisely and particularly, have a very negative impact on Ireland. People seem to think that Madame Lagarde's proposals largely deal with the rate of corporation tax. In fact, however, they go much further than that. They actually deal with the basis of taxation in terms of the revenue flows.

What she and the French Government, under Mr. Sarkozy, would like to see is that revenue flows from taxation would flow to those countries which have the largest populations and the largest number of consumers, whether at retail or commercial consumer level. Ireland is a small island with a population of just over 5 million and if one was to do a head count, vis-à-vis the mainland states of Europe, it would not emerge well from a change in the fundamental tax base which would calculate tax flows to different member states on the basis of population purchasing, which inevitably would reflect population size and commercial activity in the actual member states. Madame Lagarde is not simply talking about headquartering, but about what one might call real-time activity, real purchases and real transactions having their root and origin in a particular country. In other words, she is talking about determining where the purchases take place, where the goods and services are actually consumed and then designating tax flows on that basis. That would have very serious consequences for the Irish economy.

I understand that today the Taoiseach is seeking assurances from the President of the European Commission, Mr. José Manuel Durão Barroso, that we will have a watertight guarantee regarding these changes and, in effect, retain our veto. This kind of proposal, which does not, in the case of France, give any serious consideration to the interests of smaller member states is likely to give rise to justified apprehension about its economic impact on Ireland.

The Government carries a responsibility for not having a strong contact base with governments throughout the European Union. We are living off past capital in the European Union, rather than maintaining the depth of contact within the European Union which was once the hallmark of Irish Ministers in the past. During the period of the last Government, the number of meetings which various Ministers chose not to attend and at which they were represented by our ambassadors — who are excellent people, by the way — was notable. This Government has been foolish in that regard. At all ministerial Council meetings, ambassadors obviously rank below any serving Minister, in terms of presentation and presence. The Government must examine how it has prosecuted our active presence in Europe. Various Ministers, from the Minister of Finance down, have not been in a position to attend as many meetings as was the custom and practice in the past.

In terms of reasons to vote "Yes" to the Lisbon treaty, the issues of climate change and human trafficking are important. Such issues can only be addressed by a country like Ireland in the context of co-operation and collaboration with other members of the EU. Collaboration and co-operation on addressing the issue of climate change is a profound reason for voting "Yes" to the Lisbon treaty. If we want to see an end to the scourge of people trafficking and forced prostitution — particularly of women and children — in Europe, the best way to deal with it is through wider European co-operation. Such wider co-operation will be significantly enhanced if the Lisbon treaty is passed.

As a woman politician, when I weigh up the balance sheet of the positive and negative aspects of the EU and of Ireland's membership of the community since 1973 it is clear, for example, that issues such as equality for women in the workplace in terms of pay, working conditions, maternity leave and so forth have been infinitely progressed by our membership of the European Union. That is a specific reason people, in particular women, who are interested in equality should strongly consider voting "Yes" to reinforce the strong tradition of progress on equality issues in Europe.

Cuireadh an díospóireacht ar athló.

Debate adjourned.
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