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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 24 Sep 2008

Vol. 661 No. 1

Irish Economy: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann,

condemns the Government for:

its reckless economic policies over the last five years that undermined the stability and competitiveness of the Irish economy and that are now sabotaging our country's ability to withstand tougher economic times; and

its failure to respond swiftly and decisively to the mounting crisis and loss of confidence in the Irish economy;

in light of the deteriorating economic outlook, calls on the Government to start recovery in the Irish economy through a programme of reform and a budget that:

takes control of our public finances and secures and protects essential front line services;

avoids any increases in taxes by ensuring better value for money is achieved in public spending;

introduces an anti-inflationary strategy that reverses the relentless rise in prices across the economy;

allows house prices to return to fair values and does not compound its earlier mistakes by further attempts to use taxpayers' resources to support the property market; and

tackles the barriers that have been holding back growth in productivity, energy efficiency and exports across the economy.

I wish to share time with Deputies Kieran O'Donnell, Olivia Mitchell, Michael Ring and Simon Coveney.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

The Fine Gael motion condemns the Government for its reckless economic policies over the past five years that have undermined the stability and competitiveness of the Irish economy and that are now sabotaging our country's ability to withstand tougher economic times. The motion sets out the changes we believe are now necessary to address the difficulties we face.

We have a problem that has spread fear throughout every corner of this country. There are already 75,000 additional people on the dole, who have never been on the dole before. By Christmas, the figure will be at least 100,000. Strong businesses are being forced to close their doors and say to dedicated workers that the game is over. We have seen young people pay huge prices for houses, the value of which will perhaps never again approach what they paid for them.

This is the crisis that has occurred yet there is an air of unreality in the House today with the Government debating changes in electoral boundaries. There is a huge and yawning gulf between the crisis in the country and the craving in the country for leadership and what we are being offered on the first day back after the recess. It is for that reason that we have set this as a critical time.

The Dáil should now debate the crisis affecting every business and family in the country. Together we should be working out what we need to do, what are the true figures we face, what are the options we have, what are the challenges we face and what are the things to avoid. That is the debate which should be occurring but it is not happening.

I refer to the impact of the recession on Ireland. We hear people talk about international factors. Let us be very blunt about it — the impact on Ireland is grossly magnified compared to other countries. Taking our nearest neighbour, there is a sense of crisis in the United Kingdom but there is at least a sense that somebody is beginning to show leadership. The deterioration in our growth is four times that which has occurred in the United Kingdom. The deterioration in our public debt is six times that which has occurred in the United Kingdom and the deterioration in our unemployment figures is 12 times that which has happened in the United Kingdom. There are international factors but this Government has exposed our people to pressures and threats to which people in other countries are not exposed.

It is alarming that after so many months, the Government has still not put a strategy in place to address this. People are beginning to despair that the Government has the capacity to offer any leadership in this situation. It is difficult to believe that the people who destroyed the economic fundamentals which underpinned the Celtic tiger are the ones who will suddenly come up with the answer to those problems.

Let us make no mistake about it — this Government has destroyed the economic model which was the core strength of our economy for so many years. That model was built on strong export competitiveness, on building up market share, on very prudent use of public money, on nimble Government capable of adapting to changing circumstances and on cost competitiveness. Every one of those has been destroyed by a Government which decided that its priority was the pursuit of electoral politics.

It ran budgets which expanded each year under the Taoiseach, Deputy Brian Cowen, when the need was not there. It acted as cheerleader for a property boom which was plainly unsustainable. It made huge public spending commitments on the back revenues coming from property which are now gone. It has caused the worst deterioration in our public finances in the history of this State. In 2006, we were in surplus to the tune of €2 billion but at the end of this year, we will be in deficit to the tune of €11 billion. We will be way outside our commitments under the Stability and Growth Pact.

That has happened because the Government has not paid attention to the basic lessons one must learn if one is to manage a small, open economy successfully. One must be prudent in one's use of public money, one must spend in a way that is sustainable, one must hunt down waste and inefficiency and one must ensure that cost competitiveness is at the heart of one's strategy. All those habits, which were learned the hard way in the 1980s and 1990s and which created a dynamic economy, were destroyed in a very short period of time by this dangerous flirtation with the property boom and the friends in the property sector and which has brought this country to its knees.

Ireland is the most exposed country to these threats coming from the international crisis simply because the Government sabotaged our capacity to do what a government should do in times like this. The Government should now have the resources to look at accelerating our infrastructural investment and not at slowing it down and to look at new opportunities to create employment and not talk about cutting services left, right and centre.

We should look at what other countries have done. There is a salutary lesson. Our Government refused to recognise the gathering storm clouds. Last year's budget was wholly inappropriate and at the time I described it as a hit and hope budget. It was a hit and hope budget hoping that we would have the so-called "soft landing" when the soft landing was clearly not going to happen. Those who warned that would not happen were treated with disdain. Their warnings fell on deaf and arrogant ears.

The Government persisted in denial right through the budget formation to the middle of the year when it was brought to its senses by the collapse of tax revenue. A feeble response came in July. It was the sort of response one would expect from a child. Far from looking at the business of Ireland Inc., looking for the successful parts of public sending and deciding on the priorities to survive, it said let us cut 3% off the payroll everywhere so the most successful elements of our public service were put under the same pressure as the ones which should have been abandoned. Instead of doing a forensic search for waste and ensuring we made decisions which would value the things that would be important in difficult times, there was this mindless cutting everything a little bit, but it came unstuck.

We are back here two months later and all the talk about this being a temporary little adjustment, that the fundamentals are strong and that we would be back on the horse's back in no time has been abandoned. Where is the strategy? All we have had from the Government is an upgrading of the storm to force four. We all know that, as do people who are losing their jobs, people who are struggling to pay for their houses and people who are folding their businesses. It is only the Government, which has been in this bubble, that did not realise what was happening. We need a government capable of leadership but that has not come forward.

We should contrast that with what happened to the Spanish Government. It was faced with a similar situation. It did not go off on holidays and put up a "do not disturb" sign because it was too busy. The Prime Minister of Spain called back his Ministers from holidays. He told them they should be at their desks with their computers powered up and that they should look at what was necessary to get Spain through the recession. That is what they did. They brought forward new infrastructural packages, they said top earners in the public sector would have to take a pay cut and they said there would have to be a tax stimulus to get things going. Now commentators believe Spain will get through these difficulties without a recession. That is not the situation in Ireland.

Our Government sat on its hands, went off on holidays and appointed a few task forces and decided to wait to see what they came up with when it came back. That is not leadership or what this country craves at this time. Many measures could be taken now and not in three weeks at budget time. Measures could be taken now to open up sectors which have been protected for too long so that we could have vibrant competition and start to bring down costs and create new opportunities in renewable energy and bus transport if Government would only move on some of the things it said it would do for years. We need to reinvent our economy and to look at the opportunities and build for them now. We must make solid investments in areas that will reap returns, such as interconnectors, broadband and areas that can create a knowledge economy. However, the Government is ignorant of all of this. Its strategy for e-Government collapsed on its face. Under the Government's strategy for the knowledge economy, we dropped from being the leading country in Europe in terms of e-Government to 17th on the list. That happened under a strategy of change.

We failed dismally under the Government strategy to address climate change. That strategy was launched in 2000, but after eight years it has had a zero impact on our emissions. The penny must drop for Ministers that when strategies go wrong when there is plenty of money available, mismanagement is going on. The trouble with the Government is that it will not wake up to reality and does not show any understanding of the mistakes it has made that have put us in this hole and made us the most exposed country in Europe.

Until the Government wakes up and realises that it is its mistakes, its reckless expansion of spending on unsustainable revenues, its acting as cheerleader for an unsustainable property boom and its destruction of our exporting sector by the high-cost environment it created, we can have no confidence that it has the diagnosis to get us out of this hole. If it had, we would already see the signs of leadership and see investment in training for people who are being displaced so that they will not be long-term unemployed. We would see the prioritising of investments and see the publishing of cost-benefit analyses that showed which investments were priorities and should be protected at all costs. We would see a Government in control and taking leadership.

Even in the case of the financial crisis, the Government is dragged kicking and screaming to respond. It is only at the last minute that it comes up with something to protect depositors, although it was clear 11 months ago when Northern Rock went down that Irish savers were exposed, with less protection for their savings than was the case for savers in the United Kingdom. It was obvious we should move, but the Government would not move alone and felt it had to wait for some committee in Europe to decide.

The Government must take leadership on issues that matter to Ireland. It is Irish people who are losing their jobs, Irish businesses that are on the line and the Irish nation that needs leadership from the Government. The tragedy is that there is a growing sense that the Government does not know what it takes to change Ireland, to reinvent the economic model we have destroyed and to reform public services in a radical way where it is performance that matters. Failure to perform has consequences and Ministers and public servants must take responsibility for what happens. Choice must be generated within the public sector so we have alternatives and variety that will allow the best options to be developed.

We have not had that change; instead, tragically, we have seen time and again the Government take the soft option. Benchmarking was a unique vehicle capable of driving a massive reform package within our public service, but what did the Government do about it? It sat on its hands and refused to put a reform package on the table and decided to dish out the money anyhow through the ATM machines. We have paid in spades for that, not only the €1.3 billion it cost, but by not getting the reform.

Even more seriously, we needed the talents of our public servants focused on delivering real change to the way we deliver services, so that we could, with the significant moneys spent, ensure that young people who were suicidal and elderly people in accident and emergency departments got help. That did not happen and instead of driving our public service to deliver at the front line, their energies were wasted and they were demoralised through a decentralisation programme that was dreamt up on the back of a betting slip. This has sabotaged our public service and demoralised compassionate and committed people who should and could be driving serious reform. That has not happened over the past number of years because the energy and talents of many public servants have been wasted in fruitless moving around and the destruction of skill bases built up over years.

This has been a Government that has not understood the importance of reform, change and the building of a strong, competitive and nimble economy with a public service to match that would meet the ambitions of the people generating the revenues to fund it. That is the fatal error and the reason we are in such a hole. It is the reason we need strong leadership, which, sadly, is not forthcoming from the Government.

I strongly support the motion. I see only one Government representative here as I look around the Chamber.

A rookie junior.

That demonstrates how the Government regards what is happening with our economy. This is not good enough. The Government benches should be full as we are here to discuss the most important situation facing the country. We have had the worst deterioration in the public finances ever and moved from having a healthy surplus to a deficit.

I am glad to note the number of Government Members has doubled to two, but that is still insufficient.

There is no senior Minister present for such a serious debate.

That is not good enough. They should be here.

The Minister for Finance should be here. It is a discourtesy to the House that he is not. He is treating the House with contempt.

Fine Gael brought forward this motion as a result of its concern. We brought it forward in good faith and expected the Government to respond in good faith. We sought a debate on the issue, but the Government would not provide time for it. We have spent much of the day discussing an electoral Bill that has been around for a year without discussion.

I will comment on the Government's reckless economic policies and competitiveness. The Government allowed the property boom to get out of control. When the Taoiseach, Deputy Cowen, took up the position of Minister for Finance, we saw a rapid decline in our exports and a rapid increase in construction. There was over reliance on the construction sector and, as a result, we now have negative equity. The Government has been somewhat disingenuous in this regard. It has floated the notion that it will help first-time buyers buy houses. People know houses are overpriced. The only people who will benefit from such a move are the Government and builders. Hard-pressed first-time buyers could now end up in a situation where the houses they buy will leave them in negative equity within a short period. Fine Gael feels strongly on this issue. The Government should be truthful with the electorate, but it is not.

The Government has failed to respond quickly when necessary. Last December, the situation was clear. The credit crunch was in full swing, unemployment was rising and, through successive budgets, Deputy Bruton called for proper public sector reform. The Comptroller and Auditor General's report for 2007 makes specific reference to the HSE. With regard to value for money, in the past ten years the number of people employed in the HSE has increased by 71% to 47,000. Many of those are in bureaucratic positions and are not accountable. Furthermore, the health budget has increased fivefold. The question is, do we have a better health service today? We had Private Notice Questions today on the state of the health service. We are not getting value for money.

The Comptroller and Auditor General's report made specific reference to the HSE's failure to respond swiftly. It stated that a dysfunctional consequence of delaying action was that savings must be targeted across the board at units operating within budget as well as those that are not. The Government has made a 3% cut in the HSE's payroll. We know people are being let go throughout the public sector, but that is not proper public sector reform. That is just sleight of hand.

What should have been done should have happened last December. However, the Government only decided to do something in June, when there were 50,000 extra on the live register and a €3 billion tax shortfall projected by the end of the year. All the Government did was make vague utterances on moving things around. Its three-page document did not even add up because it was €14 million short and a further 20,000 people were forced onto the live register before any action was taken.

The Government must now take control of the public finances and protect essential frontline services. The incremental system of budgeting is outdated and other models should be considered. New Zealand has a system whereby a 1% saving is sought across all government departments. Advance notice is given, which allows for proper public sector reform rather than our laissez faire attitude of overnight cuts. Departments here lack the time to adjust to cuts which affect frontline services.

The Government has failed to put in place a proper anti-inflationary policy. When we joined the eurozone, we lost control over our exchange and interest rates and the only area over which we retained control was inflation. Everyone knows that if interest rates are low, inflation should be low, but inflation was allowed to spin out of control. The European Central Bank has an inflation target of zero to 2%. The Government should have set out a target for inflation prior to the national pay talks so people could have a sense of where the country is going. We have become uncompetitive and have lost export market share over the past five years. Since 2000, our prices have risen 50 times faster than the EU average and 45% of non-mortgage inflation is Government fuelled. Health care is three times the EU average and education for hard pressed parents of children, housing, water and energy are twice the EU average.

In its ludicrous reply, the Government claims its stewardship of the economy and public finances allows Ireland to meet the current economic situation from a position of strength. Given that nothing is left in the kitty, there is no strength, unlike Spain which built up a reserve to allow its economy to be pumped. Several months ago, the Taoiseach proposed a cyclical stimulus budget which would allow him to pump the economy but he is not mentioning that now. The kitty is empty because of mismanagement on the part of the Government.

The adoption of sensible measures would have created the right economic and fiscal conditions. How can we regard the claims made by the Taoiseach in 2005 and 2006 that the fundamentals of the economy were fine and that we should continue to build? This was a foolhardy and unsustainable policy. Exports continued to fall. This is a small open economy and we need to return to basics. The Government claims that many of the factors currently impacting on the economy are external in origin. While that may be the case, it failed to exercise its control over internal factors to implement the deposit protection scheme earlier or control inflation. The hallmark of this Government is procrastination. It is either acting on the basis of arrogance or because it does not know what is going on. I am not certain which is worse but both are absolutely unacceptable.

The budget for 2009 is supposed to provide clarity and confidence but the Government is failing to provide either. The only reason the budget is being brought forward is because the preliminary income tax figures for 2008 will fall far short of projections when they are produced on 14 November. The people were mislead on the budget, which was based on a projection of 55,000 housing completions. Everyone knew at the time that the maximum figure for completions was 30,000, with a €1 billion shortfall in tax take for every 10,000 houses. I had to table a parliamentary question to find out the number of housing completions used as a basis for the budget. Budget expenditure was reliant on the construction sector.

I commend this motion to the House and hope the Minister for Finance and other Government Deputies will attend this well-informed debate on putting the economy back on the road to recovery.

In an attempt to have us forget about Government inaction over the past several years, the Taoiseach said this morning that he had to deal with the situation that confronts him now. The reality is that it did not arrive out of nowhere to confront him over the past few days because he helped to create it. I acknowledge that a crisis has arisen internationally to which we are not immune but it is undeniable and unforgivable that its impact on us is already greater than elsewhere and will probably be more long lasting. My colleagues have already referred to the rapidness of the collapse in our growth and employment rates. We are the worst on any scale. Our inflation rate over the past ten years has been twice the EU average. It is no wonder that we are the most expensive country in Europe. Regardless of the picture which the Taoiseach and his Cabinet colleagues try to paint, these factors did not arise by accident. They are specific to Ireland and were under our control but the Government did nothing about them.

That we have to face them now is entirely due to a feckless Government which spent with abandon over many years. During the Taoiseach's tenure as Minister for Finance, he increased spending at twice the rate of economic growth. Even a child knows that if pocket money increases by €1 per week, he or she cannot spend €2. Spending was based on unsustainable property taxes, despite the warnings of every expert. Indeed, any child could have told the Government about this.

While all this heady spending continued, long-term thinking was forgotten. Preparation for a rainy day was put off and there was no search for value for money, reform of public services or regulations and no drive for competitiveness. There was no sense of urgency about broadband services, energy or transport. God knows what our very well resourced training body, which was supposed to give us a cutting edge labour force, was doing. After ten years of continuous growth, we should have been in a better position than other countries to face a global recession but, with more expensive goods and services than any other country, we are in the worst possible position. At the same time, our coffers are bare and we have no reserves.

Our Government has made no response to these issues. It was in complete denial and ignored all the warning signs. It held parties for the incoming and outgoing taoisigh but did nothing about the gathering storm clouds for which the rest of the world was preparing. In July, it briefly acknowledged that a problem existed but then allowed it to drift throughout the summer, emerging only briefly to announce it would do something in October. Weeks of unease about the security of our banking system were completely ignored. People were withdrawing money and putting it under their mattresses. Joe Duffy was blamed for this, even though he was merely reflecting what the people in the streets had been discussing for months.

The Government's first response to these problems was to announce that it was giving us all a pay rise. There is something surreal about concluding a pay deal in the very month in which we announced the highest ever increase in unemployment. At the same time, there was almost a run on the banks. This is nonsense. At a time of such uncertainty, I do not know how we, as part of the public sector, can promise to pay ourselves more. Private sector workers are being asked to work harder and longer to produce more and pay more taxes at a time when they do not know whether they will have jobs, much less pensions. What else did the Government do? When the directors of Aer Lingus were trying to put together a business plan to save the airline the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment, Deputy Coughlan, told them she was not happy with it. To the best of my knowledge the reason the Government privatised Aer Lingus was to give it freedom of operation. I recall a specific promise from the Government that, despite holding a considerable shareholding of the company, it would not interfere in the running of the airline as this would impact negatively on the share price. However, that is exactly what the Minister did, at a time when there were as many airlines as banks going to the wall.

The final straw was an increase of 8% yesterday in taxi fares. This shows how out of touch the Government is with the realities of the market at present. Taxis are largely a discretionary spend for people, so this increase will result in a reduction in taxi usage. It is completely bizarre and damaging not just to the economy, but also to the tourism industry. The Government must realise that the days of easy money are over. It cannot spend its way out of every problem now. There is a new world order and the Government will have to start making its own luck. It will have to husband resources, target investment priorities, reform public services and upskill the workforce. There is no sign that the Government has any idea of the challenge it is facing, how it will deal with it or, indeed, that it even realises there is a challenge.

I am glad the Minister for Finance has attended this debate because I was going to have a go at him if he did not. He would have shown total disrespect for the House if he had not attended. Deputy Bruton has put down a good motion that the Government was not prepared to debate in Government time. We did not want half Ministers; there are too many half Ministers. In fact, if I were Taoiseach——

This is the Minister of State.

——I would get rid of six of them, for a start. I would get rid of half the programme managers and advisers and all the waste in public offices. The Minister was also late last week. Everybody in the country was talking about what was happening in the economy. The Minister might recall the film "Mary Poppins". In that film the young child went into the bank but would not lodge his two pence. As a result, there was a run on the bank for the first time in 100 years. The same thing happened in this country last week but the Minister did not make a move until Saturday. He nearly left it too late.

People were ringing me and every other Deputy to ask if their money was safe. What we need now is leadership — a strong Government, Taoiseach and Minister for Finance. What did we have last week? We could not get a Minister to speak. The Minister spoke on Friday and said he would not interfere with the market or the banks. However, at lunchtime on Saturday he had to tell people that the Government would underwrite deposits of up to €100,000. That was correct but if the Minister had spoken sooner it would not have been necessary. However, the Minister and the Government were gone all week. They took their eyes off the ball.

In the past few months, since the previous Minister for Finance, Deputy Cowen, became Taoiseach, 45,000 jobs have been lost in this country. Where was the Government for the summer? When every other government in Europe was trying to figure out how to save their economies, this Government was gone, travelling all over the world. It should have been here. A special Cabinet meeting should have been held in August to show the people that the Government was doing something about the economy, that it was in charge and would not let the country go down the drain. However, there was no Minister or Taoiseach to be found throughout the summer.

This is serious business. There are 45,000 people who will not have a job this Christmas. Other people are wondering whether their jobs will be safe tomorrow, next week, next month or next year. We need to hear from the Minister for Finance. He should not take the soft options when he introduces the budget in two weeks. He must not attack the social insurance fund again. That is the working people's fund; the money that has been put away for the rainy day and for pensions. The Minister must not raid it. The former Minister, Charlie McCreevy, raided it in good times but this Minister had better not raid it in bad times. That fund is for people's pensions and for the future.

If the Minister wished to show leadership, he would tackle the oil companies. The price of diesel and petrol goes up and down but the price at the pump does not. That is a simple job and the Tánaiste should deal with it. She should speak to representatives of the oil companies and ask them why this is happening. I travelled from the west to the east of this country last night. There was a different price for petrol and diesel at the pumps in every village and town. That should not happen. If the Government was doing its job, it would tackle the people who are ripping us off. We are being ripped off by all sides.

The Minister for Finance has a job to do and he must take it seriously. He must ensure the economy does not go down the drain. For the past ten years the Government spent, spent and spent. What would happen to a householder who did the same? People have always put a few pounds or euro away for the rainy day but this Government did not. The Government thought the boom was never going to end. When it did, who did it blame? It blamed Fine Gael and Deputy Richard Bruton, accusing us of talking down the economy. Where were the advisers and the people in the Department of Finance? Did they not know that taxation revenue was not coming in? Did they not see a downturn over the past two years? No, like the Government they were telling people about all the taxes that were being paid and what would be done to spend those taxes.

I wish to express my frustration that I will have less than five minutes to speak on this motion. It is truly extraordinary that we will not get an opportunity to debate in depth the concerns every household in the country is discussing at present. Many colleagues in Fine Gael and in the Labour Party wished to make a proper, lengthy contribution to a detailed debate on the challenges we currently face, but we have not been given that opportunity.

This House went into recess for nearly three months. In that period, 23,000 people lost their jobs in Ireland. That is a total of 300 per day. People are worried about their future, their jobs and their financial commitments such as mortgages and loans. They expect leadership from the Government. They expect the people they elect to run the country to give leadership when it is needed. What did they get in response? This is the first sitting of the Dáil for three months, following a meltdown in international money markets and a series of uncertainties that affect the economy and people's pensions and jobs. The Government's response is a refusal to even facilitate a two-day debate on the issue. This was requested last week; it is not as if the Government was taken by surprise by the request.

Instead, the Government is content to discuss the Electoral (Amendment) Bill, which is irrelevant in the context of the challenges the country faces at present. A discussion on boundary changes for three and a half year hence is what it considers a priority for discussion in the Dáil this week. Is it any wonder that people view this House and many of its Members as irrelevant to their lives and the challenges they face? If Fine Gael had not forced a debate on the economy during Private Members' business this evening, there would have been no opportunity to discuss the issue, apart from during Leaders' Questions. We are accused of playing political games for trying to hold an arrogant and lazy Government to account, a Government that does not have the political courage to face a proper debate on the economy.

To put recent job losses in context, in the last month in Cork 180 people lost their jobs in Pfizer, 280 jobs were lost in Howley Civil Engineering in Carrigtwohill and yesterday there were 150 job losses in Swiss Co. in Little Island. Today we have been told there will probably be an announcement tomorrow of 200 job losses in Tyco Sensormatic on the Model Farm Road. People are talking about that, not the boundaries of Dáil constituencies in the next general election. We should be reflecting people's concerns. They want answers from us about what direction the country is taking and what challenges and hardships they can expect. People know that is the reality they face for the next year or 18 months, or whatever the time frame will be. Eleven of the top 88 worst unemployment blackspots are in Cork. Last week a dole queue in Cork city stretched for almost half a mile, and crossed one of the bridges in the city. This picture was on the front page of the Evening Echo in Cork last week, a sight many people of my age have never seen. People are worried about this and want a response from people like the Minister who they see as offering new leadership in Ireland.

I am glad they do.

The Deputy's time has expired.

We have a new Government and a new Minister for Finance. Let us focus on the future and take on the challenges in a brave way. Let us not avoid debate in this House where this discussion should be opened up.

I call on the Minister whom I understand wishes to share time.

I propose to share time with Deputies unknown. No doubt they will disclose themselves in the next few minutes.

We can help the Minister out.

The Minister can take his time.

We can help out the Minister with his economic policies too if he wishes.

We might have a real debate if the Minister actually listens to what we have to say.

One can see how bad things are when the Government is running away.

The Minister must first move the amendment to the motion.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"commends the Government for:

its stewardship of the economy and public finances to date which has meant that Ireland meets the current economic situation from a position of strength and allows Ireland to take advantage of the global economic recovery when it emerges; and

its adoption of sensible measures which have created the right economic and fiscal conditions for strong growth in recent years, whilst protecting the gains that our country has made by ensuring responsibility in management of the public finances;

furthermore, in the light of the changed economic realities:

notes that many of the factors currently impacting on the economy are external in origin;

notes that the Government through bringing forward the Budget for 2009 will provide clarity and confidence to investors and taxpayers and provide a sound basis for economic recovery; and

welcomes the Government's role in securing a draft national pay agreement which will further provide confidence, certainty and stability in the challenging period ahead, while at the same time providing wider economic and social benefits."

On a point of order, is there a Deputy in the House called A.N. Other for whom we need to leave an open slot should he or she arrive? Is this a precedent for this House?

The Deputy concerned is Deputy M. J. Nolan.

Deputy Nolan is welcome. I assumed there was a bevy of other Deputies who might honour us with an appearance.

I understand the Minister wishes to share his time with Deputies Brady, Byrne, Nolan and McGuinness.

(Interruptions).

Well done a Cheann Comhairle.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Anyone who took the economic situation seriously would be in the House.

We are in the middle of an acute global financial and economic storm and this country is not immune from its impact. However, let us not lose perspective.

During the past five years, we have had an average growth rate of 5.5%, among the highest in the EU. Our Government debt in 2007 fell from 32% to 23% of GNP. We have put more than €15 billion into the National Pension Reserve Fund since we took the prudent step of establishing that fund in 2001. It now stands at €19.5 billion. Also, we have invested more than €30 billion in the biggest public infrastructure investment programme per capita in the EU.

This is the record that has been dismissed as "reckless budgetary policies" in the motion tabled by the Deputies opposite. By all means, let us have debate about the economy but let us not engage in the kind of dishonesty and misrepresentation that does no service to this House or to our economic achievement in recent years, achievements not alone by Government but by the people. Our record is there for all to see. Based on that record, we will take the necessary action to ensure we safeguard and protect the substantial gains that have been made during the past 15 years.

The continuing turmoil in the global financial markets is having a detrimental effect on economies right across the developed world. Growth forecasts in all of our trading partners have been revised downwards. As a small open economy, Ireland was never going to be insulated from this international downturn and these developments combined with the appreciation of the euro exchange rate have created a difficult trading environment for our exporting sector.

In addition to this unprecedented conjunction of unfavourable international factors, we are experiencing a very sharp correction in the house building sector which has been exacerbated by the global liquidity crisis.

And the national crisis.

It just happened out of nowhere.

I have no doubt that over time, housing output will return to more sustainable levels but there is a process of adjustment and it is important that it be allowed to take place. We must remind ourselves that the beneficiaries of falling property prices will be first-time buyers who have found it so difficult to get on the property ladder in recent years.

They could not get on the property ladder at all.

I would like to address some criticism that has been levelled at the Government about its actions in this area. It is the height of hypocrisy for the Opposition to blame the Government for allegedly over heating the property market when it was Fine Gael that did its damnedest to destabilise that market through its half-baked, ill-conceived proposals to reform stamp duty.

The first person to mention it was former Deputy Michael McDowell when Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform.

Former Deputy Michael McDowell was a Minister of the former Government which told the nation it did not need any money from stamp duty.

Members may not like the medicine but they should at least listen to what I have to say. That particular plan which was rejected by the people would have pushed prices far higher and resulted in an even greater crash.

Because the Government withheld the information.

The Government's changes to the stamp duty regime were measured and they were only introduced when it was clear the market was already correcting and when it was safe to do so. Our concern has always been the long-term stability and sustainability of the housing market.

This is not what the public want to hear.

No one believes any of that.

The rapid deterioration in our economy and the speed with which international factors outside of our control have impacted on us has taken everybody by surprise.

Not only international factors.

When we brought forward our savings initiative last July, my Department forecast a revenue shortfall of €3 billion for this year. At the time, I said the savings of €440 million to be achieved this year was the very minimum we had to do and that additional savings would have to be made in the event of a further deterioration in our fiscal position.

We monitored the position throughout July and August and when in August returns confirmed there had been a further significant weakening of the tax take, we decided to bring forward the budget to 14 October. Following analysis of the end-September tax revenues, my Department will set out its assessment in the normal manner at the end-quarter press conference. In advance of knowing the exact details I do not propose to say anymore on the size of the shortfall.

I am sure the Minister does not want to say anymore.

I assure Deputy Richard Bruton that he will be briefed subsequent to the end-September forecast. I will do everything in my power to ensure he is properly briefed in what I appreciate is a tight budgetary cycle in time terms. It is clear the scale of the economic and fiscal challenges require us as a Government to take immediate steps to ensure Ireland is fiscally sustainable in the years ahead. Bringing the budget forward allows us to present a balanced and coherent plan to address the difficulties we now face. It also focuses everyone's mind on the absolute necessity to take corrective measures now so as to boost confidence in the economy among investors, business people, workers and those on welfare.

I am not going to get into the details of the budget this evening, but I can say it will set out steps to stabilise and restore balance to the public finances by prioritising current and capital public expenditure to reflect the changed realities.

We face very difficult choices. We will have ample time for serious economic discussion in this House on budget day and in the weeks subsequent to it. We will, of course, seek to protect the most vulnerable and to protect the productive sector which must generate the income we need to provide the public services in education and in health that our people deserve.

The House can be assured the Government will leave no stone unturned to protect the gains that have been made and they are substantial. We now have more than 2 million people at work. Since 1997, under successive Fianna Fáil-led Governments, more than 700,000 jobs have been created, a startling achievement.

We have a highly educated and young workforce and, by international standards, a very low tax environment for workers and business and this has been an important driver of economic growth. This transformation has been achieved by the hard work and enterprise of our citizens underpinned by the sound economic policies of this Government. It has placed us in a better position than most to weather this downturn. As long as we take the tough decisions now, we will be well positioned to take advantage of the upturn when it comes.

We in this House will have to face real choices. The Opposition cannot take refuge in rhetoric as we make these choices. It will have to come forward with alternatives if it is not prepared to accept the policies brought forward by Government.

What about the Government; what will it do?

It is all up to us.

In previous economic downturns, we have made the mistake of cutting back on capital investment.

What is the Government waiting for?

It is easy to cut capital investment. The challenge now is to ensure that in the changed economic circumstances we produce more with less money. That is possible given the competitive environment that now exists for tendering.

It certainly is possible.

Of course, the delivery of Transport 21 and the national development plan is affected by the level of economic growth and the resources available to the Government in the medium term. It is clear that we will have to prioritise and extend the period within which it can be implemented, but the plan stands.

Last year alone, we spent €8 billion of Exchequer funds on capital projects. By 2010, we will have completed the motorway network connecting Dublin to Cork, Limerick, Waterford, Galway and Belfast. Work will also begin on the Atlantic road corridor. The second terminal in Dublin Airport will be open for business in 2010. There will be significant development of public transport in the greater Dublin area. We have an ongoing programme of investment in our environmental services infrastructure and we will provide increased energy security through the North-South and East-West interconnector projects.

The plan stands and as we have indicated, despite expenditure pressures which have arisen this year, capital expenditure will remain a top priority. As part of the Estimates process, we are reviewing all capital projects for 2009 to 2011 to ensure scarce resources are targeted at investment in core economic infrastructure that will add to our productive capacity, improve our competitiveness and ensure we are in an advantageous position when the present economic downturn abates.

The rapidity of deterioration in our economy has, as I stated, surprised all not alone at home but around the world. We have known for some time that growth was going to slow. That is why in his budget last year, the Taoiseach, who was then Minister for Finance, introduced an efficiency review with the objective of getting better value for the money we spend on public services. When he became Taoiseach, Deputy Brian Cowen reiterated our commitment as a Government to public sector reform. As Members know, a task force will report shortly on the implementation of the OECD report on this subject.

In the meantime, the savings initiative we introduced last July is being implemented and the efficiencies it will yield in terms of administrative budgets and the rationalisation of State agencies will be of continuing benefit to our economy when prevailing circumstances improve. There will be a redundancy programme for administrative staff in the HSE and I would like to see such a programme applied in the wider public service as well. The Government is determined to secure maximum value for money in our public services. By targeting better payroll management, seeking savings in the services we buy and prioritising productive capital projects, we will enhance the delivery and effectiveness of public services and maximise the return from capital investment.

As in many other countries, the pick-up in Irish inflation in the past year or so has been driven primarily by the global rise in food and oil prices. In Ireland, increases in interest rates have also had a direct impact on inflation. Recent inflation trends have been more positive. The annual rate of CPI inflation eased to 4.3% in August from 5% two months earlier. On an EU harmonised basis, annual inflation in August was 3.2%, significantly below the 3.8% increase recorded in the euro area. My Department expects to see an easing in the average rate of inflation in the later part of this year and into next year.

These are indeed challenging times. However, we should not lose sight of the fact that the level of economic activity remains very high, as does the level of employment and income per capita. The underlying health of our economy remains robust. The Government will bring forward initiatives that will promote additional economic activity and provide firm support for those parts of our economy that are continuing to perform well. However, effective management of the public finances and sensible fiscal policies are fundamental to our economic recovery. There is no easy way out if we are to protect the extraordinary progress we have made in the past two decades.

It is the job of the Opposition to hold the Government to account. I understand that the largest Opposition party, in particular, will want to make political hay out of the current difficulties.

That is completely wrong.

However, I appeal to Deputy Bruton to rein in the worst excesses of those in his party who, in their pursuit of political advantage——

If the Taoiseach had reined in his Ministers we would not have a shortage of hospital beds.

It was Joe Duffy last week and it is Fine Gael this week.

If the Government had told people the truth a year ago——

In pursuit of political damage, they are undermining confidence in our economy. I advise Deputy Ring that careless talk cost lives in the last war and careless talk can cost banks as well.

Maybe we should just close down all discussion.

Bad policies destroy economies, not idle talk.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this issue. The extent and speed of the downturn in our economy has caught everybody by surprise.

We will have more tuppences before this is over. It is "Mary Poppins".

Even the learned gentlemen across the way did not have a monopoly on that. I welcome the Minister's statement and the fact that he is facing up to the difficulties faced by the economy. In the short time I have I will highlight one or two issues that concern me. In the context of the budget being introduced by the Minister on 14 October, I ask that areas such as education, which has been the bedrock of the Irish economy in the past 20 years and the reason it has been so successful, do not see serious cuts. As a result of our education system and our young, well educated workforce we have succeeded in attracting more foreign direct investment than any other European country. Any changes or savings that have to be made should be made outside that Department.

In addition, State agencies, particularly FÁS, must put in place or alter their courses to suit the current economic climate, in which an increasing number of young people are coming onto the live register. I heard reports recently that individuals who went to FÁS seeking particular courses were advised that no such courses were available. We cannot wait six months or a year for FÁS to get its act together and put on courses that are urgently needed.

The current downturn in the economy will have a serious effect on the resources that Ministers will have to run their Departments. However, I was glad to hear the Minister state that unlike in previous downturns, in which capital budgets were severely cut as a result of fall-offs in revenue, he intends to prioritise spending in the capital area and that programmes such as the inter-city road network will be completed by 2010. I would also like to see continuous investment in public transport, particularly the rail network, which has benefited significantly in the past ten years.

Nobody in this House could have anticipated the speed of the decline. Indeed, most of it is outside our control and we are to a large extent at the mercy of international financial markets. I wish the Minister well in his task, which will not be an easy one. However, the fundamentals, as he continues to tell us, are sound, and based on that I believe we are healthy enough to ride out the recession.

I too welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate. Nobody on this side of the House denies that we are facing into a difficult period for this economy. Our GNP has been steadily decreasing and our economic growth is declining. However, the entire developed world is also facing a period of economic turbulence. Rising fuel and food prices and the fallout from the ever-worrying credit crunch are having a negative impact on growth throughout the world. However, as the Minister pointed out, we are in a much better position to weather the storm now than we were in the 1980s. Irish exports remain strong. Exports of business services and software grew by an incredible 25% in 2007 and now earn as much as pharmaceutical exports. The inflow of foreign direct investment remains strong and FDI will be the key to driving the Irish economy towards recovery in 2009. IDA Ireland continues to win projects and create employment here. In my constituency, for example, the success of the Irish Financial Services Centre has been remarkable and it continues to create employment and attract new business, with major financial institutions continuing to establish a presence in the IFSC.

The Government has successfully managed the boom and is well equipped to ensure we manage our way through the tough times that are before us. The fact that the budget is being brought forward to 14 October illustrates the commitment of the Government. I also welcome the Minister's efforts with regard to guarantees on bank deposits. This is an issue that affects many people. People were confused about their entitlements and the fact that the issue was clarified in such a speedy way is to be welcomed.

I must express my concern at the lending practices and lack of prudence of some banks. There have been cases in which 100% mortgages have been given to individuals who cannot afford the repayments. A number of these were given on an interest-free basis for five years. After those five years the borrowers must repay the full principal and interest, and many are facing negative equity. In a number of cases, the borrower cannot afford the full amount that will be charged. Representatives of the banks attended a meeting of the Joint Committee on Finance and the Public Service a few weeks ago and reassurances were given. For example, there was a reassurance that Bank of Ireland would retain its dividend. However, this has now been slashed by 50% due to more challenging trading conditions. While Irish banks do not seem to be exposed to the sub-prime mortgage crisis, they are being hit far more badly than most banks in Europe. This is worrying.

We can overcome this current period of slowing growth. We are still attracting foreign direct investment and we must continue to do so. Our construction industry has contracted, but we are creating employment in other areas such as financial services, pharmaceuticals, IT and the service sector as a whole. I express my concern, however, at some of the practices of a number of our banks and I would like to see more transparency in this area.

I commend the Government on its stewardship of the economy in the past ten years. What is the first advice a financial adviser would give to any family when paying down a mortgage when it comes into more money or achieves a higher income than previously? He would recommend paying off the mortgage, which is what the Government has done in the past ten years.

It has made the private sector take out mortgages.

Allow Deputy Byrne to speak without interruption.

The debt to national wealth ratio is now down to 23% from a high of 96% in the early 1990s, which is an outstanding achievement by any set of standards. While it is given no credit by any member of the Opposition, the people at home understand that. If we consider other countries with national debts, in Japan it is 180% of its wealth. The USA has added $1 trillion to national debt in recent weeks with the rescue of Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae and the general bail-out of the banks. In the UK the ratio is approximately 40%. Ours is 23% which is an outstanding achievement that allows the Government in tougher economic times to borrow as necessary to maintain the services and keep us in a good position for when the global situation recovers. That outstanding achievement of the Government needs to be recognised.

Unfortunately the Opposition does not recognise that we are a small island economy totally dependent on international investment and on our exports to other countries. That has been put into clear focus by the pairing issue the Opposition has introduced whereby it is refusing to allow possibly even the Taoiseach to attend an important meeting in New York and the Tánaiste and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform to attend meetings in Europe. It is an absolute disgrace and shows no knowledge of the situation Ireland faces and the reality that our Ministers need to be abroad promoting the country as they have been doing for the past ten years and attracting foreign direct investment, which despite what the Opposition might claim is still coming in at very good rates. While we need to keep it up, the Opposition has shown no understanding of that.

Deputy Bruton will come into the Chamber and criticise the Government for spending too much money, yet tomorrow morning on local radio we will hear a litany of requests for more money for all sorts of projects.

What we want is delivery.

I will be on local radio tomorrow telling them that Deputy Bruton recommends spending less money.

The Government said it would end hospital waiting lists, reduce school classes to 20——

Allow Deputy Byrne to speak without interruption.

The Fine Gael Deputies and councillors cannot have it both ways. They cannot say they want more money spent when their finance spokesperson and deputy leader criticises us in the Dáil for spending too much money over the years. The people know the tricks they are playing.

The Government has done a fantastic job. It established the National Pensions Reserve Fund despite some criticism for doing so. We now have the scope to borrow and maintain our position. The Government has responsibility for managing the public services and creating the environment in which people can work. Low taxes have been a feature of that environment for individuals and businesses and they allow people to get on with what they want to do. We could not be in a better position to get through the unprecedented global economic downturn. We can afford to borrow a certain amount of money to get us over the slight difficulty in which we find ourselves. We will either swim or sink with international exports and foreign direct investment, which is very important. We need to put our best foot forward at home and abroad, which is what Ministers and IDA Ireland with other agencies have been doing with great success in recent years. Fine Gael is trying to diminish this effort with what it has done regarding pairing.

The national pay agreement has been criticised in various quarters. However, it gives people confidence that Irish industrial relations are peaceful and that people can invest in Ireland without the threat of industrial relations bringing everything to a halt.

Regardless of the economic reality that house prices may fall, homeowners in my constituency would be surprised by Fine Gael calling for house prices to fall, as its motion does. It calls for house prices to return to fair values. While we know it is an economic reality, making that political call is unprecedented. People who suffer from negative equity will look for more than a call for house prices to be reduced. We do not yet have a large number of repossessions, which may well come. Action would need to be taken if that becomes a serious problem. While I know of some in my constituency, they are not yet at the crisis level that would affect a broad range of people, as they are in some parts of the United States.

We need to put our best foot forward despite the Opposition. We need to continue these policies. While we need to cut back, we do not need to slam on the brakes. We need to keep rolling along, borrow as much as we need and set the country up right for when things turn internationally, as they will. I believe the people will thank us for it when the turnaround comes.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate and reflect on some of the comments of members of the Opposition, who suggest we should have this debate without any commentary on what is happening elsewhere in the world. This debate is taking place one day after the chairman of the US Federal Reserve, Ben Bernanke, and US Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Paulson, introduced a package to save the banks and the economy in the United States. I would never have thought we would have seen the US Government take over Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae and that there would be problems with Merrill Lynch and AIG. There has been such a movement in the world finances that those organisations are now in crisis. The Opposition must acknowledge that.

It diminishes confidence in Irish business and business throughout the world that that would happen. It is up to governments to address the problem as best they can. Ireland, with a population of 4 million, 2 million of whom are working, needs to do things in terms of business, which I respect. People look to the Government for leadership. Leadership was shown by what the Minister for Finance, Deputy Brian Lenihan, did in July. On the basis of the figures available then he introduced certain cutbacks, redefined policy and reprioritised projects.

It is not too late because no one could gauge. It was something that happened. Some of the biggest fund managers in the world lost billions overnight because they could not gauge it. They were the ones central to whole financial activity because no one knew what was in those toxic loans——

There was excessive reliance on the construction sector.

——or the packages that were passed around like parcels until the music stopped when each bank in a row fell. Let us place it where it is. We now need to recognise the positive aspects. The financial sector employs 10,000 people. Some of the biggest and best recognised companies have a presence in this country. If we are to look positively to the future we first need to separate the rhetoric and take the best advice, as the Minister for Finance did when he took those initiatives in July. We are now faced with answering the question as to whether we have the bottle as parliamentarians to stand up and give leadership to the rest of the country in the context of them doing business for Ireland. That is what we should be focused on. I lead trade missions abroad with some of the best companies in the country, including some fledgling companies that are trying to make an impact on world markets. They are showing the bottle and are taking the risk. They are not speaking like the Opposition. They are in markets doing business, as we should recognise.

I wrote to the Taoiseach asking him to meet multinational companies but received no reply.

Every negative word that comes from this House damages our economic prospects. It damages the efforts being made by those business people. It is not just about profit for them. They are sustaining jobs and need every support they can get.

What about the people talking about the public sector?

I spoke about the public sector, as did the Deputy. There is not a great distance between his position and mine, with one exception.

The Minister of State's party has been in government for 11 years and has done nothing about it.

The Deputy did not have the bottle to stand up and say it. His colleagues who sit behind him are telling me that I was right in what I said.

The Minister of State was right, but he did not have a record of delivery behind him. His party has been in government for 11 years and has done nothing about it.

Allow the Minister of State to conclude.

It is interesting just how right I was because Deputy Bruton cannot stand up and tell business people they need to tighten their belts and get out there if we in the public sector are not prepared to do so ourselves.

The business people are doing it.

In doing that we need to look to the SME sector, which I represent in the context of the work I do with Enterprise Ireland and the county and city enterprise boards. They need every encouragement to ensure they grow, continue the employment levels they have and are given the opportunity to trade abroad. In recognising the positives in the economy we should focus on a system to do likewise, to expand and create employment. They are doing it because they are doing something different. We are pouring out a load of rhetoric here, a load of rubbish sometimes, listening to what Opposition Deputies are saying.

The Minister of State is waffling.

The people who need to put their money in their pockets are the people making the real decisions. The Opposition is not prepared to support them.

The Minister of State is waffling.

I am not waffling.

The business sector has been letting people go for the past year because people in that sector know what is going on.

Allow the Minister of State to conclude.

I work with the county and city enterprise boards and Enterprise Ireland which are the real performers in this economy and should be supported.

They are, but the Government is not supporting them.

In the context of what the Minister for Finance is doing I believe they will get the support and leadership which is needed now more than ever. As a House representing those people we should be united in our efforts to support them.

What is the Government doing?

The Deputy should wait for the budget. In terms of Enterprise Ireland and the county and city enterprise boards we are not just waiting to do it, we are doing it every day and the funding exists to do it.

How will the Government make us competitive internationally again?

The competence and confidence exists in that sector to do business for Ireland, which the Opposition should recognise.

I wish to share time with Deputies Higgins and Morgan.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

We all know the international financial system is in chaos and that Ireland's economic woes are mounting — even Fianna Fáil is gradually conceding that. The Taoiseach and Minister for Finance surely must be refreshed, relaxed and ready to roll up their sleeves now that summer has been and gone. If they do not start to get real about our economy, there is a danger that the autumn Dáil session will be a bridge between the Government's summer slumber and a winter of discontent.

The number one difficulty facing the economy is rising unemployment. Young men losing jobs on building sites are particularly affected. As we are in the distinguished presence of two men who have become Ministers of State since the new Government was formed, I remind them that since then 46,000 people have lost their jobs. That is a record for the 140 days they have been in office. The Government must make unemployment public enemy number one.

All our reluctant Minister for Finance seems to be able to muster is whinge after whinge after whinge. There is not an ounce of sympathy there. In fact, whingeing has been the most notable feature of Deputy Brian Lenihan's tenure as Minister for Finance to date. He said, before the summer, that businesses and consumers should stop whingeing about rising fuel prices. This showed just how out of touch he is with ordinary people. More recently, the Minister for whinge had the gall to blame the public for the housing bubble; his rationale was that "you get what you voted for". Let us not forget the Minister's most recent whinge last week when he blamed Joe Duffy for undermining the Irish banks when it is their own lax lending which has them in a bind as well as the failure of the Government to raise the deposit guarantee scheme as I and the Labour Party have requested for well over a year. Perhaps the Minister for Finance realises that Government oversight of the banking sector has been dysfunctional and he wanted to divert the spotlight.

Finally, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance have been consistent in their whingeing about international factors; they refuse to face up to the fact that our economic downturn is largely home-grown and the fault of this Fianna Fáil Government. Whingeing, passing the buck and laying off blame will not get our economy back on the right track.

Bringing the budget forward was a cynical attempt at media manipulation. The Minister has bought a six-week window during which he can brief the press that at least the Government is doing something. His refusal to release either budget estimates or a pre-budget outlook is wrong. He and his officials, unless they are from the same school of arithmetic that the Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Batt O'Keeffe, patronises, has to know the estimates and the likely outlook for next year. If not, they do not deserve to be put in charge of beer mat economics, from which the Minister for Education and Science's estimates seem to come.

The Minister for Finance's refusal to release the pre-budget outlook is consistent with the stunt former Minister Charlie McCreevy pulled on decentralisation. It leaves the element of surprise for the Minister on budget day when he can pull rabbits out of hats and leave little ability to analyse what becomes a done deal. Decentralisation backfired not so much on the Government because it won Fianna Fáil votes, but massively on the public finances where it has cost us untold billions of euro over and above what a normal ordinary quality programme of negotiated decentralisation would have done.

We are in a serious economic situation and now is not the time for such theatrics. The Minister should put the economy ahead of his own vanity. He should release realistic estimates for 2009 spending in advance of the budget as happens every other year. In the information vacuum that appears to be developing, it is difficult to see how the best decisions can be made in the interests of families in Ireland.

With financial markets facing their deepest crisis since the great depression, there is a growing consensus that the deregulation agenda of the past two decades has done more harm than good and must be reversed. We do not need to ban financial innovation — we need to regulate it so that it does not put the financial system itself in jeopardy. Part of the answer to the current financial crisis is the innovative regulation of derivative financial products.

Just this week the European Parliament adopted a bipartisan resolution on financial service regulation. There is agreement across the European political spectrum that the time for re-regulation is now. In the face of this common sense consensus, European bankers are fighting a strong rearguard action, aided and abetted, unfortunately, by pliant Governments, including our own. We should not take regulation from bankers. It ought to be parliaments who decide what is in the best interest of investment, depositor, saver and lender. The banks prioritise their own profit. They say regulation undermines competitiveness. What they actually mean is that regulation undermines their ability to make mega-profits by taking on mega-risks with other peoples' money. We need sensible regulation to restore financial stability.

Just as we have safety standards governing the food we eat, the cars we drive and the medicines we take, we need safety standards for financial products to protect the stability of the financial system. International financial regulators must be empowered to ensure that financial innovation never again gets so out of hand that it threatens the entire economy. We have not yet seen the impact on European banks of the results of what has happened in America because we do not know how much of the derivative products, much of which are financial rubbish, is in their balance sheets.

On the international scene we need a redesign of the financial regulatory architecture to ensure that any newly devised or existing financial products pass a consumer health check. Banking executives' bonus schemes should not incentivise excessive risk-taking, the masters of the universe, whether down in the IFSC, Wall Street or in the City of London. Bonuses and annual payments of €4 million, €10 million or €40 million are paid to them to gamble excessively with other people's money. We need an early warning system to ward off asset bubbles and an alignment of interests between mortgage lenders and mortgage investors.

The crisis of delinquent capitalism has already claimed high profile victims on Wall Street. The worry is that the financial crisis will spill over to claim its victims on the high street and main street of every Irish town and village. People up and down the country are facing real problems in the real economy and they need a Government that is the real deal.

Economic growth in Ireland is at its lowest level since 1988, unemployment has topped 6% and over 2,000 people are losing their jobs every week. The cost of living is increasing at 4.3% and is three times the rate the Government inherited in 1997. Consumer confidence is weakening and retail sales are falling for the first time since 2004. The CSO construction employment index is down by 16% in the past 12 months. Entrepreneurs with solid business plans cannot access finance and the Government has allowed for a deficit the public finances. I notice the Minister's careful words where he acknowledges a deficit of €5 billion, but we could be heading for €7 billion by the end of 2008.

The Labour Party rejects the conservative consensus that the public finances are the root cause of the problems in the economy, rather than a symptom of them. International factors are making a recovery more difficult, but the root of our problems is the home-grown housing bubble. There the Taoiseach led the field. He stoked this in the budget of 2006-07 in order to win the election. In the budget last year when Fianna Fáil was back in power, he stoked it again in order to win his party's leadership.

This is Deputy Brian Cowen's recession. When we come to write the history of the financial times of this period in Ireland I hope historians will describe it in those terms.

I thank the Labour Party for sharing time. I appreciate this and I also appreciate that Fine Gael moved this motion in its Private Members' time. It should not have been necessary, of course. The Government should have afforded at least one full day, preferably two, to debating this most important matter.

The economic challenges this State faces in the coming period are substantial but with well thought out and responsible policies they are not insurmountable. Without doubt, some of what we face today can be attributed to the international credit crunch and a global downturn. Major investment banks, such as Lehman Brothers, collapsed, sending shockwaves throughout the financial world and causive massive liquidity problems.

However, as much as we are exposed to outside factors, the Government can no longer hide from the fact that it is Government policy and mismanagement that has brought us to this point in the Irish economy. Irish banks were not exposed in any comparable way to the sub-prime catastrophe that has hit the world's financial institutions. However, because of years when domestic credit was made freely available to developers and speculators, our economy was allowed to develop on the back of an unsustainable and unstable property market.

The false bubble referred to by the previous speaker, with whose comments I agree, was not capitalised upon by Government. It was used to give absolute tax breaks to those doing very well out of the economy and was also used to bolster election chances.

The Government presided over many investment failures in respect of value for money. No major infrastructural projects came in on time. Strategic investment was not made in providing broadband nationally, in revitalising rural Ireland, in public transport or in renewable energy. The Government relied instead on property-based tax reliefs, leaving us with many hotels, car parks and shopping centres instead of social housing, buses and wind farms.

The Government also failed to invest in measures to combat poverty. As a consequence, almost 300,000 people live in consistent poverty and will remain there if this Government has its way. It continues to boast that the fundamentals of the economy are sound when it is clear that economic growth in this State was driven by unreliable domestic consumption rather than by robust export policy and sustainable industry.

Government policy produced a high-cost base for business, poor competitiveness, poor public services and huge private debt. Its strategy of high indirect taxes means that, as consumer spending falls, the Government will lose still further revenue, thereby putting even greater pressure on the economy.

Over the summer months, however, the Government all but disappeared. It took no action until it was dragged back into the House in late September. The bringing forward of the budget is simply for the optics. The Government must take charge. It is time its members accept that the buck stops with them when it comes to running the economy. The Minister for Finance, Deputy Brian Lenihan, faces into his Budget Statement 2009 with a shortfall in tax receipts projected to exceed €5 billion by the end of the year, and an Exchequer deficit which, by the end of August, had reached €8.4 billion. Nobody who has managed to make such a considerable miscalculation of the State's finances has any right to act smugly about the condition of the economy.

A Government response to the current situation that seeks to address the shortfall in public finances by resorting to cutbacks in public services is not acceptable. Our public services are already characterised by a lack of capacity and quality. Of all the countries of Europe, only Estonia and Lithuania have lower public spending than we do. There is a need to look at how and where the Government has wasted public money in recent years. Opposition parties are correct to blame Government mismanagement for our present predicament but those of us in opposition also have a responsibility to propose solutions and outline what we would do, if in power. It is not enough to say that Government must keep taxes low and must protect public services solely by seeking value for money in those services. The present motion proposes as much. That said, my party supports the motion.

Our public spending is the third lowest in Europe. Waste and duplication must be eradicated but let us not fool ourselves about the so-called black hole in public spending. It does not exist. Government spending is nowhere near the level it needs to be at in order to reverse the deficits that were allowed to build up in our social and physical infrastructure. It is irresponsible of any of us in opposition to try to sell that line to the public. Some members of the Opposition would quite happily stand over cuts in public services proposed by the Government rather than use innovative thinking to stimulate the economy and build the revenue that is needed to fund our public services appropriately. We must offer responsible solutions as to how the Government might dig itself out of this mess in the short and medium term, while protecting the most vulnerable who have so often in the past proved a target for budgetary cuts.

Sinn Féin urges the Government to use the budget for 2009 in a number of ways in order to stimulate the economy. We want job creation to be prioritised. In particular, we want an immediate re-training programme for construction workers to get them into areas such as renewable energy, retro-fitting and other industries. We want the Government to address underperforming export markets. Approximately 90% of our exports in 2006 came from foreign owned companies based here, rather than from indigenous industry. That is a shocking statistic. A well-known American economist has commented that what we had was not so much a Celtic tiger but rather an American tiger trapped in a Celtic zoo.

We want national development plan commitments in social and affordable housing and school buildings to be frontloaded. This will re-employ construction workers and will help contribute revenue as well as keep those people out of dole queues. We also want the Government to take action to reduce the cost of living pressure on low-income families and those dependent on social welfare, by establishing an anti-inflation package and awarding social welfare increases. It is also imperative that the Government brings forward a set of proposals to reduce cost pressures on small businesses. This should include the fast-tracking of company law legislation in order to reduce regulatory burdens while protecting the rights of workers.

There must be a fundamental reform of the tax system to ensure that we have both a low and a fair tax regime. In the interim, however, the Government must use the tax system to assist those on low incomes. Tax breaks and loopholes used by the super rich to avoid paying tax must be removed and those at the higher end of the scale must pay their fair share in order that sufficient revenue is generated for current and longer-term spending demands.

Over the coming two years Sinn Féin wants to see the following — national development plan investment prioritised and directed towards projects that address our infrastructual deficits; the development of a public sector reform plan, in partnership with the trade unions, that will combine increased investment in frontline services, with improved effectiveness; and the delivery of a national action plan for social inclusion to redress the inequalities in our society.

In the longer term we must turn our economy around. We need an economic model based on principles of high quality employment, environmental sustainability, tax justice and world class public services. These matters are what both Government and Opposition parties must discuss. Of course we do not have enough time to tease out these issues in the time afforded by the Fine Gael Private Members' motion. Again, I acknowledge this motion and I appreciate its introduction. Unfortunately, there are many other issues, such as the prioritisation of job creation and dealing with how we must work ourselves out of the mess the Government currently finds itself in, of its own creation. I look forward to the opportunity to have a more lengthy debate in the future.

Debate adjourned.
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