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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 29 Oct 2008

Vol. 665 No. 2

Education Cuts: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann deplores the series of educational cuts announced in the budget and subsequently by the Minister for Education and Science; expresses its serious concern at the damage these cuts will cause to the education system and to the future prospects of our children; and calls on the Government, in particular, to reverse the decision to increase class sizes at first and second level.

With the agreement of the House, I wish to share time with Deputies McManus, Sherlock, Tuffy and Ó Caoláin.

On 14 October this year, I sat in this Chamber ready to hear the Minister for Finance deliver his first budget speech. I was anxious for him and for the country. I remembered how I felt in February 1995, when I delivered the first of three budgets as we launched the Celtic tiger.

Making the budget is a complex and demanding task. I feared for a man, manifestly clever but with so little ministerial experience and no business background. My heart sank as I heard the Civil Service-leaden prose being intoned to raise the nation to confront the new difficult economic circumstances in which we found ourselves. This was no personal manifesto, political script or even plan of action that might lead us back to a productive and healthy economy. My very worst fears were confirmed when I heard the cynicism and cowardice behind the call to "patriotic action". This is the last refuge of a worn-out Government, too long in office and long out of creative solutions.

It was difficult on budget day to fully grasp the budget's impact on our education system from junior infants to postgraduate students, but not now. The details have been revealed, the impacts have been measured and the results have been assessed. This budget is an act of social vandalism.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

It is an attack upon our children, the most vulnerable in our society. It is an attack on our future because our children will be the generation who will guide us into old age and they will care for us as we have done for our parents. It is an attack on our young generation.

Think of it. It pushes many shy, insecure young four year old children into classes with more than 30 other children. It makes it impossible for under-resourced primary school teachers to cherish all the children equally. How can they find the time or make the space to monitor and guide each child? Where, amidst the demands of curriculum and time, will they get the moment to realise that a child — your child or your grandchild — needs extra help or special time?

We have 450,000 primary pupils in our overcrowded schools. In 12 years we will have as many as 650,000, according to the Central Statistics Office. Our population is growing but we have no place to accommodate our young children in decent classrooms. Already we have an estimated 45,000 primary pupils in prefabs. We have recently learnt that we have 50,000 new homes lying idle in ghost housing estates. This is more than the two years' supply that our growing households and population would require. Many were built in out-of-the-way places with unnecessary tax incentives. Their physical presence is an empty monument to the incompetence of Fianna Fáil, the economically illiterate policies of the Ministers, former Deputy McCreevy and Deputy Cowen, and the greed of the Galway tent.

Bankers and builders fell over themselves to persuade their "bought" political clients that the bubble could never burst. How wrong they were but they would not listen. Fianna Fáil simply did not understand. Last year, the former Taoiseach, Mr. Bertie Ahern, at a conference in Bundoran wondered aloud in an aside why some gloomy forecasters of our economy simply did not commit suicide. As late as last June we were accused by the Taoiseach, Deputy Brian Cowen, of talking down the economy. In years to come, children will ask their parents, who repeatedly and unquestionably voted Fianna Fáil and the Greens, "What did you do in the boom? Where did the money go? Why did I spend my 12 years in school in a prefab?"

The world's economy is changing rapidly, even dramatically, before our very eyes. Economic and political power is shifting from the West — from America, Europe and like-minded countries — to Brazil, China and India. The 500 years of European dominance, of which we are an intrinsic part, is being rebalanced. We live in a very competitive global economy and that competition will increase and intensify as our children come into age. Our future, within the European Union, is the consolidation of our knowledge-based economy and a society built on fairness, equality and solidarity.

The Labour Party supports the national skills strategy which underpins the goal of a knowledge-based economy. We have never challenged it. We helped in part to create it and we support it. We need to increase the number of third level graduates from 55% of the student population to 72% by 2020 to achieve that goal. Today, the children of some of the social groups in our society are already in third level — 100% of the higher professional socioeconomic group and 98% of the farming community. The abolition of third level fees by Labour in Government removed the final psychological and financial barrier for families whose parents had never gone to college.

Education is not free at any level. Ask any parent about that. However, at least it is now accessible to all, or it will be until the Greens and Fianna Fáil reintroduce college fees. We must remember, however, that the journey to third level starts in primary school — in junior and senior infants and all the way to sixth class. Between the ages of four and 15, all children must, by law, attend school. Their parents can be brought to court and fined up to €500 or even sent to jail if they do not ensure their children get that constitutional right, a primary education.

In our primary schools, among the many skills that our children acquire, the most important are that they learn to write and to read. In secondary school, children read to learn so as to successfully sit the junior certificate and leaving certificate and, hopefully, travel on to college. Today, however, 19% drop out of school after they reach 15 years of age. Most, but not all, simply do so because they cannot read. The Minister of State, Deputy Seán Haughey, has reluctantly admitted to me in the Dáil that as many as 500,000 of our citizens are functionally illiterate and that number is growing. Budget 2009 will accelerate that growth. Dropouts drop into unemployment, then long-term unemployment or possibly even worse — self abuse, drug addiction or crime, and perhaps all three. Ask the governor of Mountjoy Prison.

The impact of this budget on our education system is simply disastrous. At a time of need for more investment, we are worsening a key measure in our educational system, the pupil-teacher ratio. As a consequence, we are now heading to the bottom of the OECD education league. The Celtic tiger, under the management of Fianna Fáil and the Greens, is facing relegation.

In so far as we can measure the figures, I estimate that up to 1.5 million people will be directly affected by the measures contained in this pernicious budget, not once but frequently, with disastrous results. Children, students, parents and even grandparents will all be touched, damaged and wounded by these measures. The Minister, Deputy Batt O'Keeffe, said the cutbacks would only last for two years. That is wrong. For some, they will be a life sentence.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

The Minister, Ministers of State, members of Fianna Fáil and, God love them, the Green Party——

The yellow party.

Labour is not trying to score political points, nor are we trying to bring down the Government in this motion. We simply want to change that element of the budget that affects education.

We share the views expressed by the Chairman of the Joint Committee on Education and Science, Deputy Paul Gogarty of the Green Party, who said recently, and which might have been in the letter received by the Minister in Beijing or Shanghai:

I do not have to repeat what I have said about education being a building block for future prosperity and social cohesion and the collective failure of the body politic — Government and Opposition — to give real commitments to education so that we may reap the real rewards, albeit in some cases beyond the narrow five year electoral cycle. Funding education pays back in so many ways. And making cuts in the wrong place can cause irreparable damage.

If ever cuts were made in the wrong place, these are them and yes, they will cause irreparable damage. The Labour Party and, I believe, the Opposition and Government backbenchers, many of whom have expertise and experience in primary education, are working together to try to secure our future and defend our children. Ireland is still a rich country but it is in economic difficulties. Together we can overcome these difficulties by creative thinking, hard work and inspired political leadership. We have done so previously. I ask the Government not to use our children's future to copperfasten its deeply flawed budget. It is time for Ministers and Deputies in Fianna Fáil and the Green Party to go back to the drawing board.

I must remind those in the Gallery that applause is not allowed.

Last week, pensioners and students stood in their thousands outside the gates of this Parliament. Tonight parents and teachers are standing in the cold to defend the thousands of children throughout the country who are under attack. A budget that promised to protect the vulnerable has turned into a blunderbuss directed towards the young and the elderly. It is no wonder that the anger is palpable in the avalanche of e-mails and telephone calls we have received. I want to give voice to this anger and I can only do so by putting on the record some fragments of the views I received from schools in County Wicklow.

One school states:

The increase in the student teacher ratio means we lose one to two teachers. The withdrawal of paid substitution will lead to total chaos in our school from January onwards.

A teacher asks:

I have been sick only twice in my entire teaching career. Is it seriously being proposed that a sick teacher gets out of bed, attends the doctor and informs their principal well before 8.30 a.m. so the principal has time to arrange a substitute? Get real.

Another communication states;

Our school is grossly overcrowded due to the expansion of Enniskerry and we have been waiting patiently for a promised extension. To compound matters class sizes are being increased.

A teacher of home economics writes;

My school will suffer hugely. We will lose teachers, have larger classes and reduced subject choice. Field trips and sports will be cancelled. The grant for my main subject is to be abolished. Where is the money to come from?

Another teacher referring to foreign nationals in her school states, "these children will find themselves lost in already over populated classrooms, making integration virtually impossible".

A parent states;

My daughter is in fifth year. She will not be able to continue doing chemistry next year. How on earth does the Government expect her to change subjects during her leaving cert course?

The worst and most telling is a report of a school that had its refurbishment stalled long before the budget with little hope now after it:

Our main concerns are: A boiler that is 41 years old and a health and safety risk so there is no heating as a result; regular sewage and water discharge into the boiler room; no fire alarm system; no fire escape; no emergency lighting; no fire safety certificates on any of the buildings; toilets are completely unsanitary; no hot water services; and evidence of vermin at the rear of the building.

These comments are only a fraction of the feedback I have received. These education cutbacks are shortsighted, unfair and unworkable. They are being driven by a Fianna Fáil Party which introduced free secondary education when times were rough and a Green Party which gave us lectures on education when times were easy. Many people voted for these parties on the promise that class sizes would fall and education supports would improve. Instead of keeping faith with the people, their children are being asked to pay a terrible price for Government incompetence and extravagance.

Every time I walk into this Chamber, I pass a statue of Thomas Davis, a fellow Mallow man famous for the quote, "educate that you may be free". The Government, by its actions in recent weeks, has sought to curb these freedoms. When Davis spoke of freedom, he may have spoken in the context of political liberation but he also spoke in the context of the freedom of ideas, thought and consciousness.

If we are to educate our children in this nation in the context that Davis spoke about we must give them all the tools we can. The Government, by its actions last week, sought to limit those freedoms and limit the giving of those tools to those children and it should be ashamed of its actions.

When I look across the benches of this House I see certain Members of the Green Party playing the Tadhg an dá thaobh and running with the hare and hunting with the hound. I say to them that if they are true to their political conscience and creed they will vote with the Labour Party on this motion and vote for the children of the nation and for the proper education policy that we wish to see in this land.

In speaking to this motion I speak for the schools in my constituency. I speak for the children of Ballyhooley national school and the people in Carrigtwohill, Fermoy, the Mercy national school in Cobh, Midleton College and Gaelscoil Mhainistir na Corann. These are among many who made representations to me about the swingeing cutbacks that will be implemented and the adverse effects they will have on the day to day operations of their schools.

It must be admitted that great strides have been made in many aspects of education during the past ten years, although not at a pace we would wish to see. However, it is wrong for any Government to roll back those achievements in one fell swoop and send us headlong back to where we were in the 1980s. This is not the mark of a nation making progress. I urge the Government to think hard about its actions.

If we are going to flourish as a nation we must look to future generations. The way we can flourish, socially and economically, is by ensuring every child bar none has the best chance in life he or she can have and having an education system that is world class. Anything else is not what we want.

This motion is reasonable. It speaks to the genuine fears the people have about the way they see the education system going. The people beyond these walls, the people of this land, who have shouted loudly, and thank God for their voices, do not want to see their children treated this way nor should the Legislature treat their children this way. We want to give them a fair chance and a fair opportunity. This is what we seek through this motion.

On Friday, as I walked down the main street of Mallow I was approached by transition year students from St. Mary's secondary school. They flocked around me to tell me they will not be able to carry out many of the projects and aspirations they have for their transition year because of the cuts. They asked me to let their voices be heard in Dáil Éireann when next I spoke on the subject. I speak for those girls and for the aspirations they have. I speak for the aspirations I had when I was their age and for the educational opportunities I had which were limited because of the times I grew up in during the 1980s. Do not send the education system back to the 1980s. Let us think forward and consider the investment that can be made now and the payoffs in the long run as a result.

In putting down this motion, the Labour Party is defending progress made in the education system such as the reduction of class sizes, tackling educational disadvantage and getting more students to stay in school and go on to college. Initiatives that have contributed to this progress have been generated across the political spectrum. Thanks must be paid to teachers, students and parents for their part in this regard.

Much of the progress has been the result of initiatives introduced by the former Member, Niamh Bhreathnach, when she was the Labour Party's Minister for Education. She published the first and only White Paper on education, charting its future direction. She introduced programmes to tackle educational disadvantage including the leaving certificate applied, Breaking the Cycle and the Early Start programmes while expanding the transition year programme and abolishing third level fees.

The progress that followed included increased participation by school leavers in third level, including those from the lower socio-economic groups. Clondalkin, in my Dublin Mid-West constituency, was one of the postal districts analysed by the Higher Education Authority for its report on who goes to college. Clondalkin's participation rates in third level increased from 12.7% in 1998 to 22.8% in 2004. More needs to be done but progress has been made. The same report found that more people from disadvantaged backgrounds stayed on in school, thanks to the very programmes introduced by Niamh Bhreathnach, in particular the leaving certificate applied programme.

In 2004, the then Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Mary Hanafin, commissioned a report on the transition year which assessed its success. It found that students who took the transition year did better in the leaving certificate and were more likely to go to college. One problem highlighted, however, was those schools which carry the transition programme need proper funding for the programmes to be successful.

I have seen the progress in education in Dublin Mid-West at first hand. I am sure my constituency colleagues, the Minister of State, Deputy John Curran, the Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Mary Harney, and Deputy Paul Gogarty, the chairman of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Education and Science, have also seen them. Last week I met with students from Collinstown Park community college, some of whom are in the Visitors Gallery tonight, who are here to defend the progress made in their school. They told me how valuable programmes such as the leaving certificate applied, the leaving certificate vocational, the transition year and the junior certificate programme were to them.

One leaving certificate applied student told me he did not think he would be still at school but for the programme. A leaving certificate vocational programme student told me he hoped the programme would provide him with the opportunity to go on to third level as it provides gateway subjects. Transition year students told me how the programme was an opportunity for them to mature and make better decisions about their future studies and careers. Collinstown Park community college sends many more students to third level, into jobs and apprenticeships than it did a decade ago. This is mirrored in all the other schools throughout the Dublin Mid-West constituency in Lucan and Clondalkin.

Funding for these programmes will be cut and schools in Dublin Mid-West will lose tens of thousands of euro. Many of the schools will lose two or three teachers. What will these cuts mean for individuals? The cuts will mean individuals will drop out of school. The doubling of the third level registration fee will force many others to drop out of college. Individuals who would have stayed on to participate in properly funded junior certificate support programmes and vocational leaving certificate programmes will be in danger of dropping out of school. Some schools may cease to offer the transition year because it will be too costly to run. As it was, many schools could not offer the programme because it was too costly to run properly.

There will be larger class sizes, Travellers will drop out and some schools will have to cut less popular subjects, such as physics, because they will not have the teachers to provide them. Children who need language support will lose out, as will their class mates. A local school in my constituency has informed me it will lose three foreign national TEFL teachers because of the new cap. Students will perform poorly because of larger classes and other cuts, resulting in their career and further study options being diminished.

They will be faced by all of the cuts. Disadvantaged schools and those on the threshold will be hit hardest by these cuts. They will be affected by larger class sizes, restrictions on substitution teachers and cuts in various programmes, such as the leaving certificate applied and vocational options and transition year. Many of these schools are in Dublin Mid-West, a constituency represented by the Green Party's Deputy Paul Gogarty, chairman of the Oireachtas education committee. These cuts are a mistake. We should be investing in education and building on progress. We must ensure that through investing in education we build our economy again.

I have already argued progress can be made in all social areas during harder economic times. There are examples in history where governments in hard economic times invested in education, social welfare, health and housing. Poland, which is much poorer than Ireland, is investing more in education. Ireland will lose out in economic competitiveness in the future to such countries.

The purpose of being in government is to make progress on the issues one cares most about. The Green Party, and in particular Deputy Paul Gogarty, made education one of these issues. With these cuts, the progress made in the education system in disadvantaged areas such as Dublin Mid-West, represented by Deputy Gogarty, will be reversed. The Green Party and the Government is on the wrong side of progress in education.

The Minister for Finance, Deputy Brian Lenihan, made the amazing call for patriotism after his budget speech, the most savage and swingeing budget ever seen in the House. That call was answered very well by 15,000 senior citizens last week. It has been answered again by thousands outside the House tonight. That is the real call to patriotism, not that of the Minister for Finance.

With these cuts in education, up to 2,000 teacher jobs will be lost and the pupil-teacher ratio will increase. Already there are 40,000 pupils in classes over 30. What will the figure be after these cuts? Ireland was the second last of all European countries in the pupil-teacher ratio tables; now it is the last. Is that a proud record to have at the end of the Celtic tiger?

There will be cuts in grants for disadvantaged schools, transition year and extra curricular activities. The library grant of €2.1 million and the free book scheme will be abolished. These cuts are outrageous. If a teacher falls ill or is away on school activities, there can be no substitution because it has been cut back by the Minister. Pupils will lose out. Hard-won gains by parents, boards of management and the teacher unions have been swept away with one hatchet blow by the Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Batt O'Keeffe, without any consideration for industrial relations. That is not the way to do business.

Young students who are expecting to get a better education with the disadvantaged and special education grants will now not have that opportunity. Deputy Paul Gogarty, the Green Party's spokesperson on education, said last week in the House that he could not stand over some of the cutbacks in the budget. Tomorrow, he will have the opportunity to show his patriotism by walking with the Labour Party through the lobbies.

Sinn Féin supports the Labour Party motion before the House tonight.

Despite promising that education would be protected from front-line cuts this Government has introduced dozens of cuts that will have a devastating impact on children, teachers and parents.

Is léir anois go bhfuair ár gcóras oideachais an buille is mó agus is uafásaí on mbuiséid mífhreagrach seo. Níl grúpa ar bith slán agus mar is gnáth is iad an dream leochaileach atá thíos leis de bharr mí-iompar an Rialtais Fhianna Fáil-Comhaontas Glas. It is now clear that education has been one of the sectors worst hit by this callous and irresponsible budget. No stone has been left unturned and as usual it is the most vulnerable in society who are paying the price for the utter incompetence of this Fianna Fáil-Green Party coalition.

Primary school funding has seen an attack like no other with increases in class sizes, caps on language support teachers at two per school, abolition of equipment and resource grants, cuts to the school buildings project and deferral of the Education for Persons with Special Educational Needs Act. Our secondary schools have been hit with cuts in support for pupils from disadvantaged areas, cuts in investment in information technology, increases in school transport costs, abolition of grants towards the junior certificate schools programme, leaving certificate applied and transition year programmes to name but a few.

Attacks on the education sector have also extended as far as third level with an increase in the college registration fee from €900 to €1,500, no provision for increases in student maintenance grants, deferral of planned 2009 increases in medical education places and cuts in adult education grants.

It is quite clear that the Government has not taken any measures to ease the crisis in education and instead has set about a course of reckless cuts which look set to cripple the entire sector.

Yesterday I had to create a new file on my computer because of the sheer volume of emails that I have received from frantic parents, teachers and students who have reached the end of their tether and are being blatantly ignored by the Government elected to serve them. One concerned teacher outlined the detrimental effect that the proposed cutbacks will have on her own school. She wrote:

Every class in our school will be more crowded next year. We will lose one language support teacher, which means less help for every child. From 1st January there will be no substitute cover for teachers on uncertified sick leave — the children in these classes will be divided amongst other, already overcrowded classrooms. All equipment and grants for support teachers working with special needs children are abolished. Our library book grant is gone. The extra capitation provided for traveller children is gone. The school book grant for needy families is gone.

This is just one example of how the ill-advised cuts foisted upon us by the Government will affect our children.

All sides recognise the extremely important role that the education system plays in shaping our society, however in overall terms Ireland ranks 30th out of the 34 countries studied in the Education at a Glance Report 2008 in terms of education expenditure as a percentage of GDP. The same report shows us that increases in spending in this State have been insufficient to match rapidly rising student numbers, most notably in tertiary education. Despite Government claims that it has high ambitions for education provision and that it sees investment in education at all levels as highly important to economic success, these figures show that they shamefully failed to invest in any strategic and meaningful manner.

The programme for Government agreed between the coalition partners gave commitments to decrease the pupil-teacher ratio in primary schools. Everyone knew that the Government had moved away from this commitment; however nobody could have predicted the decision to completely abandon it and increase the class sizes from 27 to 28 resulting in many job losses and detrimental effects on the quality of education. Our classrooms are already overcrowded; these measures will make them the largest in Europe.

The current primary school curriculum, with its emphasis on group work and differentiation to suit different learning styles and abilities, cannot be delivered in classes of more than 30. The measures in the budget will result in many classes larger than this.

It will dramatically affect the ability of the system to address learning difficulties and will affect future literacy levels, and levels of maths, science and other subjects that we all accept are critical objectives for the future of our society.

With such increases in class sizes, schools are full to bursting point with little hope of receiving grant aid for use in building extensions or repairing existing buildings. There are more than 1,400 schools on the school building programme yet the Government has slashed the funding for primary school building. That is a fact, make no mistake about it. No head-shaking will erase that fact from the record.

It is completely unacceptable that our children are to continue being taught in deplorable accommodation and conditions throughout the State without any indication of when proper school buildings will be provided.

At present the Department of Education and Science, under the leadership of the Minister, Deputy Batt O'Keeffe, spends €35.5 million per annum on prefabricated buildings. That is a shameful fact. This is money down the drain which could be reinvested in a proper school building programme. The current downturn in the domestic building sector provides an opportunity to address historic underfunding of school buildings in a way that will provide real value for money into the future.

Sinn Féin has been making the call to drastically reduce class sizes for several years because we believe the positive benefits of smaller classes make them an absolute necessity and more conducive to teaching and learning. Classes of 20 pupils or fewer are internationally accepted as best practice.

We call on the Government to live up to its commitment in the programme for Government with a reduction in the primary school staffing schedule of one pupil per teacher in the school for the school year 2009-10.

Sinn Féin has been calling for significant investment in education as part of a long-term economic strategy to build the knowledge based economy that we talk so much about. If we have to borrow money for capital investment then so be it. We should be spending it now where it will really make a difference. The future of our children depends on it.

These cutbacks only succeed in hurting those who are most vulnerable and those who are key to the strategic growth of our economy. They are short-sighted and counterproductive, show evidence of a lack understanding of the realities of schools and will damage the educational outcomes of hundreds and, likely, thousands of children.

Cutbacks cannot be justified especially, as I must emphasise, when the necessary funds can be raised elsewhere. Under massive public pressure the Government has been forced into a significant climbdown on medical cards for the over 70s. They must now be forced to a climbdown on the savage cutbacks on education.

I call on all Deputies of all parties and none in this House to support the Labour Party motion and call again on the Government to listen to the people including, as I have just come in a few moments after the start of this debate, the some 20,000 people estimated to be standing outside in the pouring rain and the cold — teachers and parents together — making a demand on the Minister and the Government to reverse these disgraceful cuts in education. As a messenger of the people here in this Chamber tonight, I re-echo their voice.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"—recognises, given the difficult economic circumstances, the necessity to stabilise the public finances and that taking difficult expenditure decisions and choices at this time is essential in order to ensure that public services, including education, can be sustained and improved in the long run;

notes that the expenditure control measures in the education sector must be considered in the context of the Government's significant investment in education which has increased spending by over 300% since 1997, which has provided for significant improvements in resources and infrastructure across the sector including:

15,000 extra teachers working in our primary and post-primary schools;

the targeting of additional supports and resources for children with special education needs with over 19,000 teachers and special needs assistants now working with these children in our schools;

the targeting of additional supports and funding to schools in the most disadvantaged areas under the Department's DEIS (Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools) Action Plan;

the significant capital expenditure of over €586 million this year alone for the school building programme compared to just €92 million in 1997;

notes the longstanding role of partnership in education and the Government commitment to continuing to work constructively with the partners to build on past achievements and improve educational outcomes for all our students;

acknowledges that the education budget for 2009 shows a 3.2% increase on 2008, despite serious pressures on public finances and major challenges to our economic and social well being; and

recognises that these expenditure control measures, while necessary in the current circumstances, will be considered further by Government, in the context of prevailing economic circumstances, at the earliest possible opportunity."

I wish to share my time with Deputy Seán Fleming.

I welcome this opportunity to contribute to the debate this evening on the level of provision made for education in the Estimates and the implications of that provision for maintaining the level of services in the education system.

Before I comment on some of the outlandish claims made this evening, and the scaremongering that has gone on in the past two weeks about the claimed impact on schools and children, I want to first go back to one basic premise as the starting point for any reasonable or rational discussion on this issue. We must accept that the dramatic changes in world economic circumstances, changes that are challenging Governments the world over, require decisive action. Or are we to pretend, as some seem intent on doing, that somehow here in Ireland we can carry on regardless?

The budget was about striking a balance between setting an appropriate level of public expenditure, making measured changes to taxation and setting an appropriate level of borrowing. It is simplistic and dangerous to pretend that expenditure on public services could be allowed to grow as though domestic and international economic conditions were as healthy as they were in recent years. Those on the benches opposite are being outrageous with the people when they offer——

It is the Minister who is being outrageous.

——solutions that enable them to avoid putting forward difficult options for keeping expenditure under control.

Deputy Gogarty gave them.

We have heard suggestions that there are easy alternative taxation measures that can somehow solve all these difficulties. This is populist nonsense. Let us remind ourselves that in the mid-1980s we followed the route of high taxation and significant borrowing, and we had difficulty recovering from that folly. We also should remind ourselves that it was by pitching the burden of taxation at an appropriate level that we made Ireland attractive for foreign direct investment and enabled private enterprise to flourish.

Let us be clear about this.

In order to maintain existing jobs——

Fianna Fáil's buddies flourished with the tax breaks.

——and create replacement jobs for any that are lost, we cannot discourage private investment by taxing it out of existence——

By destroying creativity.

——which is what lurks behind much of the Labour Party's proposed solution.

Why does the Minister not burn the books?

Much drama and hysteria has been whipped up about protecting our children's future——

Ask the teachers what they think of it.

——and the impact, in particular, of increasing class sizes. I will deal with that issue later. The Government has more fundamental issues to deal with. Yes, we want to protect the future, not only for our children but for all our people.

Who created the mess?

We want to do the right thing now to ensure——

Why did the Government not do the right thing for the last ten years? For ten years it has done the wrong thing.

——we do not prejudice our capacity to benefit from a pick-up in the world economy. Economic and fiscal stability is essential if we are to sustain employment, which means ensuring not only the employment prospects of our children in the future but the employment prospects of their parents now.

Did the Minister make that up himself?

Viewed in that context, the Government's measures in setting a level of public expenditure that takes into account the reduction in tax revenues due to a reduced level of economic activity has to be seen as vital to the nation's future. It is unfeasible, in managing overall public expenditure, to allow a major area of expenditure such as education to spiral upwards as if nothing had changed.

This Government's continued prioritisation of education over the last 11 years is evidenced——

The Government made a bags of it.

——by our investment in 2009 of €9.6 billion — more than treble the investment in 1997.

The Government is spending less percentage-wise.

We are committed to investing in education but we have to invest at a level that is consistent with what we can afford and what is sustainable at present given the economic circumstances.

Which were brought about by Fianna Fáil.

The increase of €302 million in the education budget for 2009 is therefore a real achievement in the current economic climate.

The Department of Education and Science is one of only three Departments to have been allocated increased funding in 2009.

Tell that to the people on the streets.

However, I am not going to pretend this amount is sufficient to maintain the current level of service in all respects. It is the best we could do in the circumstances.

On budget day I made clear that a number of difficult decisions would have to be taken to enable us to work within the level of resources available for education in the coming year.

Such as the €2 million for books.

I took no joy in making those decisions. They would not have been taken if we were not facing such ominous financial circumstances.

Which the Government created.

As I have stated previously, approximately 80% of my Department's current funding goes on the salaries of staff working in the education sector, including teachers, special needs assistants and lecturers.

There will be fewer of them next year.

In 2009, taking account of the measures announced in the budget, the net pay bill for teachers' salaries and pensions will increase by almost €300 million as a result of a combination of pay increases, increasing pension costs and the full-year costs of the salaries of extra teachers appointed this September. My current allocation provides for increased enrolments in primary schools and continued growth in special needs provision in primary and post-primary schools. In addition, pay costs will rise by some €40 million to cover the full-year costs of additional special needs assistants in the system this September as well as provision for additional posts next September.

The Government has had to make extremely difficult decisions across all public services, and education, unfortunately, is no different. The fact that pay constitutes the bulk of current expenditure on education is inescapable and it was therefore necessary to introduce measures which affected the teaching resources available to schools. The budgetary targets agreed by the Government could not otherwise have been reached without having a disproportionate impact on non-pay areas such as day-to-day funding for schools.

I am from Cork, a county that knows a thing or two about hurling.

Yes. We know all about the Minister in Ballygarvan and Passage West.

Jack Lynch was a great hurler. But Deputy Quinn, who this morning refused to say where he would make the savings he proposes, is the most skilful hurler on the ditch I have ever encountered.

I thank the Minister. That is my job.

A particular challenge is that the education sector is continuing to grow.

The hurlers are on strike.

An extra 14,000 pupils entered our primary schools in September and a further 11,000 pupils are expected in September 2009. An additional 3,000 pupils are expected at post-primary level in September 2009. Meeting this growing demand at a time of severe public spending constraints meant that some hard choices had to be faced.

The Department will pack them into classes of 36 or 37.

The specific measures I have had to take with regard to the staffing schedule——

Such as the Travellers' grant and the book grant.

——and substitution cover have to be seen in this light.

Where are the light Green Party Deputies this evening?

We had to take a measured and balanced view of what was reasonable in the circumstances.

The Minister is a dreadful failure.

I have listened to the hysterical claims about changes to the basic staffing schedules for primary and indeed most post-primary schools. This is scaremongering of the highest order.

The Minister should say that in Ballygarvan.

Tell that to the parents and teachers outside.

Are the Opposition Members and the teachers' unions honestly saying to the public——

The Minister is out of touch.

——that the primary school system will be in crisis next year because we are proposing to allocate mainstream classroom teachers to schools on the same basis as in the 2006-07 school year?

The Minister should ask the principals and the boards of management.

This is a measured adjustment. It is not credible to make such outlandish statements about its impact.

The Minister should meet with the principals and the boards of management.

I can understand the disappointment of the INTO that this measure——

The Minister should not try to blame the unions for this.

——runs counter to one of its major objectives of having its members work in smaller classes.

The Minister should be talking about parents and children. Blaming the unions is a Fianna Fáil red herring.

Is it seriously being claimed that from September 2006 to June 2007 we were sacrificing the future of the nation's children because of the way primary schools were staffed at that point?

Those were different times.

The statements made in this House and elsewhere by members of the Opposition are ill-informed and disingenuous. The Opposition is being opportunistic in stirring up unnecessary anxiety for thousands of families around the country. It should stop now.

(Interruptions).

Turning to the post-primary system, we are being asked to believe that the end of the world is nigh?

The end of the Government is nigh.

One fine day the Minister will find out if it is.

From September 2009 post-primary schools will be staffed on the same basis as they were prior to 2000.

It is no longer the Fianna Fáil speculators' paradise. The Minister is a chancer.

Those of our young people who graduated from our universities and institutes in recent years successfully came through our second level schools under the precise staffing arrangements that will apply from next September. Again, let us put aside the hyperbole. Is it credible to claim that operating as we did up to 2000 will be catastrophic? As I have said already, it is not what I would want if the circumstances were different. The measures being implemented in autumn 2009 will not cause the doomsday scenario being peddled in certain quarters, but failure to stabilise the public finances will.

Real patriotism would be to tell the truth.

The future prospects of our children would be prejudiced to a far greater extent if the Government recklessly ignored the current realities.

The dog ate the Minister's paper.

We have taken a measured approach in the circumstances and those who seek to alarm parents and the wider community in pursuit of their own agenda or for cheap political advantage are doing the nation no service.

Taken in combination, and with a reasoned attitude, the impact of the staffing schedule changes, withdrawal of historic disadvantage and language support posts, weighed against the increases expected in the number of teachers——

It is a shame.

——for increasing enrolment and resource teachers for special needs, will mean an overall reduction of 200 posts in both the primary and post-primary sectors.

Does the Minister believe that?

It is a disgrace. It is mean.

That is less than 1% of the overall number of teaching posts in schools currently.

That is as accurate as the Minister's figures.

When that is measured against the overall target of a 3% reduction across the public sector, it demonstrates the Government's desire——

The Minister would want to multiply that by ten.

——to protect frontline staff in schools to the greatest extent possible.

The Minister's sums are a bit weak.

Same old calculator.

An amount of confusion has been created around the impact of the measures on teacher numbers.

To take the primary sector as an example, I am basing my estimate of a net reduction of 200 posts on the removal of 1,100 posts while creating 900 posts.

And the Minister is good at numbers, is he?

That does mean that if none of the changes were being made there could have been over 1,000 primary teachers more in the system in September 2009 than are currently in the system. Some public statements seem to be based on a scaremongering claim that there will be a drop of over 1,000 teachers in the schools. It is a disingenuous use of "potential" additional posts that might have been created to imply a loss five times greater than what will be the real net impact. I reiterate that the budget is based on paying only 2,000 fewer primary teachers in September.

Did the Minister say 2,000?

Sorry, it will be 200 fewer——

Has the truth come out?

——primary teachers in 2009 than are currently being paid.

I hope the record of the House——

I want to also address the allegation made by Deputy Hayes that we are hiding figures used in our estimations. I strongly refute that allegation. I appreciate the Deputy does not have experience in framing Estimates——

And the Minister does.

——and therefore I will explain it for him.

A Deputy

No one on that side of the House has any experience.

The Minister did not do too well in it himself.

The Department of Education and Science budget for next year has been prepared on the same fundamental basis as any other year by estimating the number of teachers that will be employed under the different categories given the policies in place, for instance, mainstream classroom teachers, special needs and language support teachers and allowing for any change in overall demographics. The figures, both for increases and decreases in the estimated number of teaching posts, relate to possible ranges for the impact of the changes to the staffing schedules and the effectiveness of redeployment——

What the hell does that mean?

Run that by me again.

——as part of the detailed allocation process to individual schools.

Did the Minister write that one himself?

(Interruptions).

Let the Minister finish without interruption.

The education partners were invited to a briefing on budget day in regard to the measures——

A Deputy

English for beginners.

——affecting education. Anyone who asked then, or subsequently, was provided with information explaining the basis on which those calculations were done.

A Deputy

We are all confused.

Schools are currently returning data to my Department in regard to their enrolment as of 30 September 2008. All enrolment and pupil data has to go through a data validation process before it is used for teacher allocation purposes.

So the Minister does not have a clue what it might be.

So he chanced 200.

(Interruptions).

The detailed staffing allocations that individual schools will have for the commencement of the academic year 2009-10 will not be finalised until the allocation processes at primary and post-primary level have fully concluded.

That gives the game away.

The Minister does not have a clue.

There is nothing exceptional in that. The allocation processes include appellate mechanisms under which schools can appeal against the allocation——

——due to them under the staffing schedules.

A Deputy

More red tape.

That is particularly relevant at post-primary level where the appeals process considers in particular any specific curricular needs of the school concerned.

At primary level the final allocation to a school is also a function of the operation of the redeployment panels which provide for the retention of a teacher in the existing school if a new post is not available within the agreed terms of the scheme.

The position is less straightforward at post-primary level and in terms of how we manage teacher numbers in these difficult circumstances, it is essential we get a comprehensive cross-sectoral redeployment scheme. We need to build urgently on the existing agreement on redeployment where a post-primary school closes——

If I put on the headphones will I get a translation of that agreement?

——and build in the arrangements for ensuring that teachers who are surplus in one post-primary school can be moved to meet the needs of other post-primary schools. We already have about 200 over quota posts in schools, which means some schools have posts they are not entitled to under the existing staffing arrangements.

Tell that to the teachers.

(Interruptions).

Ultimately, having a working redeployment scheme at post-primary is about bringing about a situation where schools are treated on an equitable basis across the second level system, each school has the number of teachers it is entitled to and no one school is being disadvantaged while another is substantially over quota.

The dynamics of the teacher allocation process are more complex at post-primary level and even with an effective redeployment scheme, the adjustment being made will take more than one year to have the full effect. In terms of the overall impact on teacher numbers at post-primary, that is why our estimate is for a net 200 teachers fewer in the system in September 2009 when posts that will be withdrawn are balanced against new posts that will be created.

My Department has made clear, when asked, that the changes in the staffing ratio for post-primary schools could produce a further decrease in teaching posts over a number of years. However, in net terms it is likely that this would be offset by increased teaching post numbers due to increasing enrolments and growth in provision for children with special educational needs into the future.

I have made the point that the choices that had to be made were difficult. For example, if I had not suspended for the moment the substitution cover for short-term sick leave and school business I would have had to make more significant changes to the staffing schedule.

What about sport? No more school tours.

Since 2003, when those improvements for substitution cover were first introduced, we have spent dramatically more on substitution. Much of that additional spending will be retained with the 37 hour supervision scheme being maintained.

I am aware that from January the changes regarding substitution will present particular challenges for school managers but we felt that suspending part of the improvements made in 2003 was preferable to impacting more significantly on teacher numbers.

The point must be made that paid substitute cover for uncertified sick leave in all schools and for school business at second level was only introduced in 2003. This is in addition to a new payment of €1,789 to teachers to provide supervision and substitution cover that they previously provided without payment.

The Minister cannot go backwards like that.

I have left the payment to individual teachers in place and for the moment suspended the cover for uncertified sick leave and school business.

Prior to 2003, schools managed without any of that provision and this did not impede their capacity to participate, for example, in football and other sports competitions.

I fully accept that was possible through flexibility and goodwill all round. As we manage through this difficult period, I am asking teachers in all schools to co-operate fully with school managers in coping with this change in the interest of their students.

The Minister has not shown much goodwill.

Schools that require language support will still be entitled to get it. However, the budget measures will mean that the level of that support will be reduced to a maximum of two teachers per school, as was the case before 2007. We still envisage having over 1,400 language support teachers in our schools in September 2009 and up to about 500 other teachers in part-time posts. By any standards that is a very significant resource and the challenge will be to ensure it is used to maximum effect.

As I announced on budget day, we will also provide for some alleviation for the position of those schools where there is a significant concentration of newcomer pupils as a proportion of the overall enrolment.

That system failed before.

This will be done on a case-by-case basis.

That will be very efficient.

The allocation process for language support teachers is annual in nature and existing provision is not rolled out automatically. Schools will be applying afresh in the spring and early summer of 2009 for the 2009-10 school year, based on their assessment of the prospective needs of existing pupils and any new pupils that will be enrolling.

At post-primary level, each school management authority is required to organise its curriculum, teaching timetable and subject options having regard to pupils' needs within the limits of the approved normal staffing allocation. A school authority may, however, encounter unanticipated difficulty in meeting essential curricular commitments to pupils within the normal staffing allocation. As part of the normal flexibility in the allocation system, the Department will, as is the case every year, consider requests by a school authority for a staffing concession as short-term support.

I acknowledge that the change is likely to have implications for class size in the subjects taken by all pupils and that it may impact on the subject choices offered by schools. Again, to put this in perspective, the change reverts second level schools to the staffing basis on which they operated quite effectively up to the year 2000 and must be seen in the context of the major challenges we, as a Government, face in trying to shelter public services to the greatest extent possible in these exceptional times.

The Minister is going back eight years.

It is also important to recognise the significant improvements that have been made in the staffing of second level schools in recent years. The overall pupil-teacher ratio fell from 13.9:1 in the 2001-02 school year to 13.1:1 in the 2006-07 year. In the 2001-02 school year, there were approximately 24,500 whole-time equivalent teaching posts allocated to second level schools. For 2006-07, the corresponding figure was 25,500 whole-time equivalent posts.

(Interruptions).

Significant progress has also been made at primary level during the past decade or so, when the country was able to afford it.

We cannot afford what is required now because the Government has made a mess of things.

I remind Deputy Quinn that teachers were allocated on the basis of 35:1 when his party was last in government.

That was a different time.

It was 11 years ago.

This begs the question as to whether there was a crisis at that stage.

(Interruptions).

What happened to the Celtic tiger?

Class sizes have been lowered by reducing the average number of pupils per teacher from 35 in 1996-97 to the current level of 27. Significant additional supports have also been provided and we have reduced class sizes in the most disadvantaged of our DEIS schools. During the last school year almost 80% of children attending primary school were in classes with fewer than 30 pupils. With over 20,000 individual classes spread across all primary schools throughout the country, there will always be differences in individual class sizes.

Multi-grade classes are the norm in the majority of our primary schools given the number of relatively small schools that have four teachers or fewer. There is no evidence whatsoever that being taught in a multi-grade setting is to the detriment of the child.

No one said that. It is the number of children in the class that is the problem.

Will the Leas-Cheann Comhairle indicate if I am running over time?

There are just over five minutes remaining in the slot.

The Minister has had too much time.

(Interruptions).

A Deputy

The Minister should keep going. He is great fun.

When one considers the OECD report and various international comparisons, it is clear that Ireland is doing well.

The Minister saved this until the end. It is at the very bottom of his speech.

It is a great achievement.

The Minister should look at his partners in Government.

The Government promised a reduction in class sizes.

The Minister should be allowed to conclude.

In order that we might get the facts right, according to the programme for international student surveys, PISA, Irish 15 year olds have consistently achieved among the highest scores of those surveyed in respect of reading literacy.

(Interruptions).

And the Minister is going to assist them by reducing the book grant and the money for science materials.

(Interruptions).

In 2006, we were sixth overall and second only to Finland within the EU. Improvements have been significant in that area.

Where is the standing ovation for the Minister?

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate.

Where is the standing ovation?

Deputy Fleming should be allowed to make his contribution. There are only four minutes available to him.

Those opposite are walking out on the Minister.

It is somewhat unreal to participate in this debate, particularly in light of recent comments in the media by people involved with the teachers' unions and by members of the public.

Everyone is aware that there will be a shortfall in tax revenues this year. Nevertheless, the Government has provided €9.6 billion in the Estimates for 2009. It may be a surprise for some to discover that this represents an increase of over €300 million, or 3.2%, and is ahead of inflation. We would like to have been able to double the increase. However, in light of current economic circumstances, €300 million is a realistic increase.

I became a Member of the House in 1997. At that stage, there were approximately 50,000 people working in our classrooms. There are now 80,000 people working directly in those classrooms.

The population has increased.

It is called population growth.

At present, there are approximately 60,000 teachers and 20,000 individuals working with children with special needs. This represents an increase of 60% in the number of staff in our classrooms in ten years, which is an outstanding achievement.

People are aware of the figures relating to special needs but some do not like hearing them. There are some 19,000 adults in our schools who work solely with children with special needs. There are some 10,000 special needs assistants. When I became a Deputy, the post of special needs assistant was almost unheard of. In addition, there are 7,800 resource and learning support teachers and 1,100 other teachers support children with special needs. Some hundreds more work in special classes.

Reference was made to language support posts. We must be realistic in this regard. We are returning to the level that obtained in 2007.

The reason for this is straightforward. One need only walk through one's constituency to realise that the numbers of people coming to Ireland from elsewhere is decreasing.

Because the Government has no regard for the children.

Am I correct in believing that they are all speaking fluent English?

Not only are the numbers decreasing but many people, particularly those from eastern European countries, are returning home.

What happened to the Celtic tiger?

As a result, fewer children require language support services than was the case two years ago. I am of the view that such services should be temporary in nature and should be aimed at ensuring children have adequate English to allow them to fully integrate with their peers.

They have all gone home.

Language support services should not be available on a permanent basis. The idea that children need special education in the English language over a five or six-year period would be an indictment of the teachers who provide the service.

None of them is getting that.

Deputy Fleming is spreading the blame.

The children in question only require assistance for a year or two before they can become fully integrated. There will still be 1,400 teaching staff involved in the provision of language support and the needs of individual schools will be dealt with on a case-by-case basis.

The capitation grant, which incorporates matters such as changes to the book grant, has been increased. We are returning to the 2007 level of class sizes. No one was sent home in 2007 because of overcrowding in classrooms.

That was because supervision was provided.

People should not be scaremongering on this issue in respect of what will be the position in 2009. It should be remembered that classes will be no bigger than was the case two years ago.

Comment has been lacking in this debate on the most important aspect of a child's education, namely, the quality of the teacher who provides it. The debate has focused solely on the quantity of teachers.

No, it has not.

The Government is committed to working with its partners in education to improve the educational outcomes for all students. It comes down to the quality of the education on offer as opposed to the quantity of people in classrooms.

People have been complaining about the schools building programme but it is proceeding apace.

It has collapsed.

(Interruptions).

The summer works scheme will return next year and the devolved grants scheme is also due to proceed. We will produce a county-by-county list in the near future if Deputies so desire.

A Deputy

Produce it now.

Another promise.

(Interruptions).

There is a great deal of activity in this area.

I commend the Government amendment to the House and I look forward to progress being made with teachers, parents and students in 2009.

I wish to share time with Deputies Burke, Naughten, O'Mahony and Feighan.

I extend my genuine congratulations to Deputy Quinn and the Labour Party on tabling this important motion. I assure the Deputy of the full support of Fine Gael Members for the intent behind and substance of the motion. The Minister, in a very interesting speech, took a number of side-swipes at me. I would like to go through them. He said that he would "address the allegation that has been made by Deputy Hayes that we are hiding figures used in our estimations". I think he was trying to say "estimates", which is the appropriate word, rather than "estimations".

It is possible to say "estimations" in the English language.

I wish to make it clear that I have no estimation of the Minister.

The Deputy needs to check a dictionary. He used to be a teacher for a short period.

He went on to suggest that I cannot do my maths.

The Deputy's party cannot do its maths.

Neither can the Minister of State's brother.

The Minister was on dangerous ground when he claimed that I am somewhat wet behind the ears when it comes to framing Estimates. Did he not use the estimates of a golfing buddy from County Cork, who is an economist, to arrive at some amount of money we were going to glean from third level education? He is on dangerous ground when he makes allegations of this nature in the House. He has been caught out a few times. That is why he will not have a face-to-face debate with Deputy Quinn or me on this matter. He read out a speech — rather badly, at times — while expecting us to believe he has any credibility in this regard.

Funding is an issue in primary and secondary education. We all know that. We do not spend enough. The big problem is that the funds are spread too evenly across the entire schools sector. We have been getting education on the cheap, in effect, for far too long. The Minister's fundamental task is to protect the education budget and stop these vicious assaults on our young people. He has failed at the first hurdle.

The second task he has failed to accomplish is to ensure he does not mislead this House.

Is Deputy Varadkar writing these scripts?

On 10 July last, the Minister told me that I have "never been in Government". He pointed out that "these things" are agreed with the Department of Finance on an annual basis. I responded by arguing, "We had better get ready for next year because we are going to see a loss of teachers in our primary and post-primary sectors, despite the bleatings and commitments of the Minister". The Minister's response was to say, "Not at all". Who got his figures wrong?

In July, I said there would be a 3% adjustment.

The Minister's problem is that he has no credibility in the education sector.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

The Minister showed last night that he does not know the difference between the pupil-teacher ratio and class size. He asked for partnership with the unions, even though he has met them just once in the last six months. He claims he is still reading his brief. He gives the impression that he is, as Tony Benn put it, "in office but not in power". He is a puppet of the Taoiseach in the Department of Education and Science. That was exposed in his contribution tonight.

The Minister stumbled through the section of his speech relating to numbers. That language cannot hide the fact that next year, our primary schools will lose 1,000 teachers and our post-primary schools will lose between 800 and 1,200 posts. Of course we will get new teachers — that happens when the population increases in an area and the local school is expanded. It is inevitable. However, nothing can belie the fact that approximately 1,000 schools throughout the country will lose teachers next year. The Minister stands indicted for that.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I do not believe the Minister is a hypocrite. He is a straight politician, in many respects.

He is a nice fellow.

The real hypocrites — the Green Party Deputies — did not have the courage to come to this House this evening. Where are they?

They are having another meeting.

They are gone underground.

They are sowing seeds.

When the Minister was in China, examining how the Chinese treat their third level students, the Green Party was wrestling with its conscience. Their ministerial pensions won out. Over the last week or so, it has been stomach-churning to listen to the Green Party Members of this House. The Superman from Lucan, Deputy Gogarty, says he will defend the education sector and the budget.

He is a shadow boxer.

He brought his troops to the top of the hill, he looked over the abyss and he ran away. That is what happened.

Did the Minister get his e-mail?

Regardless of the Minister's performance during this debate, this is the Green Party's Stalingrad. The Green Party will never come back from this. It made so many promises in advance of the last election. Fianna Fáil stands indicted for ten years of broken promises in the education sector. In 2002, it promised that by 2007 those aged nine or younger would not be in classes of 20 or more. We now have 200,000 children in such circumstances in our primary schools. In 2007, Fianna Fáil promised that it would reduce the staffing schedule at primary level from 27:1 to 24:1 in its first three years in office. It promised to also reduce the staffing schedule for the core subjects at post-primary level. We are never going to arrive at that. The party lied to the people at the last general election, just to buy the election.

You conned them.

Deputy Hayes cannot make a charge of lying against a Member of the House.

The Minister and his party misled us.

The Deputy is referring to something that happened outside the House.

The Deputy will withdraw the word "lied".

The truth of the matter is——

I take it that the word is withdrawn.

It is withdrawn. Class size is important to my children, just as it is to children all over the country. It makes a difference to the primary curriculum at a time when we are trying to develop a new system in education. There are children with educational disadvantages and disabilities within our primary school system. It makes a difference to teachers as they try to ensure that the new primary curriculum is implemented.

One of the net effects of the Minister's savage cuts will be that minority subjects at post-primary level, such as science subjects, will suffer. Fewer children will be able to study such subjects as a result of the Minister's reduction in the staffing schedule at second level. So much for the Government's promise to try to improve this country's capacity in the areas of science and maths. I reject the idiotic comments of the Minister, Deputy Willie O'Dea——

The Deputy is able to make mistakes as well.

The Minister, Deputy O'Dea, said that this measure will result in just one more child being in each class. It is obvious that he does not know, just like the Minister, Deputy Batt O'Keeffe does not know, that it will lead to a dramatic change in many classes throughout the country. Principals will have to make do with the situation they face.

The Government has suggested that the vulnerable are not affected by this budget. That is a fallacy, as others have said. It is untrue. The slashing of library grants will affect such people, as will the loss of €2 million in Traveller capitation allowances. Who will stand up for some of the poorest children in our education system? It is clear that the Minister and his Department will not. The Minister has single-handedly assaulted the most disadvantaged young people in this country. Shame on him.

We have to come through the recession we are currently enduring. The Department of Education and Science needs a Minister who will stand up for education. It does not need someone who acts as a puppet of the Taoiseach because they are close friends. It needs someone who will ensure that the country can come through this crisis. The only way that will happen is if we continue to invest in education.

Over the course of the last two weeks, my party has said difficult things to the public sector. Fine Gael has argued for a pay freeze in respect of salaries over €50,000 across the entire public sector. It is a difficult thing to sell and argue for. We believe that the front line — the teachers of this country — needs to be ring-fenced. I will not stand over a budget which will, in effect, sack 2,000 teachers in our primary and post-primary schools next year. We have taken the hard choices. It is time the Government did the same.

I thank Deputy Hayes for sharing his time. I declare my full support for the Labour Party motion before the House. In his address to the House this evening, the Minister, Deputy Batt O'Keeffe, described the education measures in the budget as "the best we could do in the circumstances". The measures in question include 33 cuts which will affect children in our primary and secondary schools. If that is the best he can do in these circumstances, difficult though they may be, it is time for him to think about his position as Minister for Education and Science.

I would like to make three points in the time available to me. I will start with the question of substitution. In his address this evening, the Minister tried his best to confuse the issue. The proposal for the elimination of substitution will cause chaos in every second-level and primary school in the country. If the Minister disagrees I ask him to return to his officials that they might realise the circumstances in so many schools. I will give an example. A primary school with 48 pupils would have two teachers. If one of those decides to go out sick for one day or is absent for in-service training or whatever other business under these circumstances, no substitution can be had. The other teacher, as principal or otherwise, has to accommodate 48 students. Obviously, in the interests of health and safety, some of those students will have to be sent home. Will the Minister stand over children being sent home from school because of inadequate staffing? If so, he should say "Yes" and the people standing outside will know exactly what he is and what he is doing as Minister for Education and Science.

We can bring somebody in.

Last Thursday evening in this House a former Minister for Education, when charged with the idea that 1,000 second-level teachers will be lost, said, in essence, that only temporary or part-time teachers will lose their jobs. Tell that to the many people who have been teaching for ten years in a school and have not yet got a permanent position as a teacher. The Minister presides over that and if he can continue to do so, he should, again, consider his position.

The Minister does not seem to realise that the reduction of teacher numbers in schools will inevitably lead to a reduction in subject choices. We mentioned the importance of science subjects, physics and chemistry. Traditionally there are smaller classes for these subjects at honours level to get points for courses for a lifetime afterwards. Schools will have to eliminate many science subjects. Will the Minister preside over a situation where many schools throughout the country will drop chemistry and physics from the curriculum choice?

That is right.

That is the consequence the Minister must accept when he says he had no alternative.

The transition year was introduced by former Fine Gael Minister, Mr. Richard Burke way back. I taught in one of the schools in which it was piloted, Garbally College in Ballinasloe. I have received a number of texts and e-mails from students of that school who have traditionally had access to the transition year and have been told they may not have it next year. I have 500 individual letters from students of the Presentation College, Athenry. I ask the usher to take them over to the Minister and I ask the Minister to get his people to read them and to reply to them in their own good time. Then they will see there is need for change in the 32 cuts he has needlessly introduced to hurt the children of this country.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I welcome the opportunity to speak in this debate and thank the Labour Party for tabling the motion. The decision to target the education cuts at one of the most vulnerable groups in our school system, migrant children, is appalling. It targets those who cannot speak for themselves by a Government that does not want them to speak. It is focused on a group that cannot vote in the general elections. The Government ignores the fact that these people are here for the long haul. They are not going home. They have moved to Ireland with their families and are committing themselves for their long-term future here in this country.

This is their new home.

According to the Department of Education and Science there are 48,000 newcomer pupils of 160 different nationalities in primary and post-primary school in Ireland. Approximately 60% of those do not have English as their first language. The INTO projects that 500 language support teachers out of 1,600 at primary level will be lost on the basis of the Minister's announcement. That is a cut of one third. Based on the Minister's figures making up the difference, it means a 50% cut in language support teachers at second level. As the Minister of State, Deputy Conor Lenihan, will tell the Minister, language is a major barrier for many migrants in this country and is becoming the single most significant key divisive factor in our country. If migrants cannot communicate, they cannot integrate into society.

This policy decision will facilitate the development of ghettoes into the future. Not only will this cause social problems, but the cap on language support teachers, in conjunction with the increased class sizes, will result in teachers allocating inordinate amounts of time to some students with the rest of the class suffering. It will ensure that every child in a school with migrant pupils will suffer and as a result will foster resentment against immigrants which will damage society far into the future. Unless children of all nationalities can communicate and understand, they will be lost in the school setting and in the wider society.

Deputy Varadkar wants to bus them out and segregate them.

I will come to the Minister of State in a minute.

Deputy Naughten should talk to his colleague beside him. He wants to segregate them but denies this.

(Interruptions).

The Minister carried out this review and introduced these cuts. This is his review.

The Minister of State will not ignore the Chair.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

The Minister of State might need an injection.

He might need a kebab.

This applies not only to foreign-born children but to our own children who have been denied adequate supports such as speech therapy and other classroom assistance.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

As a result of the watering down of the language support these children will compete with Irish-born pupils for limited learning support hours. This is a recipe for disaster and will promote discrimination.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Where there is a growing demand for vital supports the answer is not to cap it and deprive all pupils of a fair education. Many parents of Irish-born children will move their children from schools with higher ratios of migrants amid concerns that teachers will have to slow progression to facilitate those with poor language skills. This situation is compounded by the Government's U-turn on class sizes, commitments which were given to the people of this country in the last general election and which were signed up to by Government Members in their programme for Government just over 12 months ago.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

In the current economic climate there must be savings and we all accept that. However if the Minister wants to find money and resources to reinstate the language support service he could examine the long delays in processing asylum applications. Sweeping cuts that have taken place in the immigration service budget for the year 2009 will end up costing taxpayers more money because it will take even longer to process asylum claims. This is a false economy and will drive up the cost of processing asylum applications. It takes eight years to process an asylum application at a cost of approximately €1.4 million per applicant. Taxpayers already fork out €521.25 per asylum seeker on social welfare and accommodation per week. That does not include the costs related to the Department of Education and Science. The Minister could look closer to home. He has a Minister with responsibility for integration who has no budget.

That is right.

He has seen his budget cut by 25%. In the past 12 months the only thing he has done is to carry out a review of language education which will sound the death knell for providing integration for our society. It will make the situation worse. Studies have clearly shown that migrant children in classes have the potential to improve the outturn of all pupils regardless of background. This can happen only if our children can fully participate in the class. Whether it is language or learning support, our children, no matter where they were born, have the right to reach their full potential. The Minister must reverse the decisions.

Debate adjourned.

The debate is adjourned.

On a point of information——

There is no such thing as a point of information. I presume the Deputy wishes to raise a point of order.

On a point of order, I would like the Leas-Cheann Comhairle to ask the Minister of State, Deputy Conor Lenihan, to withdraw the term fascist, which he used in the debate this evening——

I did not hear the word——

The Minister of State's name calling——

I did not call anyone a fascist.

I ask that I be allowed to finish my point.

I said his policies were associated with the British Fascist Party.

The Minister of State did not say that.

The term fascist should be withdrawn.

The Minister of State should withdraw that allegation.

I would like the Leas-Cheann Comhairle to ask——

I said the policies were fascist.

I would like the Leas-Cheann Comhairle to ask the Minister of State to withdraw that comment——

I ask that the Minister of State allow me to restore order to the House.

——which brings the debate to a new low.

The debate is adjourned. I will now explain the ruling. The general charge against any individual of a term like fascist is not allowable. A general charge, not specific to an individual, is acceptable.

On a point of order, a Nazi salute was given in this Chamber.

If there is a charge——

(Interruptions).

I did not hear the charge.

We all heard the charge.

I will review——

I can tell the Leas-Cheann Comhairle what the charge was.

There was a Nazi salute too. Deputies cannot make Nazi salutes in this Chamber.

Deputies Coveney and O'Dowd should resume their seats.

A Nazi salute is not acceptable.

Both Deputies will resume their seats. The Chair is on his feet.

One cannot give a Nazi salute in this Chamber.

The Chair is on his feet. I will——

I urge the Minister of State to do the honourable thing and apologise.

I will review——

I have nothing to apologise for. I referred to policies.

I will review the record of the House and bring the matter to the attention of the Ceann Comhairle.

The Minister of State made a scurrilous remark.

The remark should be withdrawn.

We will now move on to Matters on the Adjournment. Deputy Pat Breen has been given permission to raise the following matter——

A Deputy

Shameful.

The Minister for integration — nice one.

——the impact of the €10 air travel tax on Shannon and other airports in the west and south.

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