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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 5 Nov 2008

Vol. 666 No. 1

Ceisteanna — Questions.

Official Engagements.

Enda Kenny

Question:

1 Deputy Enda Kenny asked the Taoiseach when he expects to visit the United States next; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29461/08]

Enda Kenny

Question:

2 Deputy Enda Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will convene a meeting of the Ireland-America Economic Advisory Board during his next visit to the United States; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29462/08]

Enda Kenny

Question:

3 Deputy Enda Kenny asked the Taoiseach the arrangements in place within his Department for maintaining contact with the Ireland-America Economic Advisory Board; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29463/08]

Eamon Gilmore

Question:

4 Deputy Eamon Gilmore asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his July 2008 visit to the United States. [29514/08]

Enda Kenny

Question:

5 Deputy Enda Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent visit to New York; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29518/08]

Enda Kenny

Question:

6 Deputy Enda Kenny asked the Taoiseach the outcome of his meeting with the mayor of New York, Mr. Bloomberg; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29519/08]

Eamon Gilmore

Question:

7 Deputy Eamon Gilmore asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on his visit to the United States in July 2008. [30110/08]

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

Question:

8 Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach when he will visit the United States next; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [34856/08]

I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 8, inclusive, together.

I visited New York from 15 to 18 July 2008 during which I fulfilled a range of business, economic, cultural and community engagements. I met with The Wall Street Journal and prominent business media networks Bloomberg TV and CNBC to discuss economic issues.

In my discussions and briefings with business contacts, I set out the action the Government is taking to maintain and enhance Ireland as an attractive location for foreign investment. I also met with the heads of Enterprise Ireland, IDA Ireland and Tourism Ireland and we discussed their business strategies.

I also met with Mayor Bloomberg at City Hall. He provided valuable insights into how the New York city administration operates. I am hopeful that Mayor Bloomberg will be in a position to accept my invitation to him to visit Dublin.

Over the course of my visit I repeated the priority I placed on the Ireland-US relationship and I announced a strategic review of this pivotal relationship, to maximise the benefits for everyone. This review is being led by the ambassador to the United States.

Supporting our diaspora and addressing the plight of the undocumented in the US are key objectives of the Government. During meetings with the Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform and the Coalition of Irish Welfare Centres, we discussed ways in which we could try to help.

I also visited the United States on 25 September, 2008 where I addressed the UN General Assembly. I met with some members of the Ireland-America Economic Advisory Board in the course of my visit in July. I expect to have a formal meeting with them during my next visit to the United States for St. Patrick's Day. My Department remains in touch with the board through the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Irish embassy in Washington. The board is an important resource upon which the Government can draw, as required, for strategic advice, including personalised access to key contacts.

Deputies will be aware that on 24 September, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Martin, signed a memorandum of understanding establishing a new working holiday programme between Ireland and the United States. The agreement represents a very significant and positive development in our migration arrangements and will help foster the growth of new and lasting contacts between young people from both countries.

Over the coming weeks, I will meet with Senator Patrick Leahy and Congressman Richie Neal, chairman of the Friends of Ireland group and also with former Congressman Bruce Morrison when we will discuss those issues further.

Earlier this morning, on behalf of the Government and the people of Ireland, I sent a message of congratulations to President-elect, Barack Obama.

Every government in the world is now preparing its plans to have a meeting with the new President Obama. I am sure the Government will be in that mix. It is only appropriate that the Taoiseach should send a message of congratulations on behalf of the Irish people to Barack Obama on his stunning election victory. Is a possible visit to the White House envisaged on the schedule of international trips, in addition to the Taoiseach's traditional St. Patrick's Day business, or will a request be made by the Government that the Taoiseach will be facilitated in due course? The Taoiseach might prefer to bring President-elect Obama to Moneygall or wherever as soon as possible. I assume Mr. Obama will bring Vice President-elect Biden with him who has connections in my own part of the country.

Senator Obama has made comments about the taxation system in America and the consequences for American firms with investments abroad. That has clear implications for Ireland where at least 100,000 people are directly employed in American industries based here. Is the Taoiseach concerned about the comments made by President-elect Obama and is it his intention to convey to him our concerns in this regard or is there ongoing contact about the matter?

I welcome the holiday arrangements made between the Irish and US Governments. The defeated US presidential candidate, Senator McCain, had a real interest in immigration and legitimising the position of undocumented immigrants in the United States. The problem still exists for the Irish and will not go away. It is estimated that there are approximately 50,000 undocumented young Irish in the United States and there will probably be more because people are emigrating there again. This is a cause of concern. Does the Taoiseach have a strategy in place to work towards legitimising the undocumented Irish in the US who pay their way, have social security numbers and who may be married with school-going children? They want to legitimise themselves and are prepared to pay for the privilege. Do the Taoiseach and Department of Foreign Affairs have a strategy to build on the platform of the holiday visa arrangements and work towards legitimately documenting these people in the United States so that they can continue to pay their way there if that is where they want to live?

As has been said, we hope to be in the United States next during the St. Patrick's Day celebrations. I have no plans to visit in the meantime, but this may change according to circumstances. We very much welcome the fact that, during our national celebrations, we have access to the incumbent in the office of President of the United States. I hope this arrangement will continue as Senator Obama takes over.

On the statements made during the course of the US presidential campaign on corporation tax policy, the Government has been tracking proposed or articulated changes. The US-Ireland economic relationship is based on mutual benefit and we want this to continue. Irish direct investment in the United States is estimated at €17 billion. Employment by Irish companies in the United States is in excess of 70,000. It is important to emphasise that, while the bilateral relationship is sometimes portrayed as very one-sided, we have seen the internationalising of Irish business and cross-investment into the United States by many substantial Irish companies. This has resulted in the aforesaid figures. There are over 510 US companies in Ireland, employing over 96,000 directly. They have a considerable impact on the sub-supply sector also.

It is important to point out that we have strong research and development links that benefit US companies in Ireland and also have clear advantages for Ireland. We will monitor developments and keep in touch with the US Administration regarding any proposals that may emerge. This issue arises from time to time and one must wait and see whether the political rhetoric of the presidential campaign translates into different policy positions that will have an impact on us.

In the context of the global recession we face, we must guard against protectionism becoming a substitute for a policy of free trade that will provide a stimulus to world economic activity and growth. While every administration and government has its own domestic policy priorities to identify and pursue, we will, on the basis of the excellent relationship we have enjoyed with successive US Administrations, continue to indicate the mutual benefit that derives from multinational investment in Ireland. By definition, multinational investors locate in more than one country. Clearly, Ireland has been identified by many companies — not just US companies — as an excellent location in which to do business.

I was in Carlow last Monday to see work commence on a €200 million investment by Merck Sharp & Dohme, which itself has had a 32-year relationship with Ireland. The company's location of its vaccine facility in Ireland, thereby benefiting Carlow and its hinterland, is an indication of the excellent people we have. Importantly, the company would say it is also due to the ability to execute its projects within the demanding timelines it sets. This is a credit to the IDA and local authorities, which ensured the planning arrangements and other necessary services infrastructure were put in place in a timely manner and in a competent way that facilitated such a major investment by a company that has had such a good relationship with Ireland for so long. This company's experience reflects the wider benign experience of US companies in Ireland.

Even in these stringent times, we have increased the research and development tax credit from 20% to 25%, as announced in the budget by the Minister for Finance, Deputy Brian Lenihan. This is a further indication of our commitment to strengthening that relationship and ensuring the research and development capacity of many high-technology companies can be realised, where appropriate, in Ireland. We should ensure the country serves as a platform from which to gain access not only to European markets, but also to Asian, Pacific and Middle Eastern markets.

People worry about designated tax havens but Ireland is certainly not one. Irish corporation tax revenues arise from the profits of companies, including multinationals, which in turn result from the companies' economic activities here and the efforts of the staff who work for them. Our system is transparent, deliberately, so all can see the attractions and benefits to the State. Other states often have high nominal rates of corporation tax, as Deputies know, but they mask the true lower rate in deductions and deals with individual firms. That is not how the Irish system operates. We are bound by the same rules on state aid, codes of conduct and rulings of the European Court of Justice as all EU member states. In other words, the EU treaty contains specific rules on the provision of aid by member states to industry. The European Union has a code of conduct, a political agreement, designed to curb harmful competition in business taxation. It is similar to the process at OECD level and we are fully in compliance with both the code and OECD process.

We have positive rates of tax. We have 44 tax treaties in place and a system for the full exchange of information and proper regulation of activities to the highest standards. We have a comprehensive taxation system covering income, capital and indirect taxes and we have concentrated in recent years on lowering the burden on enterprise and employment in order to encourage economic activity. We maintain a low general corporation tax rate by ensuring a wide tax base and careful management of the public finances.

The rate, 12.5%, is a general rate and is not focused on any particular segment of Irish industry. We do not distinguish between small and large enterprises or between enterprises that service the local economy and those with a multinational focus. It is important to point out that the United States was Ireland's second largest merchandise trade partner in 2007, with bilateral trade valued at $31.5 billion and trade and services between Ireland and the United States worth $36.9 billion in 2006, the most recent year for which there are figures.

It is important to point out that there is not one-way traffic. A matured Irish economy has been cross-investing into the United States, as one would expect given the bilateral trade and investment flows. We need to continue to make these points so there will be a full and up-to-date understanding of the precise mutually beneficial impact of the relationship.

On the question on the working holiday visa, it is our intention to build on the advance in this regard. I congratulate the Minister for Foreign Affairs on our diplomatic efforts to ensure the US Administration was receptive to the idea. The issue of immigration reform in the United States is very difficult politically and we must respect that. The issue presents difficulties for both parties in the US Congress. As has been said, we appreciate the efforts of Senators McCain and Kennedy on their initiative, which, unfortunately, did not meet with ultimate success but which has provided continued momentum and impetus on this issue on behalf of those of our citizens who seek regularisation as quickly as possible. We will work with the incoming US Administration and everybody in Capitol Hill to try to build consensus in respect of what I recognise as a very difficult domestic issue in US politics.

I thank the Taoiseach for his response. I heard some of the remarks made by Merck Sharp & Dohme at the event in Carlow that the Taoiseach attended last Monday. The point was also made in respect of the quality and the range of infrastructure available. An unintended consequence of the economic difficulties we face has been the drop in construction costs. Over the past number of years many firms have pointed out to me their dismay at the exceptionally high level of inflated construction costs which was not an incentive to locate here in the first place purely from the physical infrastructural point of view. It is important that the Taoiseach bear in mind the cost increases incurred in energy, transport and communications for firms such as this one and for all firms which are above average. The Government should see to it that where possible these costs are kept to a minimum.

When the Taoiseach attended the United Nations function he launched the Government's task force report on hunger. That made three specific points, namely, the need to increase agricultural production in Africa, the need to target maternal and child under-nutrition and the need to bring about changes in governance and leadership priorities. Arising from that, the recommendation made to Government was that we should work towards an indicative target of 20% of overseas development aid going towards the alleviation and eradication of hunger. In fairness to Government, it has maintained impetus towards achievement of the target of 0.7% of GNP in terms of overseas development aid. Does the Taoiseach see a point where 20% of overseas development aid from our resources will be targeted towards alleviation and eradication of hunger?

Concerning the election yesterday in the United States, given President-elect Obama's roots his presidency will have a considerable capacity to transform the continent of Africa. His being able to tap the frustrations of millions of people into the democratic cause can have a real impact on the kind of report that the Taoiseach launched at the UN. Is the Taoiseach happy that the current methods of expenditure and the impact achieved are what we wish to see in respect of those persons from Ireland who give of their time and money?

The task force on hunger report that we launched was very well received and the event was attended by many influential heads of relevant international organisations dealing with this area on behalf of the UN and some of its agencies. It was seen as a constructive contribution to the debate. Clearly what we seek are allies for the arguments we make and we will pursue diplomatically the objectives we set ourself in that task force in order to find others.

Much development aid is best achieved in terms of outputs and outcomes when we co-ordinate efforts and where governments come together and work hand in hand. Thereby an even greater critical mass of individual effort is put to a collective approach often used in terms of government to government aid. In this way we insist and obtain commitments on transparency and outputs etc. by working with other like-minded countries such as Sweden and others in terms of how we develop our aid programmes in many of these countries. Much of our aid is concentrated on least developed countries and the alleviation of poverty has always been a strong component in the policy framework we are implementing.

Specifically regarding the ambitious target to move 20% to this particular area, we will work to that over time. The overseas development aid section will do that and it is important to point out, as Deputy Kenny did, that much of the emphasis is not simply about the need for emergency aid, important as it is in terms of the human tragedy, whether today in Congo or in any other part of the world where famine ravages a population. For some nations this is almost a perennial problem. The real solution is the Chinese idea of not merely providing the fish today but of providing the fishing rods for people to fish for themselves tomorrow. That is sustainable development into the future.

In the task force report we identified the fact that many of the farmers of Africa are women and that support for women in agriculture is the best guarantee of enhancing productivity in African agriculture. We need to ally that to the new technologies that will assist in building production in these countries and organising agriculture on a sustainable basis to provide for families. There have been indications of where that works, Uganda and some other countries being good examples. In the priority countries we have identified we intend to work with other partners who provide development aid in order to add critical mass to our efforts and bring a more co-ordinated approach that will best guarantee better outcomes.

All that Deputy Kenny said is well taken. One must understand also that this is becoming an even more acute problem in the context of higher commodity and food prices. Many who formerly exported rice now just have sufficient for themselves because of the price involved.

A big change has taken place in terms of food security. In the 1970s and 1980s there was an understanding in this part of the world that surplus food production existed and we should simply provide from that surplus to those countries that needed it. There were, of course, different dietary and other considerations involved. Export refunds, now happily eliminated, were another sophisticated means of dumping onto those markets at the expense of domestic producers in those countries. That policy was also not sustainable. The issue of food security is now back at the top of the agenda because of the impact of recent developments. The conversion of food production to energy production is also having an impact, not only within developing countries but also in developed economies such as the United States.

All of this is very intricate and involved but it is an area in which Ireland can provide a leadership role. It should not underestimate its influence, given our background and our track record in many of those parts of the world where we have been active, not only officially but through missionary work over many generations.

The Taoiseach said he expects to visit Washington for St Patrick's Day. Has the traditional event in the White House and meeting with President Obama been confirmed? Are we still operating on the basis of hope? I expected the Taoiseach to be moving fast on this.

Not yet but I inquired.

Does the Taoiseach have any plans to meet with President Obama in advance of that or does he plan to talk to him on the telephone in the next few days?

There was talk during the election campaign in the United States about possible changes in the tax regime for American companies investing overseas. The Labour Party shares and will support the approach that I understand the Taoiseach proposes to take in this matter. I wish to explore this a little further. I heard the Taoiseach today, and also heard the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment, putting emphasis on the significant extent of Irish investment in the United States. The Taoiseach mentioned, and we all suspect it to be the case, that there may have been some election rhetoric in what was said about the taxation issue. One of the issues of concern to me is that US President-elect Obama seemed to have spelled out in some detail his thinking on the taxation regime for companies investing overseas, specifically in the half-hour televised advertisement he did. If he were to proceed along those lines, is the Taoiseach suggesting corresponding measures could be taken here in respect of the taxation regime for companies investing in the United States? Is that the logic of putting the issue on the table?

On the reports published over the weekend indicating that the Government intends to take a more vigorous approach to the inspection by the Garda Síochána of military aircraft and aircraft transporting military personnel through Shannon Airport, I read that it is intended that there will be unannounced inspections of such aircraft. Is it the Government's intention to proceed with this arrangement, as reported at the weekend?

The discussion is straying a little from the content of the questions by raising rendition and so forth.

I am not straying. The issue relates to relations between Ireland and the United States and is, therefore, relevant.

I always try to be helpful within the rules. On Deputy Gilmore's first point, I am not suggesting for a moment that we would take actions that would be regarded as in any way hostile to US investment in Ireland. It would not be in our national interests to do so.

I did not make any such suggestion.

While I accept that things are said in campaign speeches, I do not minimise the import of what has been said. I do not wish to draw conclusions which may be adverse to our interests as to do so would be to take a leap too far. As I stated, this type of issue has arisen in the past in terms of treatment of tax treaties, etc., and we have always negotiated, worked and used the goodwill of our relationship to help inform discussions and ensure people see that the arrangement is a mutual benefit which reflects genuine economic activity. Sometimes changes in tax treaties arise because in the case of designated tax havens there is seen to be a diversion of funds in the absence of activity. This is very hard to justify. However, that is not the position in terms of the US investment trend in Ireland — quite the contrary.

Regardless of which candidate won the election, the United States has a budgetary issue because a serious deficit has arisen. There are also fewer savings and far greater consumption. The incoming US Administration, as in the case of every other administration, faces huge budgetary challenges in the context of the international financial and economic crisis. I recall a conversation I had with Mr. Robert Rubin, a former Treasury Secretary who is president of Citigroup, when I met him in the context of an important investment his company was making in an international e-banking project. The project is being conducted from the company's Irish operation and I compliment it on its success in obtaining this type of work from such a reputable organisation. Mr. Rubin said that generally speaking the budgetary issue would have to be addressed regardless of who was President Bush's successor. This, he said, would involve consideration of the usual expenditure issues as well as taxation issues. Again, nothing further was said apart from this general point, which is quite obvious. In view of the commitments and expenditure programmes in which it is engaged, the budgetary and economic challenge facing the United States, as resilient and successful an economy as it has proven to be, is no less than it was in the past. It is perhaps even greater in some respects.

On the Deputy's final point, the group of Ministers which has been meeting on this matter is advancing the programme of Government commitments and indicating the way in which this is being done. We have been happy to rely on the assurances given to us by the outgoing administration that rendition is not taking place through our airports. The Government will take the opportunity to inquire as to the intentions of the incoming US Administration regarding the continuance of operations in Guantanamo Bay and, as a friendly country, seek assurances in whatever way we can confirming compliance with human rights requirements, including on the issue of torture etc. and information on the activities and policies the incoming administration intends to pursue to ensure such issues do not remain on the agenda in the international arena.

On the Taoiseach's final point, I acknowledge that the Government has sought such assurances in the past and has raised the issue of Guantanamo Bay with the US Administration. In terms of the new administration, is it envisaged to go beyond the type of assurances that have been sought in the past? Specifically, is it intended to establish a regime of inspections which press reports at the weekend indicated was the Government's intention?

Does the Taoiseach intend to make direct contact with President-elect Obama? While I appreciate these are still early days, if President-elect Obama is to follow the precedent set by the Taoiseach, it will probably take a couple of weeks to conclude celebrations.

He will be singing "Paddy's Green Shamrock Shore".

When President-elect Obama gets off the back of the lorry or whatever is its US equivalent——

What was wrong with that?

Nothing, it was great. When President-elect Obama finishes his celebrations, will the Taoiseach take an opportunity to place a telephone call to him?

The questions relate to the future and the Taoiseach's visit to New York in July. I was a little puzzled as to the purpose of that visit, which was, I understand, his first visit abroad as Taoiseach. Despite this, he did not travel to the capital city of the United States and I did not note any great political content in the visit. I was, however, struck by some of the Taoiseach's comments while in New York, particularly as they were made as recently as mid-July. For example, he stated in an interview that the Irish banking system was "very well capitalised".

As Deputy Gilmore is aware, quotations are not allowed during Question Time.

In that case, I will summarise rather than quote the Taoiseach directly. On 17 or 18 July, he informed people in the United States that the Irish banks were very well capitalised and would not need Government support. He also indicated that he expected the economy to return to a growth rate of 3% to 4% after 2009.

The Deputy will not find that in there.

We may be optimistic but we are not that optimistic.

It is a fairytale of New York.

I have the statement here but the Ceann Comhairle will not allow me to quote it. Does the Taoiseach still expect 3% to 4% growth after 2009?

It is not like Deputy Gilmore to fail to press home a point when he has material in his hand. I know he paraphrased me as the word he ascribes to me was not used. I wish to set out the situation more accurately. I do not have plans to speak to President-elect Obama. On behalf of the Irish people, Government and Parliament, I have congratulated him on his success and extended our commiserations to his opponent. I do not believe in extending the courtesy beyond that but the President-elect will be aware of our views and best wishes. There is nothing more to add to that for the moment. As I indicated, there are no other plans. Should I have the pleasure of meeting President-elect Obama on some occasion beforehand, that will be fine but it is best to leave matters as they are for the moment.

On the Deputy's question about my visit to New York, the purpose of my trip was to recognise the success of Irish Americans in business. I was invited to attend there, which I did. The visit was well received. I took the opportunity to meet many welfare groups on the question of immigration reform and related issues — the usual people we consult with on such visits. There is a very strong Irish community in New York and the general metropolitan area and one is not obliged to attend the capital on one's first visit, as leader of any party, unless it is the capital of the west, Galway city or somewhere.

On the issue of rendition, the Cabinet committee on aspects of international human rights met as part of its three month review of the programme for Government commitments. We are, of course, totally opposed to extraordinary rendition. The committee has agreed that early contact should be made with the new US Administration to seek a clear statement of intent that extraordinary rendition would cease and not resume during the new President's term of office. I must emphasise we have no reason to doubt existing assurances in respect of the use of Irish airports. We are looking for a general policy statement.

Commitments are also being sought as regards the closure of Guantánamo Bay and the prohibition of intensive interrogation techniques such as water boarding, which are internationally considered to constitute torture. We have asked the Irish ambassador in Washington to follow up on this in the course of his work. With a view to strengthening, as necessary, the legislative provisions, the committee is also to review the statutory powers currently available to the civil and police authorities regarding the search and inspection of aircraft in the context of the obligations on the State under the Chicago Convention. Of course, getting changes in the Chicago Convention requires the agreement of all parties, but we will work on all of these issues in good faith in line with the programme.

That is a long way from what Deputy Cuffe had to say.

I join with other voices in the House in welcoming the election of Barack Obama as the first African-American President-designate of the United States. It is an historic victory that is an enormously important step for the people of the United States.

Does the Taoiseach agree the President-elect will have widespread support across the globe for his signalled policy of phased withdrawal of US troops from Iraq? Has the Taoiseach already, in the course of his engagements with the current regime in the United States, or will he, in the advent of the new Administration, impress the Irish people's view as part of that global assent to the effect that this is something the new President should pursue in the early course of his presidency?

The issue of the inspection of flights at Shannon has been raised. All I want to say about that is that it has been reported that the Government will initiate talks with the new Administration. If the Taoiseach is to initiate talks as regards the whole question of the use of flights through Shannon to accommodate extraordinary rendition, at what level will such engagement take place? Is it his intention to initiate talks or are the reports without foundation? What exactly is the position and is it not the case, whatever about the issue of talks, that the Government has within its gift the powers and in my view, the responsibility, to initiate Garda checks of flights through Shannon and that no additional powers or further engagement are required? It has the legal right to carry out such inspections and all that has prevented that happening heretofore is the political will to do it — the Government accepting assurances that had been given heretofore by the Bush Administration. Will the Taoiseach clarify the situation and indicate to the House if he is willing to give the necessary go-ahead for occasional inspections at the very least by gardaí in order to establish the value of the Government's view of the assurances given by the Bush Administration? It is absolutely essential that this is done.

Regarding the contribution on "Morning Ireland" today by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, where he stated the new Administration offered hope of a renewed role by the United Nations, can the Taoiseach indicate how the Government intends to see such a development come into effect?

The question of US policy in Iraq is a matter for the United States. I point out that all troops there are there at the request of the democratically elected Iraqi Government on foot of UN resolutions, so we have moved on considerably from the initial situation. These are matters for the bilateral arrangements that exist between the Iraqi Government and the United States, as regards what is best in the interests of the US and the security of Iraq. That is an important consideration for that region and indeed for the wider world.

As regards Shannon, we of course do not accept there is any extraordinary rendition, nor is there any evidence of such going on through Irish airports. We accept fully the assurances that we have been given at the highest level of the US Administration regarding that fact. We are simply, as I indicated in a previous statement, seeking a general policy statement for the future from the incoming Administration. We are taking the opportunity of a change in the US Administration to see whether that is available to us as a means of assuaging any public concerns in this area and also to reiterate the well-established policy position of our Government on these matters.

As regards what the Minister for Foreign Affairs had to say, obviously he and his Department have been monitoring the speeches and statements of President-elect Obama during the course of the campaign. He has indicated his approach in broad terms to work with partners throughout the world to deal with many of the global issues, recognising that the United States has a leadership role to play. We should allow a settling in period for the new Administration, hear an enunciation of its policy positions and then work with it in so far as we can. The Minister for Foreign Affairs was simply indicating his hope that there are good grounds for believing we shall see the type of approach emanating that he flagged in his interview, based on the speeches his Department has monitored during the course of this campaign.

I have two very brief points. Will the Taoiseach not accept that significant concerns remain, on the part of the Irish people, regarding the use of Shannon airport——

——by not only US military, but indeed so-called non-military flights as regards their real purpose in using that facility and others in different jurisdictions? Will he not agree that the question of extraordinary rendition has not been substantively addressed and the virtual innocent acceptance of the assurances from the Bush Administration in no way addresses the concerns of the Irish people? As regards the assertion that no evidence exists, the Government is certainly not looking for any, that is for sure. This is something that needs to be addressed. Surely the departure of President George W. Bush offers an opportunity for a new beginning and a new approach, which I urge.

On a slightly lighter note, since it has not been mentioned, is the Taoiseach hoping to invite and host his almost fellow countyman, President-elect Obama, on a visit, not only to Ireland but to his own County Offaly?

They might give him a bar of "The Offaly Rover".

He would be the second Offaly man to tread the world stage.

The Deputy would be the first Galway man.

When the Taoiseach delivered his address to the United Nations in September did he or his delegation meet with President Ahmadinejad of Iran who was there at the same time? If so, what was the nature of the discussions that took place between them, as I understand there were some? Did the discussions, in the event, raise two particular issues, the first being the concerns within Europe, as well the United States about the possibility of Iran developing a nuclear weapon? Iran's continuous sabotaging of attempts to progress a successful Middle East peace process, particularly between Israel and the Palestinians and Israel and the Syrians, is an issue of substantial concern. If there were such discussions, will the Taoiseach tell us what was said on behalf of the Government and what was said to him? In the context of the Taoiseach's visit to the United States, was this issue raised? Were the possible Iranian nuclear threat and the interference of Iran in the Middle East peace process raised by American politicians with the Taoiseach during recent visits?

With regard to the questions asked by Deputy Ó Caoláin, there is no basis for his contention that the Garda does not do its duty in the matter in question just as in other matters. The Garda, if it is to act lawfully, can only act on reasonable suspicion and cannot act on any other basis. The assurances we have received from a friendly country, namely, the United States, are ones we accept and respect. It is important we do so. We cannot call on the United States to do this, that and the other when it comes to Irish affairs and then suggest it is acting in bad faith on other matters, particularly when we receive clear and unequivocal assurances, assurances that are freely and expeditiously given. There is no empirical evidence whatsoever for the contention. The majority of the people accept such assurances from a friendly country, given the excellent relationship we have enjoyed with the United States. I make no apology for saying that. There are some who seek the support of America when it suits them and who have other things to say when it suits them also, but that is not the approach I take. I accept what is said on its merits, in the spirit in which it is said. In the absence of any evidence to the contrary, one can draw rational and logical conclusions from what is said and we should do so in this case.

On the question of whether Senator Barack Obama will ever visit Ireland, he is welcome to do so at any time. Should he do so, quite apart from the political work he would undertake, if he wished to take the opportunity to call to that part of the country from where his predecessor, Falmouth Kearney, emanated — not someone who is on the books of the Moneygall GAA club — we would be more than happy to facilitate that visit. An unfortunate development in recent times is that while Moneygall is very much part of County Offaly, it will be part of the Tipperary North constituency in the next elections. Hopefully, it will return to its true home as quickly as possible.

Deputy Enright assiduously agrees on that point.

In response to Deputy Shatter, I did not meet the President of Iran. Were we to meet in our bilateral relations with the Republic of Iran at ministerial level, we would, of course, reiterate strongly the common position of the European Union on the continuing refusal of Iran to comply with the International Atomic Energy Agency's, IAEA, requirements. We wish to facilitate the use of nuclear technology for the purpose of civilian use, should Iran so wish, on a transparent basis and under the conditions required by the various treaties that apply on non-proliferation, etc. We acknowledge and agree that the obtaining of such technology for any other purpose would create a serious security risk for the region, one that must be avoided at all costs. We must pursue the diplomatic efforts being made in the clear knowledge of the need for compliance with these requirements in the interest of all concerned.

This is not an issue that has been raised with me by US politicians in recent times. However, one is aware of the deep concerns in the United States with regard to the Middle East generally. I agree it would be far better if everyone in the region was to act constructively in an effort to find a permanent solution to the problem in the Middle East, one that would involve the establishment of a viable Palestinian state and provide full security for the State of Israel.

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