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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 8 Apr 2009

Vol. 680 No. 1

Financial Resolution No. 11: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
THAT it is expedient to amend the law relating to inland revenue (including value-added tax and excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism (Deputy Martin Cullen).

Yesterday, the Minister for Finance delivered the supplementary budget. We are all aware of what it contains. This is one of the most critical budgets in the lifetime of this State. It is a budget that sets the country on a five year road to economic renewal. I regret that the budget will cause difficulties for some people, but it had to be tough. As a country, we are providing 2009 public services on the basis of a national income that is more akin to 2004. People know it is unsustainable for us to spend much more than we earn in revenue. No household could afford to do it and neither can the State. We have sought to introduce a fair budget in difficult economic circumstances. Everybody will contribute to it according to their means. Most importantly, this budget will give confidence that we have a plan and that there is a bright future ahead. This budget will provide firm foundations for returning the economy to a positive growth rate when the global recovery begins.

The budget that was presented yesterday had six key goals: to stabilise our public finances by taking a big step to bring our income and expenditure into line with each other; to support and stimulate confidence and give greater certainty to consumers and businesses; to restore our damaged banking system and ensure credit flows to businesses and consumers; to restore our international reputation and give confidence to the international investment community; to support measures to improve our competitiveness so that our export sector can be sustained and thrive in the future; and to maintain as many jobs as possible and look after those who lose their jobs. We have been spending far more money on public services than we have been taking in as taxes. It means we are borrowing large amounts of money to pay for services. The Exchequer requirement this year is just over €20 billion. We cannot afford to continue to borrow to the extent that we are currently borrowing, which has an immediate and large cost and will affect future generations. We must not unnecessarily mortgage our children's futures. We must begin to work towards living within our means.

The world has suffered an unprecedented economic and financial shock. As people throughout the world have less income, there is less demand for our goods and services. That Ireland has one of the most open economies in the world is placing severe pressure on businesses, jobs, the economy and tax returns. These problems are exacerbated by the decline in the value of sterling and the dollar, which is making our exports seem more expensive in those markets. The good news is that the world economy moves in cycles. The effects of the global slowdown on our economy and our tax revenues will be reversed in time. We cannot control the international cycle. We cannot continue to chase the moving target that is known as the cyclical deficit. As we do our utmost to improve competitiveness, it is reasonable and appropriate for us to borrow to smooth the path through the global downturn. When the upturn comes, we will be able to pay off this debt as Ireland returns to a positive growth rate. We must make adjustments for what is in our control and will not be corrected automatically when the global upturn comes.

In recent years, we have been able to finance significant improvements in infrastructure, public services and social welfare, in part from the large tax take from the property market. We were able to pay for such improvements without having to resort to borrowing. We reduced our national debt and ran budget surpluses. We became over-reliant on property as a tax source, however. It has now diminished. We must reduce spending and expand the tax base. Our expenditure patterns and tax systems must be fit for purpose. To ensure they are sustainable in good and bad times, we must fix them in a way that minimises further damage as we make the corrections that are necessary. By doing so, we are providing a stronger foundation for the long term. That is why our multi-year fiscal plan involves reducing the deficit, ensuring that Ireland's public finances are sustainable in the long term and providing a strong platform for future economic growth. That is what we have started this year and will continue up to 2013. At that point, if we stick to the plan, we will have eliminated or be close to eliminating the structural deficit and we will have an expenditure pattern and tax system that is fit for purpose.

In making these spending and taxation adjustments, we have done our utmost to be as fair and balanced as possible. Everyone is being asked to contribute according to their means. A person on the minimum wage is being asked to pay 2% of his or her income, a person earning €50,000 must pay 4% of his or her income and a person earning €300,000 must pay 9% of his or her income. The changes to the levy are progressive. Those with higher incomes will pay the most. The burden on lower earners will remain low. Approximately 30% of income earners, or 670,000 people, remain exempt from the levy, as do medical card holders whose earnings are above the ceiling. The Government has ensured that more than 1 million income earners — those with income under €26,000, medical card holders and people over the age of 70 — will remain exempt from the health levy. The top 1% of income earners — those earning more than €175,000 — will contribute 24% of the total yield from the income levy. National income is expected to decline by approximately 15% between 2008 and 2010. The need to fix what is in our control necessitates a drop in our living standards, to those that applied in 2003-04, which is a significant sacrifice for people to make. By making this adjustment now, we will reduce the risk of a further decline in living standards. As they consider the present situation, I ask people to think of those who are suffering most in these difficult times. I refer in particular to those who have lost jobs since the onset of the global downturn and are now facing considerable hardship. We must stabilise the economy so that Ireland can reposition itself for a return to growth and job creation over the next three years and beyond.

There is a fine line to be walked between taking too much money out of the economy, which would curtail consumer spending, undermine confidence and lead to further job losses, and not taking enough out of the economy, which would prevent the international markets from lending us the money we need to provide essential services. I believe this budget gets the balance right. It will restore confidence in the international markets and provide a firm foundation for recovery. It may be suggested that we should have achieved more through spending cuts than through tax rises. When all of the initiatives being taken are considered, it is clear that expenditure will decrease by €4.8 billion in 2009. Most of the net €3.1 billion increase in expenditure is accounted for by additional unemployment-related expenditure. We are trying to minimise the impact of cuts on frontline services. We feel we have struck a reasonable, albeit difficult, balance. Under our multi-annual expenditure plan, further savings of €2.2 billion in 2010 and €2.5 billion in 2011 will be secured.

While we have made some cuts in capital spending, we will continue to spend 5% of GNP, or twice the European average, on important infrastructure. This is a key investment if we are to improve our competitiveness. As we expect to see savings of between 10% and 20% in the cost of projects, particularly from 2010, we do not envisage a significant reduction in output. Discussions are advancing with the pensions industry regarding a new infrastructure fund to support projects in schools, higher education, hospitals, roads and public transport. The tax increases in this budget are regrettable but necessary. Those on the Opposition benches who suggest that the Irish economy can be secured without raising taxes are fooling themselves or trying to fool the people. Following these readjustments, we will retain one of the most favourable tax regimes in the OECD. As we face a difficult road to renewal, we need to have confidence in our capacity as a people to overcome present challenges. We need confidence to spend, to lend and to take risks. We need to be confident enough to spend in the knowledge that things will get better because a plan is in place. Banks need to be confident if they are to lend. The world markets need to have confidence in us if we are to be allowed to access the funds we need to tide us through these difficult times.

The banks provide the lifeblood of the economic system. If banks do not lend to households, individuals and small and large businesses, the economy will contract even further. As long as the banks have a large overhang of underperforming loans to developers, they cannot perform this essential function for the economy. The Government needs to step in to isolate this problem and stop it from contaminating the entire economy. That is why we are taking decisive action. The Government will pay an economic price for certain assets and ensure that developers and banks take a significant loss in cases of assets that were originally purchased at very inflated prices. The proposed national asset management agency, NAMA, will realise such assets over time in a way that protects the taxpayer. The objective of NAMA will be to provide the banks with a clean bill of health and strengthen their balance sheets. It will considerably reduce uncertainty over bad debts and consequently ensure that credit flows on a commercial basis to individuals and businesses in the real economy. It will protect and increase employment while maximising and protecting the interest of taxpayers.

NAMA will be established on a statutory basis, under the aegis of the National Treasury Management Agency. It will have a commercial remit. It is not a rescue vehicle for developers or other borrowers. NAMA will expect to be repaid in exactly the same way as a bank. The potential maximum book value of the loans that will be transferred to NAMA is estimated at between €80 billion and €90 billion. The amount of money paid by NAMA will be considerably less, to take account of the banks' losses on their loan books. Significant further work on the loan books will be needed to ensure the appropriate loans are transferred. NAMA will purchase assets through the issue to the banks of Government bonds. The amount paid by NAMA will be significantly less than the book value to take account of NAMA's estimate of the worth of the loans and compensate the State for taking on these risks. The banks will have to take the associated losses. If losses are incurred by NAMA over a period of ten or 15 years, the Government will apply a levy to recoup any shortfall. This is not a question of saving developers from going to the wall. It is a matter of supporting the capacity of the financial institutions to increase lending in support of the recovery of the real economy. The losses absorbed by borrowers and banks will significantly reduce the risk taken by the State when it takes the assets under its control. All borrowers will be required to meet their legal obligations for repayment, as at present.

In line with a previous commitment, the Government intends to put in place a State guarantee for the future issue of debt securities with a maturity of up to five years. Access to longer-term funding in line with the mainstream approach in the EU, consistent with State aid rules, will contribute significantly to supporting the funding needs of the banks and securing their continued stability. We need banks to lend to solid businesses and get them back to growth. This is the only way to secure existing jobs and to support the creation of new jobs. Businesses that need cash to keep them going will be able to borrow to get them through this recession. The innovative company that needs investment to develop new technology and to provide the products and services of the future will be able to access investment funds. The company that wants to buy a new technology to make its business more competitive will be able to do so. The businesswoman who has a good idea will have the confidence to borrow and invest in that idea, creating jobs and wealth.

Irish business is strong. We have strong companies with strong products and strong markets. Those businesses will be the backbone of our recovery and we must do everything we can to get them the cash they need to invest and to grow.

Ireland has suffered a blow to her reputation abroad. This must and will be fixed. Much of what is said about us is untrue and a worse picture has been painted than exists. Nonetheless, this damages our image with the obvious consequence that investors might shy away. We have taken the right steps at the right times. We guaranteed savings, we nationalised Anglo Irish Bank and we recapitalised the two main banks. Now we have a plan to deal with the impaired assets of the banks.

With a solid plan for our public finances and a comprehensive plan to restore our banking system, we must ensure that we communicate these to the international markets. We will be sending teams abroad, including to London, Frankfurt and New York, to demonstrate to international markets that we are taking the right measures to correct our public finances and our banking system. This will restore confidence and get investment flowing.

Securing the ratification of the Lisbon treaty later this year would further reinforce international confidence in Ireland. Our position in the European Union has greatly assisted us during this crisis and has made clear yet again the value of our position at the heart of the Union. Ratification of the Lisbon treaty this autumn is an important part of the Government's overall recovery strategy.

In this budget, we are taking steps to maximise short-term economic activity and jobs. Our actions are consistent with our vision for economic renewal based on the concept of a smart economy. This requires a return to export-led growth based on improved cost competitiveness relative to our trading partners, productive investment and energy efficiency. We are establishing an enterprise stabilisation fund of €100 million over two years to support vulnerable internationally-traded companies in adjusting to the current crisis, including those affected by the fall in the value of sterling. Bord Bia will undertake enhanced marketing measures to assist food companies particularly affected by currency pressures. We are acting to stabilise the banking system, thereby restoring the crucial flow of credit to the enterprise sector. This is the most crucial contribution we can make to helping business. Funding of €350 million from the European Investment Bank has already been made available to small businesses. We will act further, if necessary, following the review of credit availability and trade finance currently under way as part of the bank recapitalisation programme.

Energy costs remain a real concern for business, particularly for large industrial users. Double digit reductions in the cost of electricity and gas have already been announced for 1 May. It is hoped that it will be possible to achieve further adjustments as the year proceeds.

We have already introduced a range of measures to improve cashflow to business by prompt payment from Departments, to streamline how local authorities deal with businesses and to invest in labour intensive investments such as energy efficiency. Despite the severe budgetary pressures, we also are maintaining a high level of investment in research and tax incentives for start-up businesses and venture capital. Many of the businesses and jobs of the future will come from this area.

I assure the House that the Government will continue to prioritise this competitiveness recovery agenda. We will build on the steps taken so far and bring forward further measures to help businesses compete internationally by reducing costs and red tape, investing in productive infrastructure, supporting start-up enterprises and improving the availability of credit and investment capital. There is no alternative but to restore our competitive position by reducing costs and increasing productivity. We will act to ensure that we regain that competitiveness, so that we can start growing our exports and creating new jobs again.

While everyone faces a downward adjustment in living standards as a result of the current crisis, the greatest burden is borne by those who lose their jobs. We are seeking to maximise the number of people in employment by sustaining a high level of investment in labour intensive infrastructure. We have announced measures to support transactions in the housing market and the motor trade. Unfortunately, because of the severity of the recession, more people will lose their jobs before this crisis is over. The Government seeks to maximise the opportunities available to these people for re-training, education or work experience. In this way, we will help support people through a difficult time and help them prepare for new opportunities which will arise in the future.

Earlier this year we provided new training places under the FÁS training initiatives strategy and introduced measures to help redundant apprentices. In this budget we are providing for another 23,500 education and training places on new and existing programmes. As part of this package we are introducing a work experience scheme which will see 2,000 people, including graduates, placed in jobs. Changes to the back to work enterprise allowance and the back to education allowance schemes will also facilitate more claims for support from people who have lost their jobs. This is an integrated package of measures reflecting co-operation between Departments and agencies and will help thousands of people through a difficult period of their lives.

By securing the public finances, this budget lays the foundations for future growth and jobs. In these difficult times, we must not lose sight of just how much Ireland has transformed itself over the past 20 years. Many of the key factors that fed into that transformation and many of the results of the process of change will serve us well now as we rise to new challenges. Almost 1,000 overseas companies have chosen to invest in Ireland as their European base and are involved in a wide range of activities in sectors as diverse as engineering, information communications technologies, pharmaceuticals, medical technologies, greentech, and financial and international services. We have hundreds of thriving research and development intensive indigenous companies.

In December, we published a blueprint for economic development, Building Ireland's Smart Economy. Such an economy will support a thriving enterprise culture, ensure the highest quality standards, reward entrepreneurship and ultimately secure our energy supplies. In the last budget and the Finance Bill, to support this vision, we retained and enhanced our pro-enterprise tax policies, namely, we apply a corporation tax rate of just 12.5% which is unchanged; we increased the research and development tax credit available to companies from 20% to 25%, putting it to the forefront of research and development regimes globally; we provided an exemption from corporation tax and capital gains tax for the first three years of a new start-up business, and other measures to help people who want to start enterprises and create jobs; we introduced a new and highly-favourable tax treatment of carried interest which will encourage so-called smart capital to work effectively to stimulate start-up enterprises; and we introduced a tax abatement scheme for people who own shares in start-up research and development companies to help such businesses attract and retain employees.

In this supplementary budget we added to this suite of incentives by committing to introducing a scheme of tax reliefs for the acquisition of intangible assets, including intellectual property. This will provide a significant impetus to the development of the smart economy and the provision of quality and well-paid jobs in the future.

I identified reform of the public service as a core personal priority because I believe passionately in the public service ethos, in the values which animate our public service tradition, and in the motivation and competence of our dedicated public servants. That is why I set up a task force to produce an implementation plan for a root and branch renewal of our public service; why I published a comprehensive policy for public service reform based on that task force's report, and why I have established and chair a Cabinet committee on transforming public services to drive the process of change.

There is much that is good and positive and world class about the Irish public service as was evidenced in the report of the OECD published last year. Equally, however, there are aspects of how we organise and deliver public services which fall well short of the best practice of which our own system is capable, regardless of international standards. We do not have the full flexibilities associated with a modern, high-productivity, technologically-enabled service economy. All too often we see examples of traditional work practices, staffing levels and management systems which fail to meet the diverse needs of our citizens and which frustrate the creativity and innovative capacity of our public servants. In many cases, this is a failure of organisational capacity, on both the part of management and of the trade unions and other employee representative structures. A gradual approach to reform and renewal can be effective, in the public service as elsewhere.

However, when we are faced with a full-blown national crisis, where the business as usual model is no longer affordable or sustainable, then we must adopt a different approach. It need not be based on a top-down approach which ignores the views of staff and their practical experience. Still less, need it be based on conflict between the Government and public service unions. On the contrary, the reality of the crisis which we face as a society is particularly evident to public servants who are dealing at first hand with the consequences — personal, social and economic — of our current difficulties. I know they resent deeply the unfair criticisms and occasional ideological bias which is expressed against them. I know that they, and their trade union representatives, realise that the best way of protecting the interests of public servants is to demonstrate that we are up to this challenge; that we can do more with less; that we must distinguish between change and flexibility which benefits the citizen without prejudicing the legitimate interests of staff, and change which is an unwarranted attack on decent standards of employment and practice.

The Government wants to work in a collaborative and partnership way with our own staff across the whole of the public service. We have listened carefully to what they have had to say, for example, about the operation of the public service pension levy. Yesterday, the Minister for Finance announced a significant adjustment to lessen the burden on those on low and modest incomes in the public service, while retaining a levy which is entirely appropriate given the relative benefits of public service pension terms at this time. Reform can accelerate in periods of crisis, when issues that could previously be ignored have to be faced. We are in such a time. We are not in a position to continue to pay for the public service to operate in an unchanged manner with an unchanged division of labour across an unchanged labour force.

The measures announced yesterday to facilitate the early retirement or temporary departure of public servants are designed to facilitate part of this necessary adjustment on an agreed and equitable basis. However, in combination with the moratorium on recruitment and promotion announced earlier by the Minister for Finance, it represents a determination on the part of the Government to reduce the numbers employed in delivering public services in line with our reduced capacity to pay. This inevitably requires greater flexibility and mobility so that resources are deployed where they are most needed. It also requires flexibility in the way that work is carried out, in line with good practice. It is only on this basis that we will be able to sustain the approach which has been long enjoyed in the public service in terms of security of tenure, high quality conditions of employment and attractive pay and pension terms. These are issues which will be discussed with the necessary degree of urgency with the public service unions over coming weeks. These issues will be discussed with the necessary degree of urgency with the public service unions in the coming weeks.

In this context, I would like to repeat my firm conviction about the value of the overall social partnership process. I believe the shared analysis and structured engagement which the partnership process requires are entirely positive in helping to bring about greater understanding of our situation and the challenges we face, and greater consistency in the way we respond to them whether in the public or the private sector. I welcome the decision of the social partners to continue to engage with the Government to see if it will be possible to agree a shared approach to the many dimensions of our current crisis for that reason.

In facing up to this challenge, we have the benefit of the excellent analysis produced by the National Economic and Social Council, on which the social partners and Departments are represented. It sets out clearly the reasons an integrated national response, which carries the support of broad sections of the community, could be extremely effective in steering our way through these difficult times. Now, more than ever, we need the coherence domestically and the signal of confidence internationally that a social partnership agreement would represent. The supplementary budget announced yesterday, difficult though many of its elements are, and the broad strategy that accompanied it in the statement of the Minister, are consistent with the framework we agreed with the social partners at the end of January. This provides the basis to complete the negotiation of a national accord over coming weeks.

Everyone is facing problems. Business is down because the domestic and world markets are down. Cuts are having to be made and staff are worried. It is a tough environment. People in their homes are worried whether they can make ends meet or whether one of them will lose his or her job. People worry about what the future holds and I understand that.

They are twice as worried now.

My Cabinet and I are working hard and we know we have to get the balance right. We know we have to get us out of this. We are also realistic. This is the here and now and we cannot wish it away. There is no other option. While we cannot change the direction of the wind, we can adjust our sails and that is what we have done in this supplementary budget. Standing still is not an option in these times. We must act. Leadership is about taking tough decisions when called for.

The economy will recover and the pain will not last forever. There is light at the end of the tunnel. The consensus among forecasters is that the world economy will begin to revive in 2010 bringing a return to growth in Ireland in 2011. That will occur only if we take the hard decisions now, work together over the next few years in particular, fix those things that we can fix and get through this unprecedentedly difficult period. We are committing all of our efforts to this cause. We are determined to lead the country through this. We recognise this requires people to make considerable sacrifices but, no matter how difficult it seems, I ask the people to work with us to ensure we get through this difficult period and to ensure a bright future for ourselves and our children.

I commend the supplementary budget to the House.

I wish to share time with Deputy O'Donnell.

There was no standing ovation for that contribution. The supplementary budget introduced has destroyed the hopes of thousands of families. I predict by the end of the next quarter thousands of small retail outlets will close. There is nothing in the budget to protect or to create jobs or to give a stimulus, hope or confidence or a feeling the Government is interested in keeping people at work and creating jobs. The Government has not dealt to any extent with the public finances. It did not touch the HSE, FÁS or CIE. Sending teams to Frankfurt, New York and Dubai to explain that the Government here is on the right track is misleading the people. That will not happen. Sending teams to explain what the Government has done regarding the public finances and rectifying the situation in so far as the economy is concerned is not true.

The supplementary budget should have been about squeezing out of public spending waste and inefficiencies, which have been the hallmark of Fianna Fáil Governments for years. Instead, it was about squeezing the life out of young, middle income families. The budget should have been the opportunity to set out an inspiring vision and a plan for renewing enterprise, exports and employment, following the cronyism and bubble economy of the past decade. Instead, it was turned into a bookkeeper's budget in which the economy will be chased down by increasing taxes and cuts in investment. The Minister outlined the figures in his Budget Statement yesterday.

With this supplementary budget, the Taoiseach's Government has proven beyond all doubt that it does not have the vision, capacity or capability to lead this country out of a worsening economic depression that threatens to sink the hopes of an entire generation. The credit rating of 12 banks was downgraded this morning. In early February, I called for a fairer budget from the Government that would restore confidence to the economy. The tests I set out for such a budget were challenging but very achievable. Last week, the Fine Gael Party showed the Government the way with our own published detailed pre-budget analysis. We said, first and foremost, the budget had to be about protecting and promoting jobs, which everybody understands. Local radio stations all over the country, as anybody will attest to, have been inundated with calls from small business people, including shopkeepers, who employ two, three, five, ten or 15 people. The supplementary budget has put a stake through the heart of their businesses and there is no stimulus in it to give them confidence to keep going.

We said the budget should be about protecting and creating jobs. Every job loss costs the Exchequer €20,000 and costs an individual loss of status, dignity, pride and confidence. We pointed out that the Government could not chase down the economy simply by increasing taxes and cutting investment. That is why we identified targeted and affordable temporary tax breaks to give a sense of confidence to business such as a cut in the lower rate of VAT from 13.5% to 10%. As Deputy Mitchell has pointed out on a number of occasions, this would stimulate confidence in the hospitality and hotel industry among those who might spend a few euro on a holiday or who travel to Ireland. Deputy Varadkar also proposed a PRSI relief for employers on a number of occasions to stop the haemorrhage of jobs. Neither proposal would be massively expensive but they would have been massively effective in giving confidence to business people to keep going. Of course, they were not listened to.

The Government has given a vague assurance to think about some plan or other for more public private partnerships in the construction sector. The lowering of the VAT rate from 13.5% to 10% would have directly impacted on small contractors building everything from patios and back kitchens and carrying out renovations, which would have meant employment locally spread throughout the country. If the Government has been preparing a plan to create jobs and the Cabinet has had ten meetings in the past number of weeks, precious little thought was put into the business of protecting and creating jobs.

We highlighted that even as Exchequer borrowing is cut, the Government could restructure and recapitalise commercial State-owned high performance companies to drive a massive €18 billion investment programme in broadband, energy and water over the next four years, which would reposition our economy to meet the challenges for the next ten or 20 years without costing the taxpayer 1 cent while creating up to 100,000 jobs. The Labour Party had a different view on whether it would see a stimulus in this plan. However, our stimulus was designed and created on the basis that there would be no cost to the taxpayer. The Government Chief Whip said he welcomed this, while the Taoiseach said he would not pour cold water on it. These are real propositions to deal with the future challenges of the country in the next ten to 20 years.

The Taoiseach expressed reservations about the precise structure of the proposals but, at least, they represent an opportunity and an acceptance of the challenge by the Fine Gael Party to put up a credible alternative way of providing jobs. If almost 500,000 educated, fit and healthy people are walking around next year with nothing to do at a cost of €20,000 each to the Exchequer on average, that is a recipe for potential anarchy, social unrest and a great depth of frustration. My belief is that the budget should have focused to a greater extent on job protection and creation and a jobs plan and on providing a stimulus, even if meant temporary cuts in the VAT or PRSI rates to give people confidence. Instead we got nothing but cuts of €2 billion in investment by 2011. These are small school buildings, primary care centres and community centres. People will not be able to contribute the small sums they did to anything from communions to confirmations or local fundraisers. The Government has unduly pressurised the voluntary movement.

In our pre-budget analysis we said that the economic planners should learn the lesson from Sweden and Finland in the 1990s and from our own country in the 1980s, that no country has ever successfully taxed its way out of a recession and back to economic health. We also said that the effort to cut runaway borrowing had to be tilted in favour of cuts in day to day spending over tax increases. Did the Government listen? Not at all.

This budget has made a savage smash-and-grab raid on middle income families. An average family with two children will pay €4,600 a year, bringing the total deduction from their income to €7,000 when added to the tax increases last October. The tax increases will outweigh cuts in day to day spending by three to one this year and by over two to one in the coming three years. That is the wrong direction to take. It is the wrong placing of the Government's sail if, as the Taoiseach says, it cannot do anything about the wind. It is exactly the opposite of what is needed to get our economy going. The Taoiseach should go out on the streets and talk to people or telephone his own people in Laois-Offaly, the small businesses and shopkeepers, who have ideas. Would anybody now want to invest here? Did someone not point out on CNBC yesterday that the €90 billion was presented as a proportion of GDP in the United States, equivalent to several trillion dollars? That is not a very inspiring message for American business which is so important to us.

I hope that when the Government's team goes to New York it will be able to deal with that. We showed the Government last week how it could deliver massive savings by overhauling the budgetary process into which this State has been locked for many years.

I asked a senior Minister yesterday how much he had lost out of his Department. He said that the problem in his Department was that he had been unable to get the associated quangos and agencies to cut administrative costs. I said that the Minister is appointed to do that but the Government has not tackled that problem.

It has not been tackled and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Martin, knows that.

The Government has not cut down. Where are the quangos that have been let go? Where is the removal of duplication and triplication? Why does somebody walk into my office with four brown envelopes from the social welfare office saying that he has filled them in during the last week, giving the same information to the same officer four days in a row after standing for two hours in a queue of 250 people? Surely if the Minister is serious about his efficiencies we have arrived at a point where this information can be transmitted once and is then collated and kept. Why do people have to fill out form after form, which the Department of Social and Family Affairs has posted at a cost of 58 cent each?

Then one has to go back a week later and fill in the forms again.

The Government has not listened to anyone in the Opposition. The civil servants in the Department of Finance continue to say this is how it has to be.

No local authority can sign a contract of any size without approval from the Department of Finance. There are two muppet Ministers, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and the Minister for Defence, who must go to the Minister for Finance whenever they want to make an appointment and ask if they satisfy the criteria for approval. It has never happened in the history of the State that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform has been rendered powerless by a decision that he must go to the Minister for Finance for all these appointments.

The Government has taken the easy targets instead of the difficult decisions.

It is a missed opportunity.

It has done nothing to reform the public service, to cut out waste and inefficiency that applies on a large scale throughout the governance of the State. Public service reform does not only involve weeding out numbers. I respect the provisions such as early retirement that public servants may well take up. That must be judged on its merits to see how it works. Thousands of brilliant people work in all areas of the public service who are utterly frustrated by how the system operates, those who show promise and initiative, and who perform, are strangled by a situation in which they cannot move sideways and there are too many blockages along the line. That causes a deep sense of frustration within the public service.

We pointed out how to bring about a new tax regime that would secure a bigger contribution from the very rich and from the tax exiles who, in some cases, abuse their citizenship and make little or no contribution to the country. We said there should be no bail-out for the bankers, developers and property speculators who, cheered on by the Taoiseach's party, destroyed our prosperity and competitiveness. Did the Government listen to that? Not at all. There is nothing about tax exiles in this budget except more vague promises of something to come.

There is nothing but vague promises on closing the tax reliefs that allow the rich to escape penal tax rates that now apply to everybody else. While ordinary families count the cost of this budget, higher taxes, cuts in child benefit, cuts in mortgage interest relief on the negative equity in their homes, the millionaire bankers who lent to them all are sitting pretty in their jobs, or counting the windfall gains today from this budget in which the Government proposes to acquire assets of up to €90 billion.

Slumdog millionaires.

When the regulator attended a meeting of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Economic Regulatory Affairs last October, he said: "Speculative lending to construction and property development in Ireland amounts to €39.1 billion, of which €24 billion is supported by additional collateral or alternative sources of cashflow and realisable security." The evidence of the regulator to an Oireachtas committee was that there was €40 billion in loans. That has become €90 billion. The Tánaiste was unable to answer Deputy English yesterday when he asked how this actually appeared. The National Asset Management Agency, NAMA, is the wrong way to deal with this.

The Fine Gael view was that the Government should evolve from the existing banks, the clean banks, with performing assets that were not toxic, in which the State could take ordinary shares if necessary and international markets could invest because the banks were clean, had integrity and were credit trustworthy. Over time those banks could manage the toxic assets, the doubtful developer debts in that bank and pay for that. It would not have cost the taxpayer what this proposal will cost. The Minister for Finance said there is a systemic risk in the banking sector. That is now being transferred to the Irish taxpayer. That is not the way to go. The Government has screwed middle income families and rewarded banks.

This budget is a brutal attack on middle income families and on the effort and vigour that they have put in to building our country, our economy, and raising their families. This depletes their confidence. It has been engineered by a Government that has chosen the soft targets and is either unwilling or unable to change the broken ways of the past. These are the reasons this party will oppose this budget when it comes to a vote.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I am glad of the opportunity to speak on this budget. To take up one of Deputy Kenny's points, it is generally accepted that a country cannot tax its way out of a recession but that is what the Government is attempting to do. That is the main thrust of this budget. It hits people on low to middle incomes and it is based around tax increases. Any budget must have three key components. It must restore public finances; ensure we have a banking system that functions properly and provides credit to small business, and it must have a jobs plan. This budget deals with the public finances in a tax-driven way. The last two budgets will cost a typical family on €60,000 per year an extra €8,000, including €4,600 from this budget. The income levy doubled, the health levy doubled, the PRSI ceiling increased and mortgage interest relief is gone, a matter about which I feel very strongly. In the last budget, mortgage interest relief for non-first time buyers was reduced from 20% to 15%, and now it is being fully abolished. That will mean €900 per year to the average family. The reason given by the Government is that interest rates have decreased. In 2002 interest rates were comparable to current rates and the Government needs to take that on board and reverse the decision.

Over the next few weeks the Government will have to reverse the crude measure of abolishing the Christmas bonus for long-term recipients of social welfare and pension holders. It is crude, unfair and small-minded. The Government speaks about looking after the most vulnerable. That bonus was critical at Christmas time for those people to look after their families and to pay heating bills; the decision must be reversed. The budget has cut €30 million from the primary and post-primary schools building programme and €24 million from third level education. In my constituency the Government has cut the environment budget by €200 million. The Taoiseach visited the regeneration project in Limerick a short time ago. Can he guarantee that those cuts of €200 million will not affect the regeneration project? That reduction of €200 million in the capital budget, which specifically relates to social housing, needs to be clarified.

There has been much discussion on the banks in the past number of days. The most critical press conference will be that of the National Treasury Management Agency this afternoon. I was at the meeting with Mr. Patrick Neary, the then Financial Regulator, when he stated the speculative and property loans were €39 billion. He said €24 billion of those were by way of security and €15 billion were the underlying assets. He also said those €24 billion were affecting the other assets. Of what is the other €50 billion made up? Why has it suddenly more than doubled? The Taoiseach says the total will be €80 billion to €90 billion. A 40% write-off of the €90 billion in loans with the main banks is €36 billion. If the Taoiseach is required to put €36 billion into the banks, that is effectively nationalising the banks. Is the Taoiseach prepared to nationalise the banks?

That €36 billion will be provided by the taxpayer and the value at which those loans are taken over by the national asset management agency is critical. If they are taken over at too low a price the banks will be insolvent and the taxpayer will have to bail them out. If they are taken over at too high a price there is no way the Government will get back the value. I understand that apart from the houses that are completed to date there is land zoned for residential development that could accommodate 950,000 houses and I would like clarification on this. It is said we can sustain the building of 50,000 houses over 20 years. How will the Taoiseach get value from the toxic debts the national asset management agency will take over? Ultimately this will rebound on the taxpayer.

A short time ago the national debt was €40 billion. With the level of borrowing the Government is proposing, by 2013, without doing anything with the banks apart from the €7 billion in recapitalisation, the national debt will have reached €150 billion. That is approximately €5 billion extra per year in borrowings repayments. That will rebound on the taxpayer. If the Government examines its budget projections for the next five years there is very little increase in general day-to-day expenditure. It is coming from borrowings and the property bubble. If one has to borrow another €90 billion to bail out the banks and developers, that is approximately €4 billion per year. That is a potential extra debt repayment of €9 billion per year.

Everybody wants funds to flow to small businesses. I agree we must take on the banks issue; it should have been dealt with much sooner. However, what the Government proposes will cripple the State finances and will mean ordinary, hard-working taxpayers — of whom a married couple on €60,000 will pay €4,600 extra per year — will pay for the mistakes of the banks, Government and developers. Not only will they pay for it, but their children and grandchildren will pay for it. The Taoiseach mentioned a potential national debt figure of €230 billion. That is €150 billion, which will happen based on the Government's projections, plus €90 billion. If the Government wants to have a 60% or 40% write-down it will be a smaller figure, but the Taoiseach needs to tell the taxpayers how much the national asset management agency scheme will cost them. The idea that it will cost them nil does not arise. The Taoiseach must come clean and tell the public how much it will cost.

The Minister for Finance, Deputy Brian Lenihan, was before the House during Question Time approximately two weeks ago and when I asked him if he would deal with the banks' debts by way of a toxic bank, he said, "No." This is a toxic bank, and the problem here is that projecting that funds will flow to small business sounds good but the devil is in the detail. The devil is that the €90 billion loans are worth nowhere near that figure and will probably never be worth anywhere near that figure, and the taxpayer picks up the tab.

Our leader, Deputy Kenny, has just spoken on our proposal and the Taoiseach should re-examine it. Our proposal is to establish clean banks from the existing banks, let the bond holders and shareholders share in the losses and give the shareholders some value in the new banks in order that they can have some hope. The problem with the Taoiseach's model is that the taxpayer will pay heavily and it will burden this State into future generations. The Taoiseach spoke about providing loans to small business. I see no mention of a State-backed guaranteed loan scheme. I welcome the €35 million in EU funding but that should be provided to get funds flowing to small business and that is not being provided.

Back in the 1980s there was enormous national debt but very little private debt. During the 1990s and the 2000s that debt switched from public to private, and now the Government is bailing out the banks and developers — one can call it what one likes but that is the reality — and the taxpayer is picking up the tab. Not only will taxpayers be up to their oxters managing their private debt in terms of making their mortgage repayments, in respect of which the Government has reduced mortgage interest relief, but future generations will have to bail out the banks to the tune of potentially €4 billion a year in interest repayments.

In terms of a jobs plan, the Taoiseach said that all these proposals are about jobs. They should be about jobs.

Jobs for the boys.

However, what I see in the budget is business as usual. What about the issue of VAT reduction? The Minister for Finance admitted publicly that he had made a mistake by raising the VAT rate from 21% to 21.5%. Not only did he raise the rate but he did so during the November to December VAT period when it crippled those in the small business sector.

That is correct.

The Government raised the rate because, effectively, it decided to screw people over Christmas when they would spend money. This budget is screwing them again because it is withdrawing the Christmas bonus from social welfare recipients. It is going after soft targets.

It is missing the target.

This is a bookkeeping exercise. An holistic approach has not been taken. The Taoiseach had a glorious opportunity to put measures in place that would impose very little cost on the Exchequer but would give confidence to consumers. With the increases in income tax and levies, the Government will force consumers to save because they are worried about the security of their jobs and their future. Instead of having security and spending money, they will save more. The Central Bank has stated that savings have doubled and I expect that trend will continue. Effectively, instead of tax revenue being €34 billion, it will be significantly less. This is a matter of Government policy.

The Taoiseach spoke about the structural deficit. The Central Bank has said it estimates that the structural deficit accounts for 10% of the overall deficit. That has been caused by the property bubble and by a policy deficit of the Government. The Taoiseach must admit this.

Also in terms of the jobs plan, an exemption for employers' PRSI payments for two years would encourage employers to take on people. The Taoiseach spoke about energy costs and reductions. The Irish Exporters Association stated in the past week that it wanted to see a 20% reduction in energy costs. Reductions in world oil prices in the recent period have not been passed on to the end consumer. The Government has the power to change the way the sector is regulated to ensure such reductions are passed on.

The back to work allowance scheme, which encourages employers to take on the long-term unemployed, is being scrapped. While I welcome that some changes have been made to the back to enterprise allowance scheme, they have been ham-fisted. Applicants for the scheme had to be in receipt of the jobseeker's allowance for two years — that period has now been reduced to one year — but the period participants will be able to participate in the enterprise allowance scheme will be reduced from four years to two. How can one be expected to get a business up and running in two years? I worked in a practice for many years and I know that it takes a minimum of five years to get any business off the ground. With the change to this scheme, the Government is telling people they will have a two year period to do that. The Minister said that a shorter back to enterprise allowance scheme will be introduced but no details were provided. It is critical to put in place measures to restore confidence.

I welcome that €100 million will be provided for the establishment of an enterprise stabilisation fund, but it does not go remotely far enough. It relates purely to exporters. In terms of cross-Border trade, retailers find it impossible to deal with the differential in the VAT rate. Retailers in my constituency of Limerick, marched on the streets of Limerick city because they cannot compete in terms of VAT rates. The Government did not do anything by way of introducing practical measures to restore our competitiveness, encourage employers to take people on or encourage the development of an entrepreneurial culture. The Irish are a resilient race, but they need structures and supports to be in place to enable people to become self-employed. Participants on the back to enterprise allowance scheme are already in receipt of the jobseeker's allowance, which is €204.30 per week. Why could those participants not be allowed to retain that payment in another guise by way of the back to enterprise allowance? That would enable them to contribute to the Exchequer and create employment.

This budget is bereft of ambition. It is a cowardly measure because it goes after soft targets, namely, working families, old age pensioners through the withdrawal of the Christmas bonus, and hard-pressed young people who bought houses in the period from 2000 who will now lose €900 in mortgage interest relief. I would have liked the budget to deal with our public finances but in a way that would bring about proper reform of the public sector and, as Deputy Kenny stated, reform of the HSE, FÁS and the various quangos to give people confidence. I would have liked some measure to have been introduced to restore competitiveness and ensure the creation of jobs.

I would also have liked to see a model introduced to deal with the toxic debt in the banks that did not involve the Government moving the problem from the banks to the taxpayer. That is effectively what the Government is doing. If this scheme goes ahead, I have no doubt that in years to come that it will cripple Fine Gael-led Governments, which will not be able to make current expenditure allocations because they will be crippled by debt repayments. The Taoiseach said in the House yesterday that €230 billion could be the potential figure in that respect.

That is what he said. People were speaking about €900 billion and by way of example he quoted the figure of €230 billion. He mentioned that figure.

That is a notional figure.

Everything is notional. It was notional that the banks were not in trouble. It was notional that the guarantee scheme was not needed.

On a point of clarification, that figure would assume that every debt in every bank was a bad debt. That is what it would assume. That is from where the Deputy gets that figure.

Does the Taoiseach agree that bank loans are not being repaid? No developers' loans are being repaid. Furthermore, many of them are non-recourse loans; the only security for the loans given was the asset concerned. Any small business that applies for a loan must give a security of varying degrees, but that did not apply to these developers. The ordinary man in the street is asking what is happening. He will have to pay an extra €4,600 per annum tax under this budget while the Government bails out the developers. Some developers will end up not having to pay a penny in terms of the loans they took out. The Taoiseach should explain that to the hard-pressed taxpayer because that is what is happening. How much will what the Government proposes in respect of the banks cost the taxpayer? The Taoiseach has not answered that question. Why has the figure suddenly grown from €39 billion to €90 billion?

We were told there was no problem concerning the banks, then the guarantee scheme was needed, then Anglo Irish Bank had to be nationalised and then €7 billion had to be put into the two main banks. During the debate on the recapitalisation of the banks I stated that the amount being put into them was not enough. In terms of the level of bad debts AIB, in particular, will have to write off next year, the figures did not add up. In 2008, it wrote off €1.85 billion and it has made a loss already. In 2009, it proposes to write off up to between €2.9 billion and €4.2 billion and it will make a loss. If it did not get the €3.5 billion given by the State, its core tier one ratio capital would be below minimum required of 4%. The figures do not add up. The Government cannot fool the public any more about the banks. The Government needs to resolve the situation in terms of the banks, but it needs to tell the taxpayers how much it will cost them. He has not told them that. On the idea of parking the issue and delaying addressing it, these loans are probably worth of the order of 60% at the maximum.

Deputies

Much less.

A 40% write off would be €36 billion. The figures do not add up. That is why the Government needs to look at the scheme we are proposing, which at least would provide the taxpayer with some chance. The Government would be required to put money into the fresh bank but at least it would ensure that through ordinary shares there would be some return and that funds flowed to small business.

My understanding is that the reason for the recapitalisation of the banks was to ensure that funds flowed to small business. My worry is small businesses will be so crippled in terms of extra income taxes as well as the taxes they have to pay for this national debt that they will not be able to function. The Taoiseach could have introduced very simple measures that would have removed some of the pressure from them, for example, a Government guaranteed loan-backed scheme, VAT reduction, reduced energy costs, to allow for some degree of confidence. However, the ultimate result of this budget is that people will continue to save because they will be worried about their jobs and VAT receipts will fall. Developers throughout the country, who are doing their 2008 limited company accounts at the moment, will be valuing their assets at very low values and creating losses which they will refer back to the 2007 profits to get refunds of corporation tax. They will be getting a double benefit, and that is wrong.

Well done, lads.

That is an own goal. The banking situation is so critical in terms of the economy that the Government has to get it right. Effectively, the model it is coming up with has an enormous amount of unanswered questions. The Fine Gael model, as elaborated in great depth by Deputy Enda Kenny, gives the taxpayer a chance in terms of returns on investments in the banks and in terms of funds to small businesses.

The Government also needs to look at the Christmas bonus for the old age pensioners. It must be reversed. It needs to look at mortgage interest relief for hard-pressed mortgage holders and to bring in a properly planned jobs programme, in terms of looking at VAT reductions, reduced energy costs, etc. If one asks any small business what are the factors that are crippling it at the moment, one will be told, "energy costs and regulation". There is nothing in this budget on reforming regulation.

I again ask the Taoiseach to elaborate on how the Government is going to deal with the banks and to make the necessary amendments for the next budget to ensure we have an even chance and that confidence is restored.

I wish to share my time with Deputies Pat Rabbitte and Ruairí Quinn.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

This budget screws middle-income working families and does little or nothing for jobs. Take a couple earning a salary of €45,000 each. The budget will cost them €900 on the income levy on top of the €900 they started paying in January, €1,800 on the increased health levy, €1,000 by losing the early childhood payment for their two young children, €900 by losing their mortgage interest relief on their €250,000 mortgage, on top of the €300 cut in January, an extra €130 on the price of diesel to travel to and from work and an extra €91 if one of them smokes, on top of €182 in January, not to mention extra costs of insurance on cars and mortgages. If they are public servants, all that comes on top of the so-called pension levy taken out of their pay packets last March. In all, this couple, on €45,000 each will be down €9,400 since January if they are both public servants, €7,800 if one of them works for the State and one for the private sector and €6,212 if they both work in the private sector — in which case, they may already have had their pay reduced and their jobs may be at imminent risk.

This is a budget on a timer — we will not feel its full impact until we get our pay packets in May, pay our insurance or make our next tax return. That is not all, because there is more to come. The Minister for Finance signalled yesterday taxes will go up again in the next budget, that we may be facing a tax on the family home and that charges for services may be increased.

The only concession to the concept of fairness in yesterday's budget is the perverse idea that if one screws the working middle class, one should also screw the poor. The Minister takes the Christmas bonus off pensioners and others on social welfare and those on the minimum wage are brought into the tax net.

This budget should have been about jobs, but it is not. It should have been fair, but it is not. It should have charted a course for economic recovery and a better future. What it does is make working families pay for the failures of Fianna Fáil. The budget makes working families pay for 12 years of bad governance and economic mismanagement by Fianna Fáil. I and the Labour Party can say that with some authority, because for the past decade or more we warned about the direction in which Fianna Fáíl was taking the country and the economy.

Ten years ago, the Labour Party published a document on housing prepared by economics professor, Dr. P. J. Drudy of Trinity College Dublin, which warned about rising house prices, land speculation and increased borrowing. Fianna Fáil would not listen then and yesterday it took away mortgage interest relief from the very people who bought their houses at inflated prices and who now find themselves in negative equity. We brought before this House a Bill to end land speculation and to have the State acquire development land at existing use values. Fianna Fáil voted it down and now the taxpayer has to acquire this land anyway when it is of no immediate value and we have to guarantee and subsidise the banks which lent the money for the speculative purchases in the first place.

Last year, when we, from these Opposition benches could see the job losses beginning, business slowing down, credit dwindling and the economy turning, Fianna Fáil with all the resources and information of the State available to it, refused to see the economy weakening and spent the first part of the year making excuses for Deputy Bertie Ahern and changing leaders. When last summer, we wanted to stay here to debate the economy, the Government closed down the Dáil and thought it was business as usual. In September, when the Labour Party was arguing for a national recovery plan, Fianna Fáil thought that all it had to do was to look tough and bring forward the budget but it ended up getting the budget figures and strategy massively wrong.

When, on 30 September last, it should have nationalised Anglo Irish Bank, and probably Irish Nationwide as well, and cleared out Irish banking the Government gave them all a blanket taxpayers' guarantee from which we cannot now escape, and ended up having to nationalise one of them while putting €7 billion into two more. In yesterday's Supplementary Budget Statement it came forward with a plan to buy up the €80 billion of bad debts and bad assets. Even in recent weeks the Government continued to insist in the face of declining Exchequer figures that there was no need for a second budget.

This budget is an abject admission of economic failure by Fianna Fáil. The Minister could not bring himself to say it yesterday because for Fianna Fáil "sorry" is always the hardest word. This is the direct result of its gross mismanagement and what happens when a country is run on Galway tent economics. It was a perfect circle. Fianna Fáil's friends in the know speculated on land, its councillors rezoned it, its friends in the banks gave them loans to finance it, the Government provided tax reliefs on it and the working people who paid for all this with excessive mortgages are now going to have to pay for it all over again, now that the economy has come crashing down.

Some will no doubt say that I am engaging in a blame game and that there is no point in that now. There is a point to it because if we cannot now identify clearly those who caused the economic mess we are in, and if as a country we do not determine that they will never be let do it again, we are doomed to repeat the mistake for another generation.

The pain which every household in this country is now enduring must be for a better future rather than a return to the old ways of Fianna Fáil. I do not blame Fianna Fáil only for this bad budget but also for wrecking the economy and causing the circumstances which led to this situation. There is no easy way out of this recession and taxes have been increasing for some time. I reject the Taoiseach's assertion that the Opposition does not acknowledge the part taxes must play in the solution. The Labour Party has consistently made the argument that taxation unfortunately has to be part of the solution because that is where Fianna Fáil has brought us.

The people I meet up and down the country are angry but they are ready and willing to contribute to a solution. They demand that the solution will be fair and will be for a purpose. Those who have the most must pay the most and those who caused this mess should be held accountable. However, the culture of greed built up by Fianna Fáil is so strong that even with the economy in such dire straits, the club does not want to pay. The restriction on landlord relief is less than €100 million whereas €500 million could have been found. Residential properties are hit but commercial properties are not. A promise was given to close off the property reliefs which allow the rich to pay little or no tax but we know the value of a Fianna Fáil promise. After all the spin and leaks, nothing was done about tax exiles. The high rolling pensions were again left untouched. People who have accumulated tens of millions of euro in pension funds with the assistance of tax reliefs have not been asked to contribute.

As always, the people who pay are those who work hard and pay for everything. Some will pay for this budget out of their pay packets but others will pay with their jobs. This budget will destroy jobs. It will deliver a fiscal shock to the economy that will put more people onto the dole. The Government is proposing to take 2% of GDP out of the economy in nine months on top of the cuts delivered in the October budget and the subsequent February package. A cumulative fiscal shock of 5% of GDP is being delivered to an economy that is contracting by 8%. I know it is not popular to say this. There is appetite abroad to deal with this issue quickly and firmly and I understand that view but the laws of economics do not evaporate merely because we wish them away. This budget will drive more people onto the dole, destroy more viable businesses and delay recovery.

That is not to say that the public finances can be ignored. In an ideal world we would not have to take these actions in the middle of a recession but that is not possible. We needed a well judged budget and real action on the banking crisis but we got a knee-jerk budget and an even bigger bill from the banks landing at the door of taxpayers.

As a country, we have to satisfy the international markets that Ireland is a good risk. In preparing Labour's pre-budget submission, we took the time to consult the NTMA, which was clear in response to our questions that there is no risk of Ireland defaulting on its debt. We have to get real about that because we risk talking the country down in this area. If we want to restore our reputation abroad, we must start by clearing out the banks rather than savaging the economy. Getting the sums wrong in January is not an excuse for destroying jobs in April.

The cuts in the capital programme will have direct and indirect impacts on employment. Construction costs are collapsing across the country but instead of grasping this opportunity to build schools at low cost so that we can serve our children for decades to come, the school building programme has been cut. Comparing the figures in the budget to those in the January statement, €12 billion has been taken out of the capital programme over five years. That is an enormous cut. I acknowledge that a lot of this saving can be achieved through lower tender prices but it means that the NDP is dead in the water. In fact, the capital programme is a complete shambles. The Department of Finance was not even able to provide the Opposition with a detailed breakdown of the projects it is financing. This is a €7 billion programme with no real management.

I have to hand it to the Minister that he knows how to tick boxes, however. The Labour Party has proposed a range of initiatives on jobs and training and he has tried to tick these boxes. Last November, we proposed an earn and learn scheme and, lo and behold, here it is. That is great news until one reads the fine print and discovers that there are only 277 places on the scheme. Labour has proposed a graduate job placement scheme and, again, this is set out in the budget. However, there are only 2,000 places for 26,000 graduates.

This budget is purely a book keeping exercise. It shows no serious intent to deal with the jobs issue. I remind the Taoiseach that every single person who joins the queue of the unemployed costs the Exchequer more than €20,000 in lost revenues and higher expenditure. We should use that money to create opportunities rather than close them off but instead of showing imagination or creativity, all we have got from this Government is lip-service. The budget package contains welcome initiatives but the scale of the response shows no realisation of the scale of the problem.

This is the second time in a generation that Fianna Fáil has brought this country to bankruptcy. Its supporters and members may have swopped the mohair suits for Armani but they are the same bunch of charlatans and cronies who take the profits and none of the pain. However, the same people will be asked to pay again. The people who left Ireland in their droves in the 1980s and came back during the boom of the 1990s will pay again. The parents who waved them off and went home in tears will pay again. The people who lived through the 1980s and thought they had left all of that behind will see their children graduate to unemployment. They placed their trust in Fianna Fáil and they have been betrayed. The bankers will be protected, the tax fugitives will be exonerated and the club will stay intact.

Nobody claims that solving the banking crisis will be easy. The Labour Party has acknowledged that and we have set out eight principles that should be applied to dealing with the banking crisis. The bad loans will have to be quarantined and the balance sheets will have to be cleaned up to get credit flowing again to businesses and families. However, this must be done in a way that protects the taxpayer and it has to be accompanied by regime change in the banks. The budget sets out a proposal for the taxpayer to assume responsibility for €80 billion in bad debts. That is a staggering sum.

Yesterday I received another lecture from the Taoiseach about the banking guarantee. Now we see that the cost of the guarantee will be €80 to €90 billion in debt being taken on by the State without any clarity on how the taxpayer will be protected. The bondholders cannot take a hit because they are guaranteed. No other country has guaranteed dated subordinated debt but no other country is run by Fianna Fáil. This assets management scheme presents the prospect of huge losses for the taxpayer. The question and answer sheet that accompanies it is vague and features that favourite phrase of Government, "commercial confidentiality".

How are we to know that the developers whose loans are being transferred to the banks will be dealt with on a strictly commercial basis? How are we to know that the friends of the friends will not be protected? We have the assurance of the same Minister who was going deep into the banking system but did not bother to read the PricewaterhouseCoopers report. In the middle of his Supplementary Budget Statement, he quietly slipped out the news that the guarantee is to be extended for some loans for up to five years. This may have been inevitable but it is a far cry from what was claimed on the night the guarantee was made, when the Taoiseach assured us it would create no costs for the taxpayer. That was €7 billion ago.

We got back that money.

Yet again, the banks have not been cleared out. The boards and the executives who created this mess are still in place. There are 200,000 more people on the dole since the last general election but the top bankers keep their jobs. They are even resisting the salary restrictions which the Government belatedly imposed. This is astonishing. It would not happen in any other country. The Minister for Finance says he is going to tour the world telling people that Ireland has got its act together. He is going to repeat the fiasco of his London trip, when he managed to get the words "Ireland" and "crony capitalism" onto the front page of the Financial Times. Does he not think that international investors will want to know whether the banks he is saving have new management? Might I suggest he would be better off to actually deal with the problem, so that he might have some credibility in the matter?

This was never going to be an easy budget, but it could have been a far better and fairer one. Some weeks ago, the Government sought the co-operation of the Opposition parties in its construction. I made it clear to the Government that we were ready to engage constructively with it, not because we want in any way to preserve this Government, but because we want to preserve the country. We stood ready to act in the national interest, but the Government decided to play politics instead. Our offer of co-operation was treated with contempt. Over the weeks it became clear that the Government was not serious about engaging with the Opposition.

The Taoiseach's actions in this matter have been ill-considered and deeply unwise. It is a dangerous precedent for a Government to seek co-operation from the Opposition at a time of national crisis and then to play political games when that co-operation is forthcoming. Had the Taoiseach been willing to listen to us, we would not be faced with this appalling mess of a budget.

On 3 March, members of the Cabinet were told the bad news about the February Exchequer returns. Apparently they were taken by surprise. Their immediate reaction was to declare to the world that they stood by their deficit target of 9.5% of GDP. We were treated to stout declarations about the importance of this target to their credibility and to the international markets, and how the Government was determined to stick to that target come what may. That has all gone now, however, because as the Labour Party pointed out at the time, sticking to that target was impossible. Even the 10.75% target means inflicting extremely harsh medicine on an economy that is already on life support.

What those robust declarations of early March show is a Government that did not have the first idea of what it was talking about. The Government has repeatedly made the wrong judgment calls on the economy and was willing to guarantee €440 billion in bank liabilities in the same vainglorious attitude.

There are positives in this budget. Many of the ideas the Labour Party has advanced have been embraced, if only half-heartedly. We were the first to call for a multi-annual approach to the fiscal crisis and for new direct measures to protect jobs. We called for more to be done to promote high-tech start-ups. We have campaigned for years for pre-school education for all our children. We campaigned against the super-private clinics and, at last, it seems that these have been dropped, although only as a by-product of the ending of tax relief for investment in them. Some of our ideas have been acknowledged; the boxes have been ticked, but only half-heartedly.

Ireland is a great country. We had a thriving economy and we can have one again. We can have a better, fairer society. We can create new jobs and new industries. We can work our way through this crisis as one Ireland and we remain one Ireland, but this budget will achieve none of these things. In the end, the Government that brought us to the economic morass will not get us out of it.

Two days ago, the Taoiseach asked all his Ministers of State to resign their offices on 21 April. I wish each of them well personally, but the honourable thing for the Taoiseach and his Government to do is for all of them to resign. This would give the electorate an opportunity to decide who should now be governing this country. It would provide a new mandate for a Government to get to grips with the country's serious problems. It would give the country a fresh start politically with a new Government, so we can make a fresh start to solving this country's serious economic problems.

Deputy Gilmore dealt with the role of Fianna Fáil in contributing to the state the country is in, but there is another party in Government. It is called the Green Party and before I forget it, I want to say a word or two about its contribution. When I left the Chamber last night, I was struck by an interview I caught almost accidentally by the deputy leader of the Green Party, Deputy Mary Alexendra White. When asked she said she was very happy about the budget. She said it had green fingerprints all over it and that there had been delivery on Dáil reform. I was struck by that because nobody on the opposite benches said they were very happy about the budget. Even the Taoiseach acknowledged on television that there was serious hardship and he took no pleasure in it. He had a demeanour which could not be worse if Clara lost the county championship.

They were beaten in the semi-final.

Deputy Mary Alexandra White was very happy.

She then went on about the green fingerprints, although I do not know where they are on this budget. There is no carbon tax and nothing on the disabled persons grant.

A Deputy

The bicycles are punctured.

The €150 million for public transport is gone. There is nothing in it about bulbs, carrots or parsnips, so where are the fingerprints? Then it dawned on me that the Deputy was referring to the delivery of Dáil reform. That is where Deputy Gormley is now taking shelter, as he hid from the photograph of the Cabinet press conference yesterday. He is responsible for Dáil reform, but when one examines it one must ask where it is. In yesterday's budget there was a list of severe cuts for Deputies, which are necessary given the current state of the country and the necessity to provide a lead. It includes cutting pensions for former Ministers, but how is that Dáil reform? The only element of Dáil reform listed concerns the committees, but the Minister for Finance said the Oireachtas Commission would deal with them. The committees are creatures of the Taoiseach, not of the Oireachtas Commission, so I do not know where Dáil reform is set out in this package.

I find it hard to stomach the Minister, Deputy Gormley, lecturing us on the cuts that should be made. Ever since the media started the campaign about add-ons created by the former Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern, the Minister, Deputy Gormley — since his speech in Dundalk and a half a dozen times since — has chosen to lecture the House on how he is going to clean up Dodge City. I find it interesting because he negotiated the formation of the Government with Deputy Bertie Ahern, who is the author of all the add-ons. I do not suppose anybody is arguing about the benchmarking of ordinary Deputies to principal officers in terms of salaries but Deputy Bertie Ahern's add-ons caused the media begrudgery and outcry.

What did Deputy Gormley say when he met Deputy Bertie Ahern to negotiate the formation of the Government? Did he ask how many committee chairs and Ministers of State he could have? Did he object at that time to any of these issues? He did not. He also asked that two Green Party Senators be appointed. Did he effect any changes in the stipend for these positions? Deputy Gogarty, who is a committee chairman, created an event of considerable moment when the news came from the Green Party conference that he was going to resign as party spokesperson on education. I did not know there was a party spokesperson on education in the Green Party and I certainly did not know that it was Deputy Gogarty. The remarkable thing, however, is that he did not forego the €20,000 stipend that came with his committee chairmanship. Some Deputies say, "Deputy Gogarty is a nice fellow, slightly eccentric. He rolls around on the floor at public meetings and asks Senator Frances Fitzgerald to tickle his belly, and people give him some indulgence for this". I do not believe he is daft, rather he is the biggest actor in this House. He has been getting away with it.

If one wants to go back a little further, what about the Minister of State, Deputy Sargent? I have read newspaper articles recently arguing that the reason for this country's casual acquaintance with ethics is its Catholic ethos and concepts such as the firm purpose of amendment. While the Minister of State is not a member of the majority faith, he is more Jesuitical than those who adhere to it. This is the man who said he would not lead the Green Party into government with Fianna Fáil. Although he did not do so, he got the Minister, Deputy Gormley, to lead his party into government, while he went in the back door and re-emerged as the Minister of State with responsibility for parsnips and organic tomatoes. That is the record of the Minister of State, Deputy Sargent.

The Minister, Deputy Gormley, has a decision to make if he wants to take the moral high ground. What will he do on the decision not to pay the Christmas bonus? He will have an opportunity to vote in the House on the few bob that is paid to social welfare recipients to make Christmas possible for them. We will see what the man who arranged with his predecessor, the Minister of State, Deputy Dick Roche, to make the decision on the M3 on the day before he entered government, does now on the Christmas bonus.

What is the biggest decision this Government has made since it came into office? Without doubt, it was the €440 billion underwriting of the reckless behaviour of untruthful bankers. Where was the Minister, Deputy Gormley? He was asleep in bed with his telephone switched off. A garda had to wake him up to tell him the two Brians had been up all night and had mortgaged the future of the country to save the banking system and, as the Taoiseach would have it and I do not question his motivation, to save the economy. It was a Monday night and the Minister had given instructions that his bicycle clips and helmet be left out for the following morning because when the cameras are present for Cabinet meetings it is important that he cycles to work, even though two Garda cars, one carrying the Minister's lunch box of Ryvita and tomato, follow him as he does so. The Minister had to be raised early that morning because he could not be found when the time came to make his decision.

A party that does not stand for anything will stand for nothing. That is the position the Green Party has arrived at and we will see now what its Deputies do on the Christmas bonus and other matters. For too long, the party has been flying beneath the radar. It is so preoccupied with saving the planet and other loftier issues that it has nothing to do with the state of the economy. We will see what it does but its performance until now has been lamentable.

I note the Minister of State, Deputy Sargent, has let the Taoiseach know that he is available to switch to another ministry. At this time of depression, that news must give the country a bit of a lift.

The Minister of State will move on to fish.

How much time remains?

The Deputy's time has expired.

The Chair should give Deputy Rabbitte another five minutes. The Taoiseach is enjoying himself.

I have the good fortune to follow Deputy Rabbitte. I am also fortunate to have been a Member of the House for a long time. I was elected in 1977 at a time when a coalition Government of Fine Gael and the Labour Party struggled to confront probably the worst economic crisis since the Second World War, namely, the oil crisis. In June 1977, the Government handed over a country which had weathered the crisis, was back on an even keel and was, comparatively speaking, in a very good condition to the Fianna Fáil Party, which had won a general election through flagrant bribery in its manifesto.

I recall sitting on these benches when the late George Colley announced at the end of his budget speech that the total amount of borrowing and expenditure he was pumping into an already recovering economy amounted to 13% of GDP. His announcement was met by a round of applause from economically ignorant and illiterate Fianna Fáil backbench Deputies, who included one P. Flynn. Two years later, in 1979, the period in which the country had to learn to live within its means commenced under the then Taoiseach, Mr. Charles "Charvet" Haughey.

We were here before 30 years ago when Fianna Fáil brought the country to the verge of bankruptcy. It took three elections, one in 1981 and two in 1982, and a long, slow, difficult march to bring back some degree of economic sanity. The long march was completed in the late 1980s and, as the Taoiseach who was one of his party's team at the time will recall, there was not one bit of constructive opposition from the Fianna Fáil Party benches.

If one fasts forward from 1979 to now, one sees that we are back where we started. What kind of economic illiteracy informs the Taoiseach's party which has been in government for the past 12 years? There is no doubt the Taoiseach, who was Minister for Finance for four years, including at this time last year, ignored the professional advice which is given discreetly and confidentially within the traditions of the Department of Finance. He also ignored all the independent economic commentators. While he listened to the polite words of the Governor of the Central Bank as he chastised the various financial institutions and advised them not to be so reckless in their lending policies, effective action was not taken.

In presenting the budget, the Government has provided a narrative which suggests it had nothing to do with the current crisis which came over the mountain top by surprise. The Government is outsourcing ideas by establishing task forces for this or that issue and hoping for great things.

The Government seeks public service reform and has established another task force on the issue. The strategic management initiative has long since been buried; God knows where and with what results. Let us consider, however, what the Government has done to the public service, which has served this country well. One of the Taoiseach's colleagues, his predecessor as Minister for Finance, abused the confidentiality of the budgetary process to announce a mass deportation and decentralisation of civil servants without the slightest consultation. So much for social partnership. Not only can we not afford the cost of the decentralisation process but we will not fully know its benefits in terms of the offices and buildings which happened to become available for the offices which happened to be decentralised around the country. Some day, if the files are thrown open and the details are made known, some researchers may tell us a story which makes present cronyism and the Galway tent seem very innocent.

It is worse than that, however. The Government expects loyalty and dedicated service from civil servants. The current Minister for Health and Children sacked the Secretary General of the Department of Health and Children because her predecessor and his advisers and staff, as opposed to his officials, failed to read the legal advice on the nursing home issue from the Southern Health Board. How can the Government honestly expect to secure co-operation, trust and motivation from those whom it treats with contempt and on whom it apportions blame?

The Taoiseach will recall the slogan, "Welcome to Parlon country". This budget does not have the sense of urgency or planning required to get us out of our current position. For as long as the Government remains in denial of its central role in the current problem, it will remain part of the problem. Not once has it said it was sorry or admitted it was wrong. From that very bench last June the Taoiseach said we should stop talking down the economy. Does he recall that? Does he have any sense of remorse? Does he have any sense that he has been in government for 12 years and this is where we are now? In 1997 Ireland was the second most competitive economy of the 15 European Union countries. We are now just marginally ahead of Italy. God save us. That is what the Government has done to this country.

Children who lived in this city and in rural parts of Offaly 100 years ago got out of slums in the cities and cottages with no sanitation and walked to schools and into buildings which were sound, solid and brick built with proper slate roofs and decent fireplaces. If one fast forwards through 12 years of Fianna Fáil prosperity, what do we have? Some 500,000 pupils in primary schools leave their homes in the mornings, in many cases passing two or three cars in the driveway if they are not being driven to school. What do they find when they get there? One tenth of those 500,000 pupils find prefabs. We have gone from stone buildings at the end of the 19th century to prefabs.

The Government does not have a clue what is the condition of the school stock nor does the Department. A total of 100,000 children, some of whom were born this morning, will be knocking on school doors in four years time and the Government and Department do not have a clue how they will be accommodated. Yet it appears the Taoiseach takes pleasure in the management of the economy by this incompetent and disgraceful disregard for the future. Reports are quoted which state we will be a knowledge-based economy and our graduate numbers will increase from 55% to 70%. The Government has not provided decent classrooms for our children and has not shown in this document that it could put construction workers back to work building these for the children who could create the knowledge economy that will get us out of here. The Taoiseach should, along with the Ministers of State, resign on 21 April.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I wish to share time with Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Far from saving the nation this budget is a recipe for worsening recession and deeper depression. The Government of Fianna Fáil and the Green Party has imposed a savage budget that attacks the low and middle income earners, the unemployed and others dependent on social welfare. This budget should have been about job retention and job creation. Instead we have no jobs strategy and an assault on young unemployed people. It does nothing to stimulate the economy. There is no support for the small and medium-sized enterprises which are going to the wall every day. Instead it takes the last euros from the pockets of their customers and condemns them to commercial death.

It is a budget full of deep cuts to public services, especially in child care and education, that will have damaging consequences for years to come. The Government claimed social welfare cuts were largely avoided in this budget, and the Minister said so yesterday, but that is not the case. Jobseeker's allowance for young unemployed people under 20 is to be slashed by half to €100. This is nothing but a savage cut to take money out of the pockets of young unemployed people and it was sickening to hear the Minister, Deputy Lenihan, trying to disguise it by saying it was, "to incentivise the young unemployed to participate in training programmes". It is nothing of the sort. It is Government encouragement for some to emigrate and for most to exist on a pittance and to struggle for scarce places in education and training.

The ending of the Christmas social welfare bonus will hit the most vulnerable of families. It is tantamount to cancelling Santa Claus for the children of the poorest families in our society and will force some parents into the hands of moneylenders in order to give their children some semblance of Christmas cheer. Shame on the authors of this proposal and on this Government for adopting such a cruel and heartless measure. Rent supplement for those dependent on private rented accommodation is also being slashed, but there is no corresponding increase in social housing provision. The opposite, in fact, is the case as the budget for social housing is being cut as well.

The halving of the early child care supplement, to be followed by its abolition next year, is also being presented as progressive reform. It is another cut and it is being replaced with the promise, and I stress the promise, of a free early child care and education year for preschool children. Sinn Féin has long argued for direct State provision of child care and investment in child care infrastructure. Now, on the basis of so-called savings, we are seeing a half-baked scheme being introduced, which supposedly is to be up and running in less than nine months. "‘Watch this space" is my caution.

There is no doubt Fianna Fáil and the Green Party are reserving the worst of their social welfare cuts for the December budget, or earlier, if it is decided to present it earlier, after they have faced the people in the local and European Parliament elections in June. However, the people are not fools. They know what is coming down the tracks, including an assault on child benefit.

Our public health services, already badly affected by cuts since autumn 2007, are facing nothing short of disaster. However, the Minister for Health, Deputy Mary Harney, like the Queen of Hearts in Alice's Adventures in Wonderland, makes words mean exactly what she, and only she, wants them to mean. She issued a statement yesterday saying her main aim was to maintain services to patients while at the same time services to patients are being reduced or removed altogether. The Government has placed an embargo on the filling of almost all posts in the public health service. In addition, it is expected that contracts for up to 1,400 workers in the health service will not be renewed. This is a recipe for disaster in our public health service.

HSE senior management have indicated they were not consulted prior to the Government's announcement of the embargo on 26 March but are required, nonetheless, to implement the Government decision. The Irish Nurses Organisation and SIPTU have already indicated to the HSE that it will not be possible to run the public health service in the context of the recruitment embargo as announced by Government.

On Monday communities in Clare and North Tipperary had 24 hour accident and emergency cover removed from hospitals in Ennis and Nenagh, placing the regional hospital in Limerick under enormous pressure. Breast cancer services went from the Lourdes Hospital in Drogheda, placing Beaumont Hospital under more pressure. Waiting lists and accident and emergency queues are as bad as ever and will worsen with the major cuts in jobs in the public health service.

Those nurses who are not laid off now face a doubled income levy and health levy, as well as the recently introduced public service pension levy. At the same time, the Minister gave a gold-plated guarantee to the hospital consultants that their €250,000 per annum contract will not be touched. This is for a 33 hour week in the public system and they can still work up to 25% of that time in private practice. The hours are not properly monitored, leaving a question mark over the time spent in the public health system by some consultants and their commitment to it. They, in turn, tarnish the public's view of all practitioners at that level.

I welcome the termination of property-related capital allowance schemes in the health sector covering private hospitals and other private facilities. Where does this leave the Minister's precious private hospital co-location scheme and her other privatisation plans? Though welcome in itself, the ending of this allowance scheme is another piecemeal measure in health policy, while the private for-profit health sector continues to be heavily subsidised by the taxpayer in other ways, such as the consultants' contract and the National Treatment Purchase Fund.

At the start of his budget speech, the Minister said that one of the factors that made us an economic success story was our young, well-educated workforce, yet what has the Government done to education in this budget? It has cut €30 million from the schools building programme. This is on top of the education cuts already introduced — cuts that hit the most vulnerable, such as children with special needs. The cut in the schools building programme is pure folly in terms of education, public spending and, clearly, employment. Children will continue to be taught in overcrowded and sub-standard classrooms. There are 1,400 schools on the schools building waiting list, and it is estimated that 100,000 additional pupils will enter primary school over the next decade. Where will they be accommodated?

Over the past three years, the Government has spent €113 million on rental of school prefabs. The Minister for Education and Science has projected a further spend of €48 million on prefabs for 2009. The annual average cost to the Department for each prefab is €12,500. Thus, the cut in the schools building programme is very bad for the public finances and will cost far more in the long run. It guarantees rental income to companies supplying prefabs, but leaves the schools with deteriorating and eventually useless and worthless units.

The Government should be increasing funding and front-loading the schools building programme as part of a job creation strategy, as proposed by Sinn Féin in our comprehensive employment retention and creation document, Getting Ireland Back to Work, which was forwarded to the relevant Ministers. However, there is no job retention and job creation strategy in this budget. There is nothing to save jobs in large or small enterprises. The scandals of SR Technics and Waterford Crystal will long haunt a grossly negligent Government which, despite all the warnings over recent years, has allowed highly skilled workforces to be lost to this economy and thrown on the unemployment scrapheap.

Beyond the high-profile job losses with hundreds of workers losing their jobs at a time, there is another and equally tragic reality in the Ireland of 2009. In cities, towns and villages across this country every night the lights are going out for the last time on small retail outlets, manufacturers and suppliers of services. This budget has done nothing to assist small and medium-sized enterprises. Worse than that, it will compound their plight and force more of them out of business.

Considering all the elements of the budget announced yesterday by the Minister for Finance, the question must be: who will be able to spend now? The budget takes more money in levies out of the pockets of people on low to middle incomes. Not only will they have less to spend on goods and services, but many of them will have nothing to spend on anything, full stop. Struggling retailers and service suppliers will lose more business and be forced to close. That is the inevitable consequence of the flawed thinking behind this supplementary budget. The Government will devastate local and regional economies. Village communities and small towns across the State are finding their local economies driven back to the dreary and dreadful days of the 1970s. People are angry and have been angry for months, but they are now also afraid. That is what one sees, in tandem with their anger: a fear for their future and the future of their children. It is tangible and real and is out there as never before.

Deputy Mary White of the Green Party said, as was mentioned here earlier, that the budget had Green fingerprints all over it. Like other speakers, I am glad to see she has admitted it. The Green Party must, therefore, accept full responsibility for the drastic cuts in public transport, social housing and water services. For the Green Party, no less than for Fianna Fáil, it is a case of "blame the people and make them pay". The Minister, outrageously, even blamed the people for contributing to the recession by rejecting the Lisbon treaty, something which has nothing whatsoever to do with the economic crisis — "opportunism, how are you?" It was a very telling statement on the Minister's part. He presented the verdict of the people as a rejection of the European Union, which, of course, it was not. He claimed it showed that economic success had "fostered a false sense of invincibility". In other words, we acted above our station in life by daring to reject the Lisbon treaty.

That type of thinking is the product of a national inferiority complex on the part of the ruling elite in this State, a mentality which I and many others thought had been thrown in the dustbin of history. However, this cringe-making — for that is what it is — Fianna Fáil-Green Party Government feels compelled to apologise to the world for the decision of the Irish people. Does this coalition not realise that the people of Europe would have more respect for us if we had a Government that stood by the democratic decision of its people and moved forward on that basis?

In concluding his budget speech, the Minister referred to "our short history as a nation", which took some analysis. It is the first time I ever heard the history of the Irish nation described as short. I can only conclude that the Minister was referring to the short history of this State. How dare he equate the two?

One thing is certain — the Government has a wilfully short and selective memory, which recognises no bad decisions on its part, no bad policies, no mistakes, no apologies and no regrets. It can apologise to Brussels and Strasbourg but it cannot acknowledge to its own people that the Fianna Fáil-led Governments of the past 12 years are even partly responsible for the recession we now face. There was in the Minister's speech a grudging recognition that the property bubble was a contributory factor in this recession, but that was as far as it went. There was no acknowledgement that the policies of Fianna Fáil-led Governments deliberately inflated that property bubble. They knowingly shaped housing policy, development policy and tax policy to inflate the bubble and gain short-term revenue from escalating property prices through stamp duties. They deliberately decided not to reform our tax system, not to make the wealthy pay more tax and not to create a more equitable and sustainable economy and a fairer society.

However, Fianna Fáil Members are, and always have been, very wily politicians. The Minister began his budget speech by outlining the measures to reduce payments to Oireachtas Members. I welcome these reductions, even though they are essentially a hosing down exercise designed to take some of the political heat off this Administration. The Taoiseach too was very clever in his strategy of getting all 20 Ministers of State to resign before appointing a reduced complement of 15 after the budget. He will keep them on board, get the budget measures through, keep them sweating and then make his selection. It is a great pity that wily Fianna Fáil Ministers did not put as much careful thinking and strategy into governing this State as they put into managing their majority and looking after their own Deputies, Senators, councillors, party members and friends. By heaven, they were well looked after in the Celtic tiger years. The Galway tent is gone but the memory lingers on.

This budget creates a new twist in the incredible story of Fianna Fáil and its property developer and banking friends. This is the triumvirate that brought down the economy. Nobody should be in any doubt about that. Their greed created and sustained the property bubble. They used the short-term and unsustainable revenues from that bubble to allow the Government to avoid taxing the wealthy. They encouraged a mania for property investment based on easy credit. The banking chiefs were a key part of the conspiracy, doling out the loans, raking in the profits and rewarding themselves massive salaries and bonuses. However, the profits were as unsustainable as the revenues. The result was the banking collapse.

Now the Government intends to make ordinary people take on the toxic loans of the banks. Yet again, it all comes back to taxpayers, who face a massive risk, in addition to the bank guarantee, courtesy of the Government. As a result of the mess created by politicians, developers and bankers, the livelihoods of low to middle-income working people and those on social welfare are being savagely attacked, with worse yet to come. Even after the fall in property prices, there are still tens of thousands of people on local authority housing waiting lists.

The Minister for Finance observed yesterday that while some commentators had warned that the housing market was unsustainable, many others did not. We in Sinn Féin stand on our record in that regard. In November 2003, at the Construction Industry Federation conference, the then Minister for Finance, Mr. Charlie McCreevy, sought advice from the assembled developers and property speculators on housing policy. I stated at the time that the Government, in tandem with the same developers and property speculators, was directly responsible for the spiralling price of houses. It was at the behest of the Construction Industry Federation that the Government gutted section V of the Planning Act 2000 which required 20% of new developments to consist of social and affordable housing. The housing policy of the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Governments was totally market-driven. As a result, we had, and still have, massive local authority waiting lists. At the height of the bubble, people on above average incomes could not afford a home. Between 1998 and 2003, the price of a new house in the State rose on average by 177%.

Despite the changed circumstances, nothing has changed in terms of policy. The slashing of funding for the provision of social housing by local authorities shows that the Government has learned nothing. It has not learned the most basic lesson of all, that the real value of a home is the shelter it provides, the security it offers and the anchorage and stability it brings to the lives of all who live in it. The Government has not learned that the best investment is in people, not property, in the real economy of production and jobs and not in the unreal world of speculation and the casino of the stock market.

It need not have been this way. We in Sinn Féin were among those who proposed, year after year, alternative and fairer ways to create and share wealth. That must still be done. However, because of the disastrous governance of Fianna Fáil-led Administrations, it will be much more difficult. Nevertheless, even the longest journey must begin with a first step. That first step must be the removal of this Fianna Fáil-led Government.

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Teachta Ó Caoláin deis chainte a thabhairt dom ar an ábhar rí-thábhachtach seo. Tá muid ag déileáil le buiseád agus bhí deis ag an Rialtas inné buiseád a chur chun cinn a dhéanfadh déileáil leis an gcruachás atá sa gheilleagar faoi láthair agus, chomh maith leis sin, bunús a chur leis an todhchaí atá muid ar lorg agus atá pobal na hÉireann ag lorg, sochaí ina bhfuil cothromas faoi bhun an chórais uilig, seachas an tslí a bhí an córas tógtha ó thús an Stáit, míchothrom agus ar mhaithe le lucht an rachmais nó tacadóirí Fhianna Fáil nó Fhine Gael, cé acu a bhí i réim, a fuair an buntaiste is mó ón Rialtas bliain i ndiaidh bliana.

Chomh maith leis sin, tá muid ag iarraidh go gcothófar córas faoina dtabharfar aire dóibh siúd is boichte sa tsochaí atá againn, ag déanamh cinnte dóibh go bhfuil na tacaíochtaí acu gur féidir leo saol níos fearr a bheith acu nó ar a laghad go mbeidh saol níos fearr ag a bpáistí.

Níl faic sa mhéid a bhí le rá ag an Rialtas inné, an tAire Airgeadais ach go háirithe, chun gur féidir linn muinín a bheith againn go bhfuil an tír ag dul sa treo ceart. A mhalairt de threo atá an Rialtas ag moladh. Tá sé ag moladh go leanfaimid ag tabhairt tacaíochta do bhainc a ghoid ón bpobal sa deireadh thiar. Sin atá ann agus tá an Rialtas seo ag caitheamh airgead an phobail amú chun tacú agus tarrtháil a dhéanamh ar bhainc nach fiú traithnín iad. Ba chóir iad a dhúnadh go bhfaighimid réidh le roinnt acu.

Ba chóir dúinn díriú isteach ar straitéis chun poist a chruthú, seachas a mhalairt. Bheadh sé níos éasca dúinn díriú ar chruthú na bpost sin faoi láthair, seachas ullmhú chun breis airgid a íoc dóibh siúd atá dífhostaithe. Sin a tharlóidh anois, beidh breis daoine dífhostaithe againn má leanfaimid ar aghaidh leis an Rialtas seo.

Tabharfaidh mé sampla amháin don Teach. Chuir mé ceist an tseachtain seo caite ar an Tánaiste. D'fhiafraigh mé di cén fáth nár déanadh náisiúnú ar SR Technics, comhlacht atá agus a bhí ag déanamh brabúis. Sin comhlacht atá ag déanamh brabúis ach atá á tharraingt siar. Sa chás sin, nuair atá scileanna lucht oibre an chomhlachta gafa leis an gcomhlacht agus nuair nach féidir leo post eile a fháil in aon áit eile sa Stát nó sa domhan agus nuair atá an dífhostaíocht os a gcomhair, ba chóir don Stát seasamh isteach. Níor dhéan an Stát é sin. Ba chóir don Stát tacú leis na hoibrithe agus náisiúnú a dhéanamh ar an gcomhlacht. Bheadh an Stát ag cosaint na bpost ansin agus ag déanamh brabúis don Stát. Níl spéis ag an Stát ná an Rialtas sa bhrabús sin. Tá siad sásta SR Technics a dhúnadh agus tá sin soiléir. Ní seo an t-aon chomhlacht atá ag déanamh brabúis gur féidir leis an Rialtas tacaíocht a thabhairt dó, nó fiú co-operative a dhéanamh as muna bhfuil sé ag iarraidh seasamh isteach sa tslí seo. Ach in áit sin, tá an Rialtas ag seasamh siar. Sin atá ag tarlú.

Féach ar an méid atá sa bhuiséad féin. Inné in iarscríbhinn F, luadh "supporting those who lose their jobs". Faic atá ansin, tráithnín atá ann. Níl an Rialtas ag caitheamh airgid ar bith sa bhreis. It is not spending 1 cent more in support of those who are losing their jobs. All it is doing — this is stated in plain English — is moving money around. The Government states that the amount provided is €128 million. However, no extra money is being provided. Some €22 million is to be cut from the Department of Social and Family Affairs allocation with further cuts in the allocation for the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment. Even worse, in excess of €44 million is to be diverted from the Department of Education and Science, which does not have enough money as it stands. This is an area wherein more money should have been invested. The Department of Education and Science has been told to find areas where cuts can be achieved to facilitate this diversion.

This is the grand plan of the Fianna Fáil-Green Party Government, namely, the creation — lest the Government cannot do the maths on this, I will do it — of an additional 23,435 places, about which there is much pomp. Some 80,000 people have lost their jobs since Christmas. The creation of 23,000 places does nothing for them, the other 300,000 who lost their jobs before them, those laid off since then and those likely to be laid off during the next couple of months. Where is the plan to address their retraining or educational needs? There is none. There is nothing in the budget to help them. Nothing in the budget provides confidence for people in the construction industry, SR Technics, Waterford Glass and so on who have been laid off. This initiative will do nothing. It is not even a finger in the dyke-type action. This initiative will not address that issue.

There is no confidence in the Government stimulating the construction industry given the announcement yesterday by the Minister for Finance of a cut in the social housing budget, which is absolutely crazy. At a time when we have 60,000 families on the housing list, no attempt is being made to purchase, at possibly the lowest prices we have witnessed in a decade, houses which lie vacant or to accelerate the housing plans of many local authorities. The Government has done nothing in this area. It could have cut the budget required to pay rent supplement, which is subsidising private landlords, or moved people off RAS, another method of subsidising private landlords. I wonder about the reasoning behind this, but one need only look to the backers of Fianna Fáil in particular, namely, the private landlords, those who managed to make a fortune on the back of social welfare recipients.

The Minister also announced yesterday — I do not know the economic logic for this — that the Government will continue with public private partnerships not alone in the area of social housing, but in other areas. Public private partnerships are a failed concept. They have failed totally, yet the Government has stated its intention to get involved in further public private partnerships. There is no logic whatsoever to that announcement. I spoke last night about excise duty and the totally illogical approach of increasing the cost of diesel by 5 cent. One might say that 5 cent is not that much. However, a small business dependent on haulage or a taxi driver in this city or anywhere around the country driving a diesel car, having been encouraged by the Green Party to be fuel economic, will be hammered by this increase. Bus Átha Cliath, Bus Éireann and other bus companies will be hammered by this increase as buses operate on diesel. The Government has increased the cost of diesel when the situation for small businesses trying to compete in the UK or the North is already bad enough in terms of access to those markets. The Government, through this increase, has made that situation more difficult. I have no doubt this will result in unemployment in this field also.

While I would not wish unemployment on anybody, I wish it on this Government. Few people in this House understand the despair of long-term unemployment. Another kick delivered yesterday by the Minister is the slashing of the jobseeker's allowance for those under 20 years of age. Let us consider what this will do to many young vulnerable people who have just completed their education and are seeking employment. These are people who had high hopes a year or two ago and now have no hope and their allowance is being slashed. Emigration is their only hope now. Many of them will not be able to afford the air fare to emigrate as a result of the slashing of their allowance. The spirt of those people who are unemployed has been sapped. Even their will to engage in the workforce has been sapped.

As I stated, while I would not wish unemployment on anybody, this Government and many Members on the benches opposite would learn a lesson or two from a period of six to 12 months unemployment. They might then understand the consequences of their budget decisions on the lives of those worst affected, including those who are disadvantaged, those who never enjoyed the fruits of the Celtic tiger and those who have struggled, some of whom have attained no literacy skills, who suffer addiction and live in difficult circumstances. Yesterday's budget offered no help for these people.

The Minister also announced yesterday a cut in the housing budget. This means many young families looking to the future will not now be housed by the State. For people lucky enough to obtain a home, the life assurance tied to their mortgage will be levied. The Government will continue to increase levies rather deal with the problems. The taxation system in this country is not fair. The Government needs to put in place a fair and equitable tax system and not continuously hammer those on low pay. One of the most retrograde steps announced yesterday was that people on the minimum wage are to be brought into the tax net. There is no logic to this approach.

Farming is an issue on which I am not fully versed. However, I know a little about it given that some of my friends are young farmers. They, too, have been hammered by the massive cuts in REPS. Small farmers who are barely surviving are the ones who will be hit hardest. We have all been hit by this budget, but there are always other people who have been hit harder and who are only surviving. One of the most disgusting cuts announced yesterday is the €100 million cut in overseas development aid. It is an absolute scandal. Irish people have been always generous to those in greater need despite their own hardship. The Government has sent out a message around the world that we do not care. It has given commitments before and broken them and will hammer them this time. We will not even meet the target of GDP met last year.

If the Minister had any cop-on whatsoever, he would have retained the overseas development aid budget at this year's level. In doing so, he would have increased the percentage achieved, thus bringing us closer to the 0.7% target set out in the millennium development goals. I urge the Minister to reconsider this decision. As I have said, this is a matter of life and death not for a few people, but for hundreds of thousands of people who depend on aid. Even in these dire circumstances, Ireland should send the rest of the world the message that we are making progress in keeping the promise that the former Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern, made to the overseas development agencies last year. That promise was broken then and it is being broken again now. The message that needs to be transmitted involves reversing this decision.

I have already mentioned the needs of young families. Do the Minister or any of his Cabinet colleagues have any idea of the cost of child care places in Dublin and throughout the country? Given that child care can cost up to €1,000 a month for each child, the Minister's decision to slash the early child care supplement has no logic. The supplement was introduced in the first place because this State has never addressed the need for early child care places. The Minister might as well be kicking young couples who are trying to get by when they are down.

I have spoken about unemployment, which is the worst problem of all. One of my colleagues suggested to me that there will be redundancies in Lapland. It seems that Santa and the poor old elves are not safe from the scorched earth policy of Genghis Lenihan. One might think that the abolition of the Christmas bonus is not important because the money in question is used to tide people over Christmas. It is a lot more than that. This is a killjoy mechanism. For the children of disadvantaged families, the joy of Christmas would be lessened if this little bit of a bonus were not available to allow people to get a toy or two for their children. The stupidity of the Government's decision in this regard is evident when one considers that the Christmas social welfare bonus serves to stimulate the struggling retail industry. Many shops in this country are in danger of closing over the next few months. Many of them will close next Christmas if this killjoy Government persists with its Scrooge policy of abolishing the bonus. Is é sin an méid atá le rá agam. Tá deis fós ag an Rialtas tarraingt siar ó roinnt dos na cinnithe seo. Tharraing an Rialtas siar ó mórán cinnithe sa bhuiséad deireanach. Cé mhéad dos na cinnithe a luadh inné a bheidh aistarraingthe amach anseo?

I wish to share time with the Minister for Social and Family Affairs, Deputy Hanafin.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

It is important to understand the scale of the difficult issues we are facing. I wish to address briefly both of the crucial issues that had to be addressed in yesterday's supplementary budget — the public finance figures and the banking issue. It is important to get a basic understanding of the simple budgetary figures. It is projected that the State will have an income of between €33 billion and €34 billion this year. The projections vary depending on the economic climate. I will outline what that money will be spent on. Two thirds of our income has to be used to meet our social welfare bill of approximately €24 billion, which is increasing in line with unemployment. We spend an additional €20 billion on the wages of our public servants, including teachers, gardaí, hospital workers and street cleaners, who do vital work. We already have to borrow approximately €10 billion before we buy a stick of chalk for a school, a lick of paint for a street sign to keep people safe on the roads, or a litre of petrol or diesel to get our buses to work. Any person in his or her right mind will agree that we have to address such a fundamental imbalance. It is not a question of attacking the public service to try to get cutbacks, or unnecessarily targeting families in lower, middle or higher income households.

We recognise that if this country is to work and to make ends meet, we have to increase its income while reducing its spending. It is right that we have decided to undertake that process over the next four or five years. The crucial message that is being transmitted by this country — that we are willing and able to deal with this problem — is not being transmitted by other countries. We are getting to grips with this matter by taking difficult and unpopular actions that we would prefer not to have to take. Earlier this year, for example, we decided to introduce a pension levy to reduce the public service pay bill. We are showing that this country has the ability to change and manage its affairs in a way that will help it to get out of its fundamental financial difficulties. No politician in his or her right mind would prefer to make the hard decision to raise tax. By showing that we are able to make such hard decisions, we are sending a clear signal to the wider world that we can and will get out of this difficult situation.

This problem is not just happening here — it is happening in every home and business in the country. Businesses are willing to manage their operations in a flexible manner so that people can get through this difficult phase with their jobs intact and with the economy still working. Householders have to make similarly difficult budget choices. The way we live, spend and make plans is changing. We want the people to be successful and wealthy when we emerge from this crisis. We are doing what is needed. The first and most important thing we need to do is to give confidence to other countries around the world and to ourselves. I would be the first to acknowledge that Ireland is in a difficult financial situation because of mistakes that were made over recent years. I pointed out some of those mistakes when I was on the Opposition benches. It is crucial that the Government, the Parliament and the people are able to change tack. We are resilient, flexible and willing to make hard decisions to get Ireland out of this difficult situation so that it can prosper once more.

I accept that difficult decisions need to be made, but I am not sure that the decisions announced yesterday are the right ones.

One of the crucial elements of our approach is that it is fair. In a difficult economic situation, the first element of fairness must be a safety net. The most fundamental sign of a civilised society is that it ensures that those who fall through the cracks in difficult times, and may not be able to budget for their incomes, are caught by the social welfare safety net before they fall to the bottom. During the last ten years of prosperity, we correctly increased social welfare and pension rates in a steady, year-on-year manner. We protected those rates, rather than cutting them, in yesterday's budget. We appreciate that the social welfare net is a fundamental aspect of our modern and democratic European society. It makes us a stronger and better people. That was the first element of fairness that we had to maintain in yesterday's budget.

The manner in which we impose taxation has to concentrate on those who have more money, rather than those who have less money. I accept that we have broadened the tax base on the income side. We made fundamental decisions to increase the capital gains and inheritance tax rates. The manner in which the income levy has been increased will ensure that those with the highest incomes have no place to hide. That they were able to do so before now was the greatest unfairness in our tax system. The very wealthy have been able to employ smart lawyers to ensure that they do not have to pay a penny. They will be unable to do that under the income levy system. It is fair because it is graded upwards to ensure that those with the highest incomes pay the most. There is real progressiveness in the tax changes that have been proposed. There is real fairness in the Government's determination to retain the safety net that protects the poorest people in our society and those who are experiencing difficult economic times, through no fault of their own, having lost their jobs and become unable to budget for the downturn that is occurring.

The people of Ireland should have hope because they are resilient and innovative. Our balance of payments is improving even as our debt payments increase. The amount of money we are getting for the goods we are exporting is greater than the amount of money we are spending on imports and debt repayments. The fact that our exports have contracted by just 1%, year on year, is a sign of real hope. The exports of similar economies, such as Japan, have almost halved. Our economy continues to have a strong fundamental strategic trading ability.

We lost our competitiveness some time ago.

If we can manage the public finances and the banks properly, we will be strong, successful and prosperous once more. Our incomes will rise to meet the cost of social welfare payments. One of the crucial investments we have made in that regard involves the protection of strategic research and innovation projects, which will allow us to move up the knowledge society ladder. The protection of such forms of expenditure should give our people real hope. I will return to this point later.

Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.

I shall address the banking issue which formed a fundamental part of the announcements made by the Government today concerning the problem we have. In addition to the public finance figure details I set out, we have a bigger difficulty on the banking side. To offer a rough analysis, in 1990 we had approximately €30 billion in public debt, or Government borrowing, and approximately €20 billion in private borrowing. In 2007, on the public debt side those figures had gone up to €37 billion. If one takes into account our pension reserve and the cash we had in the National Treasury Management Agency we were one of the lowest indebted countries. However, our private debt had grown from €20 billion to more than €400 billion. That is our fundamental exposure and what we must manage to contract within a world where banking and credit will themselves contract because the unsustainable banking model of the past 30 years clearly is no longer viable. Across the world people were borrowing too much, particularly in this country, and the future could not pay back that debt.

That became a stark issue last September when the international model crashed and Lehman Brothers could not meet its interbank commitments. The model of our banks, which was led, it must be said, by a small number of individuals in a small number of institutions, was ultimately a false one. The concept that we could take international money in here on a short-term basis and lend it long term to developers and commercial operators was ultimately not viable. That became apparent when the international money was no longer available to us. That is why we had to respond last September in order to protect the deposit base and to keep our banking system from crashing as it surely would have done, along with the economy.

I listened earlier to Deputy Rabbitte who made his typical comments about the Green Party. He is not, however, in the shoes of a person who must make a decision. It is very easy in Deputy Rabbitte's shoes to be smart and witty, clever and critical. Let him put on the shoes of a person who faces the prospect that this economy might crash and let us see what decision is made. Let us see what the call of the Opposition might be then, rather than the easy one——

Was the Minister not in those shoes at one time?

It would be so easy, and with great piety, for us to wash our hands and walk away saying this has nothing to do with us and let the situation crash.

It is the taxpayer who counts.

It was far better to make that call. This was a call with which we were intrinsically involved, not only on the night in question but in the days leading up to it because we saw in advance what was happening and what needed to be done.

However, the issue of deposits and the keeping of liquidity in our economy was only one side of the balance sheet. The other side must be addressed, namely, the asset side of the bank balance sheet. The fundamental problem was that those banks were treating an unsustainable false model, particularly in the years 2004-06. Our two largest banks, which up to that date had maintained a sanity, then lost it and subsequently built up a loan book that was not viable.

It was all to do with property.

We have a fundamental issue——

I am sorry. The Minister is evading the property issue.

——and that is what we are dealing with. The scale of it is set out in the €80billion-€90 billion figure.

To answer the questions that were put today, roughly one third of that is held outside the Republic but half of it would be in Northern Ireland. If we take the island of Ireland as our measure of home or abroad, roughly 15% to 20%, depending on the institution, is held outside the country, primarily in London, New York and in other cities in the United States.

One third of it is held abroad.

The reality is that those assets must be managed. That is a book value and does not take into account the equity the developers might have had and, therefore, does not represent the full value even at the height of the property bubble. However, it must be recognised that those values are no longer real, that our banking system made fundamental mistakes and must address the loss.

How much will this cost the taxpayer?

The alternative is that we leave every householder and every business in this country paying back over the next ten years as that situation——

How much will this cost the taxpayer? .

——slowly unravels. As sure as night follows day the banks——

How much will this cost the taxpayer?

——would manage their situation by repairing their balance sheets through the Deputy's pocket, his bank statement, his bank charges.

The Minister is not answering the question.

We are saying this is not the right approach.

It would be remiss and wrong for us. It is easy to pay the political and popular game——

This is factual. The Minister is playing the game.

——that one is bailing out the banks. Far from it. One is managing the situation to the betterment of the people in order that they do not lose their jobs and have to pay the banks——

How much will this cost the taxpayer? The Minister should answer the question.

——inch by inch, month by month.

I see the taxpayer getting a return from it. If we manage those assets——

Is the Minister saying this will not cost the taxpayer?

I see the potential to get a return.

Deputy O'Donnell, this is the Minister's time.

Deputy O'Donnell has such certainty. He has such bluster. I cannot promise——

The Minister should answer the question. How much will this cost the Irish taxpayer?

I cannot promise the taxpayer that this does not carry risks. Nobody can be certain about the future value of Irish property.

I shall answer the question if the Deputy will listen. Nobody can promise the Irish taxpayer that there is not a risk attached to this. Nobody can be certain what will be the value in ten years' time of some of the properties we have down in the docks or in County Tipperary. However, as sure as anything, if we were to follow the policy of the benches opposite, or of the Labour Party, and do nothing there would be no risk, but there would be a racing certainty that the Irish economy would go down with those banks as they would try to manage the situation into which they got themselves. They could not get us out of it without bringing down the economy with them.

The taxpayer is entitled to know how much it will cost.

I was proud over the past two or three months——

The Minister does not know.

——to work with the National Treasury Management Agency, with the officials in the Department of Finance and with the experts in the banking sector to see how we might manage this problem. This was the proposed solution which I believe is the best placed for us to achieve. It is neither easy nor orthodox. It will involve difficult legal issues around the ownership and valuation of such assets and must be approached in a proper, legal constitutional manner.

If the Minister were on this side of the House, he would ask how much it would cost the Irish taxpayer.

Concerning ownership, unlike the Labour Party which seems to want to nationalise all the banks, I prefer and support the approach set out by the Minister for Finance, Deputy Lenihan, yesterday. This proposes that if the banks cannot cover those losses that must be recouped, we then take ordinary shareholding in the banks. The benefit of that is it brings a return to the Irish taxpayer because of the ability to sell that ordinary share into a market which also keeps an eye on——

Allied Irish Banks and the Bank of Ireland are worth €2 billion at most.

That is the proper, fiscally intelligent way to protect the Irish taxpayer's position, as a double lock, a guarantee.

The Minister has one minute remaining.

I shall finish with this. We want to recoup the value of those assets and manage them over a period of time. It is the right thing to do. If we have to take ownership of the banks, we will seek to leave ourselves in a position to get the profit from that ownership as bank shares recover. That is what we will do.

The Minister should admit it.

To have a triple lock and guarantee of security for the Irish taxpayer in what we are doing, even in circumstances where loss might accrue to the taxpayer, we should apply a levy of a kind used here previously to very good effect to a banking sector coming out of this situation. That would work as a triple lock to protect taxpayers' interest.

Those assets have no value. How much will it cost the Irish taxpayer?

The Opposition is playing politics——

We are not playing politics. How much will it cost the taxpayer? The Minister does not know.

The Deputy would prefer to do nothing and watch what happens. The Government does not have the luxury of such decisions. It is better to take action——

The Government is bailing out the developers.

——and be responsible about it. Far from it.

The Green Party is bailing out the developers. How much will it cost the taxpayer?

Thank you, Minister. I call on the Minister for Social and Family Affairs, Deputy Mary Hanafin.

In the context of tough decisions having to be made across the entire range of Government expenditure, social welfare has been prioritised in this supplementary budget. Almost €21.3 billion is being provided for welfare services in 2009, which represents an increase of €1.7 billion, or 8.7%, on the amount originally provided for in this year's budget and it is €3.6 billion or approximately 20% higher than the amount spent last year. Unfortunately, most of the additional expenditure will be required to provide income support to the increasing numbers of people who are losing their jobs and becoming unemployed. In the October budget, provision was made for the additional expenditure that was expected to result from an average live register of 290,000 in 2009. However, the scale of the increases in unemployment experienced in recent months means that an average figure of 440,000 is more likely and that is being provided for at an additional cost of €1.97 billion. This cost is being partially offset by savings of €300 million, the details of which I will outline later.

Following this supplementary budget, total gross spending on social welfare is expected to account for 29% of gross total Government expenditure in 2009. Putting aside borrowing, the social welfare expenditure provided for will account for 60% of Exchequer current revenue from tax and other sources. In other words, 60% of all Exchequer revenue will be expended on social welfare. At a time Government expenditure must be controlled as much as possible, this significant investment in welfare is a demonstration of our commitment to protecting the vulnerable and helping those who rely on the State for their basic income.

The Government faced difficult decisions in this supplementary budget. With welfare expenditure increasing at a rapid rate, both taxes and borrowing have to be increased to pay for it. We have done that and we have avoided welfare cuts as far as possible but it was simply not possible to avoid them altogether and the hard reality is that if some cuts were not made now to keep the welfare budget at a level the State can afford, much greater cuts would have to be made later. In the end, it was agreed that €300 million would be saved through a number of measures.

Our first priority was to save as much as possible by reducing the incidence of social welfare fraud. The target for control savings set at the beginning of this year was more than €500 million but we expect to make additional savings of €82 million this year as a result of improved controls. The public have welcomed the initiatives I have taken to clamp down on abuse of our social welfare system. Last July, recipients were asked to collect their money in person on a weekly basis at the post office. In addition, the cross-Border multi-agency approach to make sure people were not crossing the Border to claim unjustifiably in this jurisdiction and the recent initiative to require people to produce photo identification when collecting their money will ensure we counteract people coming into the State and claiming money to which they are not entitled.

What will happen to those who do not have photo identification?

A total of 90% of the population has a passport.

The majority of the other 10% are social welfare recipients.

Those who generally do not have a passport tend to be older. Older people are not obliged to provide photo identification when they collect their money at the post office.

They are not all older people.

A total of €30 million is expected to be saved on child benefit as a result of the impact of net outward migration. Special control measures were introduced last year but we would like to ensure child benefit does not continue to be paid to parents who are no longer in the State. The certification process will be enhanced this year with non-EU recipients being required to certify their continued presence in the State every three months on the same basis as EU workers. Non-EU recipients currently certify every six months.

We also expect to save an additional €52 million by intensifying anti-fraud activity on the jobseeker's schemes. Recent initiatives involving the intensive deployment of inspectors on home visits in the north east, Galway and Athlone achieved savings of between 11% and 23% in all cases investigated. We will extend this activity to other areas. The public has been particularly helpful in providing information, which has enabled us to crack down on fraud.

I refer to welfare rates. The October budget provided for increases of between 3% and 3.8% in the basic payment rates, which equate to an increase of €7 per week in some cases. At that point, the expected rate of inflation for 2009 was 2.5%. This inflation forecast has, however, not been realised and, instead, deflation of almost 4% is anticipated. With social welfare recipients collecting between 3% and 3.8% more in their weekly payments and prices having fallen in recent months, the value of their money is better in real terms than it was last year. The Government and I appreciate that living on welfare payments is never easy and that it is particularly difficult for unemployed people who are used to having a much higher level of income and who have the outgoings to reflect that.

In deciding on how to achieve savings of €300 million in the welfare budget, there were no easy options. Everything had to be considered, including a cut in the weekly rates of payments to all welfare recipients. This would have meant people signing on who would have expected €204 a week would receive less than that and taking money off every social welfare recipient immediately. Every recipient does not qualify for the Christmas bonus. It would also have meant a great deal of distress for older people, particularly pensioners, because all welfare books would have had to be recalled, which would have caused them many problems, as the current rate would have to be changed.

Instead, the Minister cancelled Christmas.

The Minister will rob them at Christmas.

At the end of the day, the fairest thing was to give people almost nine months notice that the Christmas bonus will not be paid in December. We are aware this will be difficult for people but the alternative of cutting all weekly payments would be much worse. It was not an easy decision and it was not a choice any of us made lightly, but we felt it was the fairest option. The Government indicated in all of its discussions that were there to be a windfall, this would be the first payment we would return to people. We cannot at this stage say this will happen at the end of the year and I do not wish to raise false expectations for people. The usual provision in the Estimate has been removed for this year. Usually, 70% of the payments is provided for in the Estimate and this will result in savings of €156 million in 2009.

The next area in which changes will be being made is in the rent supplement scheme. The purpose of the rent supplement scheme is to deal with emergencies and short-term needs that arise when a person suffers a change in circumstances, for example, when a tenant becomes unemployed and can no longer afford his or her rent. Approximately 83,000 people are in receipt of rent supplement, an increase of 39% since the end of December 2007.

The supplementary budget provides for a net increase of €27 million in rent supplement to €520 million. This comprises an increase of €77 million for additional claims arising from the increase in the live register and a saving of €48 million in 2009 as a result of the following measures. Rent supplement will be restricted to individuals who have been existing tenants for six months. Individuals who have not been tenants for six months or who are forming new households must have been placed on a local authority housing list following a full housing assessment before they are eligible for a rent supplement payment. These measures will apply to all new applicants for rent supplement.

What does that mean?

Cardboard boxes is what that means.

Does that mean they will not receive the rent supplement for weeks?

It means local authorities must conduct a full housing assessment——

The Minister should ask the Minister for Defence to bring in tents to house them.

——to ensure people are in need of housing.

They will need a cash deposit to secure a home.

Exemptions will apply where a housing authority designates that a person is homeless, has been identified as having a housing need, is a tenant of a voluntary housing body, is aged over 65 or is in receipt of a disability type payment. Rent supplement will continue to provide support where housing authorities are not in a position to respond within a reasonable timeframe and where the person is at risk of experiencing homelessness or hardship.

The second change being made to the rent supplement is an increase in the minimum contribution individuals and families make towards their rent. This is being increased to €24, which will align the rent supplement more closely with the minimum rents local authority tenants must pay which, for example, in Dublin averages €24 a week. One of the reported impediments to the fluid transfer of rent supplement claimants to the rental accommodation scheme, RAS, is the significant difference between the contribution required of the tenant under the rent supplement scheme and the contribution they are required to pay through the differential rent scheme. The increase in the minimum contribution will also apply to recipients of mortgage interest supplement.

The third rent supplement change is a reduction in the maximum rent supplement payable by the State in respect of all new tenancies or on renewals of tenancies. The limits will be reduced by 6% to 7% on average, ranging up to 10%, depending on the geographical area and household size and by reference to the Private Residential Tenancies Board and other sources. Trends in the private rented sector indicate that rents have fallen considerably in the past 12 months. This is evident from surveys and data available from the Private Residential Tenancies Board and the Daft property website. It is vital that taxpayers' money is not paying landlords inflated rental prices. This change will help to ensure this is not the case in respect of new rent supplement tenancies. However, with almost €500 million being spent by the State on the rent supplement, we need to make sure that landlords of existing tenants are also not charging too much. To this end, rent supplements for all existing tenancies will be reduced by 8%.

What happens if tenants have signed a contract for a year?

While tenants are contractually obliged to pay the rent agreed to in their lease, we expect landlords to decrease the rent in recognition of the fact that rents have fallen generally and that there is now a large number of vacant rental properties nationally.

Will they be evicted if they cannot pay? This will lead to serious conflict between landlords and tenants.

I urge all Members to support us in this and help us to send a clear message to landlords that the State will not be overcharged. On a positive note, agreement has been reached with the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government on 1,000 transfers from rent supplement to the longer term rental accommodation scheme in 2009, which will bring the total number of such transfers to 9,000 this year.

Changes are being made to the jobseeker's allowance, JA, to incentivise 18 and 19 year old jobseekers to avail of education and training opportunities to avoid becoming welfare dependent from a young age. The rate of JA that will be paid to new claimants under the age of 20 is being reduced from €204.30 per week to €100 per week, with effect from the first week of May 2009. It will not impact on current 18 and 19 year olds. When persons on the reduced rate of JA reaches the age of 20, if they still qualify for JA, they will be entitled to the full adult rate.

The full adult rate of the relevant scheme will be paid to 18 and 19 year olds who participate in a full-time youthreach course for young early school leavers; or a full-time course in a senior Traveller training centre; qualify for the back to education allowance, BTEA, for pursuing a full-time second level course or post-leaving certificate course; or participate in a full-time FÁS training course. They can also participate in a post-leaving certificate course or third level course on the same basis as any other young person and may qualify for a third level grant. This measure also applies to new claimants of supplementary welfare allowance who are under 20 years of age.

The numbers affected will be small at first as it will affect only new applicants from the first week in May but these will rise on a weekly basis. Based on current figures, and an expected overall live register average for 2009 of 440,000, we expect this change to affect a weekly average of 5,000 18 and 19 year olds in 2009 and a weekly average of 9,000 in 2010.

These changes have the potential to generate savings of €12 million in 2009 and €26 million in 2010. If take-up of the education and training opportunities is high, fewer savings will be achieved in the short term, but the long-term savings generated by helping young people to avoid welfare dependency would be very significant. The qualified adult rate payable in these cases will also be reduced to €100 per week. This will mean that a couple, where the primary payment is to the 18 and 19 year old will get a total of €200 per week, down from €339.90.

The following people will not be affected — existing claimants; young people with dependent children; those who qualify for the jobseeker's benefit because they have a track record of being committed to the workforce; and people transferring to jobseeker's allowance immediately after exhausting their entitlement to the benefit or those transferring from the disability allowance directly to the jobseeker's allowance thereby preventing them from experiencing a large income drop.

Where an existing jobseeker's allowance claimant under age 20 gets a job and leaves the allowance but loses that job and comes back on the allowance within 12 months, he or she will get €204.30, rather than €100 a week. If this was not done, there would be little incentive for those on jobseeker's allowance to take up offers of work.

The rationale for this change is straightforward, receiving the full adult rate of a jobseeker's payment at 18 years of age, without a strong financial incentive to engage in education or training, can lead to welfare dependency from an early age. While many young people with low levels of education and training were able to get work in construction and other areas when the economy was doing well, they are likely to find it much harder to get work over the next few years. If they do not improve their skills, they are at risk of becoming long-term unemployed from a young age. They are considered to be at a greater risk of having difficulty securing a job than older jobseekers who might have low skills but at least have some work experience. The incentive is for young people to participate in education and training. We have found on a pilot exercise in Clondalkin and Letterkenny that because there was no incentive for these young people they were reluctant to turn up on a Monday.

We are also making important improvements in supports for education, training and work experience. The back to education allowance scheme allows jobseekers who qualify for it to return to education and maintain their welfare payment and that is being improved. Jobseekers who have been out of formal education for at least two years will now be able to access the second level back to education allowance once they have been in receipt of jobseeker's allowance or benefit for at least three months, down from six months. Earlier access is also being provided to the back to education allowance third level scheme which is coming down to nine months.

We are also trying to support people who want to be self-employed. The employee strand of the back to work allowance will be closed to new applicants and the enterprise scheme will last two years rather than four. This allows us to bring in good changes to the back to work enterprise allowance. There will be two new strands, people who are entitled to jobseeker's benefit and have been awarded statutory redundancy or been an employee paying full rate PRSI contributions for at least two years prior to claiming jobseeker's benefit can now access a shorter back to work enterprise allowance scheme immediately. This means that people who lose their jobs who have a good idea and want to set up a new enterprise will be able to get their jobseeker's benefit while setting up their new enterprise.

Would the Minister like to come to her conclusion?

The Minister should resign forthwith. That should be her conclusion.

Access to the general back to work enterprise allowance scheme is also being improved. New work placement and graduate placement schemes, which we are devising with the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment, will ensure that graduates and young people will be able to maintain their social welfare entitlements while gaining work experience. This will be an important element of our programme.

Almost €21.3 billion is being provided for social welfare. This is a significant sum of money. In making decisions in respect of savings the budget for social welfare has ensured that we have not had to cut the rates for social welfare. I appreciate that the decisions made are very difficult, particularly the decision not to pay the December bonus but the alternative was to cut it from more people and to cut it for everybody which would have been particularly difficult.

It was not. The Minister is misleading the House. She did not have to do that at all.

I wish to share time with Deputies O'Dowd, Clune and Hayes.

The Minister for Social and Family Affairs forgot to say that the Government has decided to change the calendar and abolish Christmas altogether as a result of the changes in the social welfare payments.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this budget. It is a compulsive gambler's budget. The Minister for Finance is prepared to bet his mortgage on odds as crazy as the Leitrim hurling team beating Kilkenny by 12 points in the All-Ireland final. There is a chance that it might actually happen and if so he would abolish all the losses he made as a gambler over the previous six or seven years but only a crazy man would place such a bet. Sadly, the Minister has placed this crazy bet in respect of the €90 billion bank bail-out scheme which is a ticking time bomb for our economy.

The Minister plans to create the national asset management agency, to purchase what he claims are toxic assets from bank portfolios. The Irish banking crisis, however, is different from any of the other crises plaguing financial markets in other parts of the world and requires a different solution. The assets in Irish banks are not toxic, they are rotten loans based on a property sector that has collapsed. An example of a toxic asset might be a €50 million development of a 140 home housing development in Lucan. On average, approximately 10% of those owner-occupied mortgages may default over the period of that loan. The figure may be higher or lower but it is a toxic asset because one cannot get its value. A rotten loan might be a seven acre site on the edge of Carrick-on-Shannon or Longford, two miles from the town centre, with zoning but no planning permission, for which the developer paid €50 million but has gone bankrupt. Nothing will ever come of that. The assets that the Government is talking about are those rotten loans that have no intrinsic value. Land prices continue to fall and these assets will never turn into any value.

At the same time we are mortgaging our future and that of our children to the tune of €21.4 million for every man, woman and child in the country, based on the Minister's projections yesterday. The Minister outlines a point about toxic assets, such as those in the United States, comprising a mix of good and bad mortgages, the assets in this country are not a mix of good and bad but are rotten debt. The owner of that debt purchased those assets, with the encouragement of the banks giving maybe a 100% loan for which the only security is the site. Those assets are worthless. One cannot put any value on them.

It would be well and good if the State were to take them over without any payment but that will not benefit the banks which need access to capital. The bank portfolios here were far too focused on the property sector. A total of 75% of the AIB and 80% of the Anglo Irish Bank loan books were based on property. There was a significant concentration on the property market here which has collapsed. The State is going to buy those assets and hope against all hope that at some future date we will have another property boom like that we had in 2006. I do not believe that will happen any time soon. The taxpayer will end up footing the bill as a result.

This morning the Taoiseach said if we are not able to capitalise those assets we will place a levy on the banks. However that levy will be paid by the banking customers, small businesses in this country which will have to pay a double tax: first, the levies the Government introduced yesterday; and second, the additional levy that will be placed on the banks to pay for the gamble the Minister has proposed. It is clear from the equity markets this morning that they do not believe it is the solution to the problem. Bank of Ireland's value has collapsed by 31.6% in morning trading and Anglo Irish Bank's by 33.6%.

I think Deputy Naughten means AIB.

We need to return to Deputy Bruton's proposal of a clean bank and a bad bank. It means the taxpayer would not foot the bill on this and I urge the Government to reassess the crazy proposal being tabled in this area.

In my remaining time I want to focus on jobs in the economy. Fine Gael outlined a blueprint to create 100,000 jobs in our New Era document. There is another way to stimulate our economy, and that is to facilitate people in the migrant community to get back into the workforce. Migrants can be part of the solution to our economic difficulties but the Government forces many of them to stay on the dole. While non-EU migrants make up only 1.5% of the workforce, once they go on the live register it is virtually impossible for them to get back into employment. If we abolished the work permit fee of €1,500 for migrant workers who are already resident here and on the live register it would save the economy €200 million per annum and allow those migrants to contribute to the turnaround and improvement of our economic circumstances.

Another issue is the business permission anomaly. If somebody from outside the EU has a good idea and wants to create a job for himself or herself, and jobs for Irish people, he or she must satisfy certain criteria for the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and have €300,000 in cash to be given permission to set up a business in this country. That is an unnecessary bureaucratic process that should be based on the business idea they put forward. In the last five years the Department has turned down 85% of those proposals, some of which are very worthwhile proposals that could benefit the economy and become the Microsofts or Dells of the future in this country. I do not see why we do not support and encourage people with a good business idea rather than put a barrier in place far in excess of the barriers for Irish citizens.

The third issue on immigrants is those who are caught in the black economy. Some 12 months ago the then Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform gave a commitment that he would introduce a bridging loan for migrants who came into this country legally but through no fault of their own fell out of the system because of the bureaucratic nightmare which is our immigration process. The black economy costs our economy €3.5 billion and if we could give migrants who have fallen into that situation the opportunity to return to the legal workforce and the tax system, it would benefit them individually and the economy. Yet we are not prepared to put that visa system in place. We can make the same argument about our citizens in the United States. We are talking about a small minority of people, yet the Minister is not prepared to introduce the legislation to facilitate that happening, which could benefit the economy.

Migrants can assist us in turning around this economy. We should not put the blame on them for these difficulties but give them the opportunity to participate and contribute to our recovery.

In my county, Louth, 14,700 people are out of work. Every day I meet families who are finding it harder and harder to put food on their table. Some of my constituents have literally come to me in tears and despair at the desperate economic situation they find themselves in. They are looking for help and support, they are worried for themselves and deeply concerned for their children's future. We, too, are worried for them and for families across Ireland who are facing the toughest times for a generation. Up and down the country people are angry at the hammering they have taken in this budget at the hands of Fianna Fáil and the Greens. Since Brian Cowen became Taoiseach, 171,000 people have lost their jobs.

It is said that breakfast roll man may have put this Government into power but, by God, bread-line man will kick them out, and the sooner they do it the better. This Government can run but it cannot hide. It has been in power for 18 of the past 20 years. God knows, it took the credit for the good times, now it will take the blame for the bad. The human cost for children, struggling mothers and middle income families is all too real. Gombeen men have plundered the economy and the Government pretends it did not know it was happening. It knew all right, and was implicated in it all the way up in the culture of the wink and the nod, the tip of the hat to the chosen few, the insider deals where the rich got richer and the poor got fooled.

What now for the taxpayer bailing out developers to the tune of €80 billion? What does the Minister say to those children whose parents have lost their jobs because of his Government's mismanagement? What does he say to those families, 800 every day, who are lining up on the bread lines in Dublin? In what city or town will the bread lines come next? What responsibility does the Minister take for the emigrant boats and planes that will shortly be leaving our country? Has he no shame? The boom-bust legacy of Fianna Fáil has driven hundreds of thousands out of work with appalling economic, social and personal cost. We can never again have such a false Government or economy built on the treacherous, greedy, grasping and grubby cabal of bankers, builders and Fianna Fáil. The country has had enough. It is time for change.

The national development plan should be changed utterly and pride of place given to labour-intensive projects. Now is the time to build. Construction costs have fallen by 20%. We want Ireland positioned to come roaring out of this recession. Economic recovery demands new and vital transport infrastructure. It is folly for the Government to cut back our roads programme when construction costs are lower than at the height of the boom. The Minister for Transport, Deputy Dempsey has announced €315 million of cuts in capital spending on transport infrastructure.

City and county councils should be prioritised under a national development plan to play a very important part and select local programmes which can very quickly give a positive jobs impetus with clearly manageable costs. There are hundreds of practical local improvement schemes throughout the country in county council offices, which could create thousands of local jobs. Under the national development plan money can be given to county councils to do this. Many will involve local bypasses, repairing crumbling roads, improving bridges, removing dangerous bends and improving parking facilities. These projects would be labour intensive rather than high-tech, using the shovel, spade and JCB. They could provide significant opportunities for small and medium construction companies.

Bad planning destroys society. There must be an end to the planning scandals and concrete jungles with no public transport, isolated, neglected and ignored communities on the outskirts of our towns and cities. How many of our citizens live in dilapidated estates far from shops, schools, churches and work? How many hours each day do mums and dads lose in traffic gridlock instead of having quality family time at home? We need to develop new policies in land use and spatial planning, so that our urban communities and settlements are more dense and compact, balanced and linked to public transport. Fine Gael recognises — and it is time the Greens did — that owning a car is more expensive, pollutes more, increases congestion and wastes energy while public transport is the most attractive in cost, service and speed of getting to work. We recognise that it is also critically important to promote cycling and walking.

The Minister, Deputy Dempsey, has slashed the transport budget by €315 million. He has abandoned plans announced only two months ago to upgrade roads around the country. This will cost jobs in local government and will cost lives as a result of further accident blackspots.

The Minister has done a complete U-turn on road safety and maintenance works. He unveiled a major programme last February to repair Ireland's network of local and regional roads. At the time he said: "The programme involves projects in all areas that support employment and economic activity." Yet he has cut these programmes by €150 million. That is a 25% cut in local government spending on regional and local roads for the rest of the year. In the run up to the local and European elections, we all know the bad state of our roads. We are travelling on the highways and byways and the Government will also discover the bad state of them. The potholes are not being filled, and they will not be filled this year. This will have a significant impact on economic and employment activity in literally every county. The local roads programme has been slashed. It would have provided much needed construction jobs in every town in the country in these tough times. It would have improved access, encouraged economic activity and addressed the risk posed by dangerous roads. It would have had a significant impact on road safety.

The largest number of fatal accidents occur on rural roads. Some 70% of all fatal accidents in 2007 occurred on rural roads. The Government is cutting the budget for the repair and improvement of roads and for the removal of dangerous bends. The state of our roads will deteriorate. The Government is also cutting the advertising budget of Road Safety Authority, which has run excellent campaigns. Thanks to the Minister for Transport, some of the most dangerous stretches of our roads will remain in place for years to come. These roads are the economic arteries of local communities. Local and regional roads account for 94% of the road network. They carry 60% of all traffic and 43% of all goods traffic. They are vital to local economies.

The impact of the reductions are significant and I will record some of them. On the Irish Rail network programme, the Minister is postponing work on the Maynooth line such that a railway order for that work will not take place in time. That is directly associated and will impact significantly on the DART underground programme. The Minister is postponing preparatory work for a railway order for track works between Cherry Orchard and Inchicore. He is postponing work on road crossing automation and the national CTC signalling system. Safety is being neglected in this instance.

The Minister is postponing construction of a new railway station at Kilbarry in Cork. He is reducing the 2009 allocation for railway safety by €10 million, which is a damning indictment He is delaying the completion and submission of the railway order application for metro west and other significant transport projects are being affected in the gridlocked greater Dublin area. He is cutting traffic management grants by €10 million in the greater Dublin area. This will result in more traffic problems at intersections, but that does not matter to Ministers because their drivers can use the bus lanes while the rest of us have to queue in traffic for hours.

The Minister is withdrawing €5 million for the provision of park and ride facilities in the greater Dublin area. The Tánaiste can laugh but the motorists caught in traffic do not laugh.

The Deputy is very cranky.

They need these facilities and the Government is not providing them.

The Deputy's party want to cut the budget.

The Minister might be interested in another cut that is being made, as it is about time people like her got involved in taking public transport. The provision for provincial quality bus corridors in cities outside Dublin is being reduced by €5 million. The accessibility programme for people with disabilities is being cut by €5 million.

This is a shameful, disgraceful Government budget. Having listened to the contribution of the Minister for Social and Family Affairs, it is evident that under this budget the thumbscrews are being turned on the poor, particularly at Christmas, which is the most important time for families. By cutting the extra income they would have received in recent years, the Government is reducing the poor, the elderly, social welfare recipients and single parents to the appalling vista of probably having to beg from their family members to buy presents for their grandchildren. This is a shameful, disgraceful Government. This measure cuts to the heart of what it is at. Its members are a ruthless, cruel bunch of Ministers who could not care less about the ordinary people of this country and they deserve to be kicked out as soon as possible.

I wish to focus on a number of issues, one being the negative impact of the budget on middle class families with young children and those with older dependent children. I have been contacted by a number of people today and I have listened to radio coverage of the issues and read e-mails, reports and newspaper articles. The underlying theme is that people knew this would be a tough budget and that they would be hit in their pockets, but what is driving people insane is that the budget does not seems to contain a stimulus package for the economy. There is no emphasis in it on tackling waste in Departments, on ensuring efficiency measures are introduced or that the lack of competitiveness, one of the major obstacles facing the economy, is addressed.

A constituent, whom I know, e-mailed me this morning. His household has one income and his salary is €77,000 per annum. He works for a multinational company in Cork and he works 60 hours a week. He has one child. He returned from abroad to work here because, like many of us, he wanted to rear his child here and to put them through our education system. He had to buy a house in an inflated property market. He calculates that he owes 90% of his mortgage and he will be paying that for another 30 years. He estimates that the negativity equity of his house is some 23%. He has been hit with the income levy of 4%, the health levy of 5%, his mortgage interest relief has been withdrawn and he has increased PRSI contributions.

Another man also contacted me. He has four children. He earns €70,000 per annum and he reckons that the budgetary measures will cost him €6,750, just less than €7,000 per annum.

The removal of the early child care supplement will impact on the parents of young children. Middle income earners who have children who hope to go on to third level in September will also be badly hit by the increase in registration fees from €900 to €1,500, an increase of €600 per student. That increase in that fee does not yet appear to have registered with people, but it will have a major impact.

People are willing to do their bit, but for them the budget package does not contain imaginative measures or measures to generate jobs creation or a stimulus in the economy. The Government is taking money out of the economy. Therefore, people will have not have money in their pockets and will not be spending. This will impact on the retail sector. It will be one of the hardest hit sectors of the economy this year. We do not need to see economic returns or figures to appreciate that; we need only note the trade on the main street of every town. Those of us who walk through main streets of our constituencies at the weekend note the number of shops that have closed. People who are trying to run businesses find themselves in a dire economic situation. They have reluctantly had to let staff go or they have had to ask them to go on short-time work, to work part-time hours or to take holidays to try to balance their books. They did this in the hope that this budget would have contained something to address the situation but, unfortunately, it did not.

Fine Gael's pre-budget proposals suggested that tax increases should represent one third of the emphasis in the budget, with two thirds of the emphasis being on spending, but the Government has put two thirds of the emphasis on tax increases. It does not contain any imaginative or stimulus measures. The Minister for Finance admitted that increasing the VAT rate by 0.5% was a mistake. Why did he not address that in the budget? Why did he not introduce an imaginative measure such as reducing the lower tax rate to 10% for a short period? He should have reduced the VAT rate on services to make it more attractive for people to get small jobs done in their homes and to encourage such services. That would have been a small but effective measure.

A proposal such as exempting employers from PRSI payments for new employees for a period of up to two years would have encouraged employers to take on new employees and to create job prospects if the people felt like dipping their toe in the market. The budget does not reflect imaginative thinking and does not place any emphasis on job creation or job protection measures. Rather than being about jobs and job creation, the soft option has been taken and the Government's approach has been to simply collect money and to tax its way out of the problem.

In my view this has been a very disappointing budget. It has done nothing to give confidence to people and let them know there is a way out of our present difficulties. If we had been given some type of stimulus package in the budget, perhaps we could have kickstarted the economy. In fact, all it has done is stifle economic activity and we will pay the price for its negative impact.

I am thankful for the opportunity to say a few words on this very important budget.

People were calling in recent months for tough measures to be taken and an enormous range of options were discussed in terms of what might happen. People were softened up, perhaps, for what was read out here in the Dáil yesterday. We can, at least, welcome the fact that the carer's allowance is untouched and indeed one could list many things that were not touched. When one looks at it in depth, however, the biggest issue in yesterday's budget was what it purported to do as regards the banks. As the months and years go by, realisation will set in that we have actually agreed that some €80 billion of taxpayers' money can be called upon at some time in the future to deal with those banks that have given such a bad service to the people of Ireland. The public do not even understand the implications of this major development. While we all know that people need a banking system that works, the worry and fear among the public is enormous.

The ordinary man and woman in the street cannot understand how this Government allowed the banks to do what they did over the recent years, as regards developers, builders and whatever. I challenge the Government to say to the Irish people before moving forward with this programme that it is sorry for allowing this to happen. That would be a start, just to have the courage to say this. During the budget debate yesterday we were all talking about fairness. There was a chapter in the Budget Statement about fairness and the need to explain things to people. If the Government were to apologise, it would win support and public perception of what it is doing could be much better understood — because what it has done is very serious. It has mortgaged the future of generations to come.

In my constituency, as in all others, jobs have been lost in their hundreds of thousands over a number of months. What was in the budget to do something about the costs base? Some months ago in my constituency it emerged that insulation could be manufactured in France at 70% of the cost it could be in Ireland. The company concerned closed and put 70 or 80 topclass workers out of work, because of its cost base. Businesses must pay high prices for electricity and gas as well as having to face a plethora of other costs. If the Government was really serious yesterday about doing something for job creation, then it would have sought to force down costs for businesses and allow job creation in the country. It failed to do this and that is why I am very disappointed at what happened in yesterday's budget.

At the outset, decisions which result in families having less disposable income each week are not taken lightly by Government. They are the product of the scale, depth and impact of current economic challenges. Indeed, it is a measure of the current unprecedented economic environment that the political consensus in this House over recent weeks has been that each of us who could would now have to pay more to maintain public services and secure our collective futures. I want to acknowledge those contributions of Deputies opposite that were constructive over recent weeks as we have worked to craft a budget to address this challenge.

The Government has listened carefully to those contributions and taken a number of them on board. I hope that the same Deputies will also acknowledge that in taking decisions, we have endeavoured to take the fairest and most progressive path possible in the current circumstances. I use the word, "progressive" here in two senses. I mean it in terms of the tax system — that those who earn more, pay more — and in terms of the spending choices made by Government. It is clear from the spending commitments outlined that the Government has prioritised investment in the most productive sectors of our economy and invested in the creation of jobs by cementing the foundations for export led recovery and growth.

The budget provision of in excess of €500 million for capital investment in enterprise through various Government initiatives administered by IDA Ireland, Enterprise Ireland, the county and city enterprise boards and Science Foundation Ireland is a clear statement of our priorities. The clear message that it sends out to the world is that Ireland is open for business, investment and job creation from both indigenous enterprise and foreign direct investment.

It is my challenge now, as the Minister accountable for that level of investment in a climate where spending on other Government capital commitments has been reduced, to ensure that the best possible outcome is achieved for every euro invested in enterprise by the State. I intend to do so through the mechanism of monthly meetings with the chief executives of the delivery agencies and by increased scrutiny of and continued evaluation of the enterprise policies we have in place. In addition to the changes that I have already undertaken within my Department, more are to follow in the coming months to ensure that it is in the best possible position to drive the enterprise and job creation agenda across Government in the current changed economic environment.

The Taoiseach and Minister for Finance have both made it clear in their contributions on yesterday's supplementary budget that the restoration of competitiveness must form part of the foundation for export-led economic recovery. I have spoken extensively about competitiveness in the House over recent months, but in essence this means bringing our cost structure and price levels into line with our competitors, reassuring people involved in all sectors that Ireland is not only a good place to do business but a good value place for business, also. That is why we are taking a number of measures across Government to ensure we identify and address cost issues in our economy and I can assure the House that driving this work remains at the top of my agenda as Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment.

Last December, the Government introduced a framework for sustainable economic renewal, called Building Ireland's Smart Economy. This document sets out a clear roadmap for Ireland's move back to economic growth and prosperity, with investment focused on those areas where we can build on our existing strengths, address our weaknesses and position ourselves for the inevitable upturn in the global economy. The overall approach we have adopted in this budget builds further on this strategy, while dealing with the short-term measures needed to restore fiscal stability and economic activity, in line with a longer-term vision out to 2025, that we are currently working on.

We are taking decisive steps to implement our overall plan, addressing immediate issues of economic turbulence, steering ourselves towards the calmer waters of measured but sustainable economic growth. As a nation we have successfully addressed critical situations in the past, an experience which gives us confidence in facing the future. In the same way as Ireland benefited from global growth and the booms in the technology and financial services in recent decades, so too are we more vulnerable in the face of global recession. There is much we can do domestically, and the Government has not been slow to take action, even being criticised for being overly hasty at times. This budget continues that practice of getting things right at home in preparation for the global turnaround that will inevitably follow.

Given our dependence on trade and investment from abroad, however, we need Britain, Europe, the US and Asia to take the necessary actions to boost global recovery. That is why I warmly welcome the outcome of the last week's G20 meeting and urge the participants to deliver on their agreements as quickly as possible. Through the European Union and bilaterally, we will seek to encourage the participants to carry out their various actions in order to provide confidence and a financial stimulus to the world economy. The G20 global stimulus package of $1.1 trillion has led the way and will greatly benefit exporting countries like Ireland. The agreement to provide $250 billion in trade finance supports is critically important. The harsh reality around the globe is that the banking system has by and large gone into retreat. Excessive and ill-judged lending has been replaced by a policy of when in doubt, say "No". This impacts on the ability of large and small firms to do business and has a disproportionate effect on open economies such as Ireland's.

At EU level, a similar framework for renewal was adopted with the publication in December of the Commission's European economic recovery plan. From an enterprise perspective, Ireland has welcomed the competitiveness aspects of the EU plan, which build on such ongoing implementation of the Lisbon strategy as investing in research and development, reducing administrative burdens, improving broadband and other infrastructure, addressing access to finance and improving skills. We particularly welcome the decision by the EU to invest €100 million in our energy interconnector with the UK. This will bring additional security of supply as well as competition to the energy market.

At a national level, our package of measures was built on the recent publication of a framework for sustainable economic renewal. The package includes measures to secure the enterprise economy and enhance competitiveness. The framework addresses innovation, environment, energy and infrastructure issues, as well as seeking efficiency and effectiveness in public services and regulation.

While this week's budget has the central objective of restoring confidence in our economy, we continue to invest in our future through my Department's funding programmes. The Government has not stopped supporting enterprise nor has it ceased to invest prudently and strategically in our future. My Department retains its central strategic focus on supporting business and releasing the talent and potential of our people. The Department's indicative Estimate for 2009 is €1.938 billion, including €381 million from the national training fund. The fine details of this allocation will be finalised over the next week or two.

Supporting enterprise, innovation and research and development are vitally important to my Department and this year €501 million is being invested in these areas. Our intention is to send a strong signal by way of tangible financial supports to Irish business. The way forward lies in staying competitive and maintaining an innovative edge over our competition by developing new products and processes which will assist in winning new markets in the present challenging environment.

Our economy has benefited hugely in the past from our highly skilled labour force. We must continue to invest in our people to ensure that we have the skills and knowledge to support the vision set out in our programme for sustainable economic renewal. We must also support those who have lost jobs due to the economic downturn and provide them with opportunities to re-enter the workplace. To this end, €1.09 billion of my Department's budget for 2009 is targeted at labour force measures, including activation and training programmes for the unemployed, upskilling for those in employment and employment programmes. Many of these have been refocused to deal with the new labour market realities and the new profile of people signing on the live register.

In addition to these major programmes, the Cabinet committee on economic recovery has been working across the Government to deliver the best results for enterprises. I have received many letters from business people explaining the difficulties they face. The Government recognises that businesses need help to ease their cash flow at a time when money is very tight. We must acknowledge the difficult environment in which businesses are operating. The Government also recognises that in the current climate assistance needs to be made available to companies that are basically viable but are in need of additional supports to strengthen their business base.

With this in mind, the Government has approved the creation of an enterprise stabilisation fund with an additional budget of €100 million. The fund will provide targeted support for companies that trade internationally and will be administered by Enterprise Ireland. Approvals will be made on the basis of business plans submitted to the agency by applicant companies. Particular attention will be paid to viable small and medium sized enterprises. Assistance will be available to companies that meet particular criteria. They must not have been in difficulty on 1 July 2008 but may now be facing difficulties as a result of the global economic crisis. They must be judged by Enterprise Ireland to have sound, robust and sustainable business models and business plans that are financially viable in the medium term. They must also be judged to be capable of significant growth in a global upturn. It is envisaged that funding will be provided in a wide variety of forms and the details of these will be worked out in the coming weeks by Enterprise Ireland. However, it is likely that assistance will primarily be in the form of investment in preference shares. I am pleased to welcome this new support measure and I am confident that it will help sustain many Irish companies and their workforces through the current economic downturn.

Enterprise Ireland will also continue its regular supports for indigenous companies in 2009. The total capital funding available to the agency to support industry in 2009 will be €103 million. These supports will be complemented by the supports given to micro-enterprises by the county and city enterprise boards and funding for foreign direct investment through IDA Ireland amounting to €70 million in 2009. As part of our joined-up programme to assist enterprise, the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government has written to all local authority managers to ask them to be more flexible in the fees and contributions demanded from enterprises at local level.

We all wish to encourage economic activity and employment both at national and local levels. Local authorities are establishing business support units to act as a point of contact in ensuring a prompt and co-ordinated response to existing and prospective businesses and an interface with local authority systems and departments.

I already mentioned the importance of restoring competitiveness. Tackling costs is key in this regard. The proposed reductions in electricity and gas prices of 10% and 12%, respectively, from 1 May will help to reduce cost pressures on enterprises. We are working to identify and progress further strategic measures for energy, including micro-generation, development of the grid and increasing generation from renewable sources. These efforts will be assisted by a stakeholder round table later this month. The Government has already implemented an 8% reduction in professional fees for public service bodies from 1 March as part of the overall package of measures to reduce public service expenditure.

The Government's strategy for economic recovery, Building Ireland's Smart Economy, renews Ireland's commitment to better regulation and undertakes to develop a consolidated inspections programme to reduce the number of inspection visits to businesses. Enforcement will in future be based on risk so as to minimise the burden on citizens and businesses. The Government has already set a target of a 25% reduction in red tape by 2012 and work is progressing strongly across all Departments. Officials are identifying the most burdensome aspects of red tape for business with a view to introducing simplifications to reduce business costs.

We should not forget that Ireland has a number of critical advantages in realising our potential to return to real long-term growth. We have a well educated population, with one of the highest numbers of graduates in the 25 to 34 age group of any country in the EU, and the youngest working population in the EU. We have made significant investments in skills development over the past several years. Our services sector has grown significantly to the point where we are now the 11th largest exporter of services in the world. Investment in research and development has increased and the number of enterprises doing significant research and development has doubled in the past four years. We remain the 14th largest exporter of goods and the eighth largest exporter of services to the US and we receive the third highest share of US investment into Europe. Finally, we have substantial potential for developing renewable energies. All these advantages position us for a robust recovery to one of the most competitive successful open economies in the world.

The best evidence of how this is working for us even through these tough times is the confidence expressed in Ireland by investors. Foreign direct investment has played a pivotal role in Ireland's economic growth and will continue to do so in the future despite the current difficulties. The level of FDI relative to the size of the economy is one of the highest in the world. Almost 1,000 overseas companies have substantial international operations in Ireland, employing in the region of 136,000 people. These include many of the leading companies in information and communications technologies, life sciences and globally traded business and financial services. The strong client base developed by IDA Ireland makes a significant contribution to wealth generation and the development of the Irish economy. Furthermore, the positive impression these companies have taken from Ireland provides a solid basis for future growth.

In the current global economic climate, the restructuring by multinational companies of their global operations is leading to global job cuts. Ireland inevitably will be affected. The IDA, however, is working with its clients, on a daily basis, making every effort to keep these companies operating in Ireland while minimising the job losses encountered.

Traditionally, the IDA concentrated on four sectors — life sciences, incorporating pharmaceuticals, bio-pharmaceuticals and medical technologies; the information and communications technologies area; financial services; and globally-traded businesses, ranging from professional services to engineering and digital media. The agency is now targeting three new sectors — convergence, particularly convergence in technology between the life sciences and the IT sector; cleantech, the environment, environmental services and goods, the green agenda and others; and innovation and services. The agency is strengthening its technical expertise in the area of international financial services and has a clear and strong focus on this sector.

Despite global difficulties, 2008 was a good year for inward investment with a total of 130 foreign direct investment projects being won and 8,800 new jobs being created in IDA-supported companies. There was an increase in the number of new companies setting up in Ireland for the first time, with names like Facebook and Zimmer setting up here during the year. There was a 22% increase in research, development and innovation projects with 56 projects, involving a projected investment of approximately €420 million, announced by IDA-supported companies. This is a testament to the fact that our increased focus on research and development is translating into jobs on the ground today.

Even in turbulent economic times there is still foreign direct investment, FDI, to be won and our competitors will not be slow in targeting opportunities. A firm focus and a positive attitude by all stakeholders in team Ireland in our ability to win FDI are key ingredients to a successful outcome. The ability to think beyond the present and reposition our competitiveness will ensure that Ireland will continue to win significant FDI from a large number of the world's leading companies.

Enterprise Ireland is the agency with responsibility for supporting the development of Irish companies with ambitions to grow in world markets. Many of its client companies are small to medium in size. Enterprise Ireland recognises the varied challenges facing such companies in the context of the changing economic environment and partners with companies to address their needs in an holistic manner. Indigenous internationally trading companies supported by Enterprise Ireland employ as many people as do IDA-assisted overseas companies operating in Ireland. Their focus is very much on the high-skill, knowledge intensive sectors in the smart economy.

There has been a significant cultural change in Ireland over the past couple of decades. Some 20 years ago it was widely held that economic growth here was seriously inhibited by the lack of an entrepreneurial culture. However, Enterprise Ireland and the city and county enterprise boards have focused help on supporting entrepreneurs and encouraging a grassroots culture of entrepreneurship in Ireland. In recent years, Ireland has been rated by the global entrepreneurship monitor as one of the most entrepreneurial countries in the EU. The success of our pro-enterprise strategies has been reflected in the high level of business start-ups in recent years, the number of small businesses having increased by about 50% over the past decade or so. There are now almost 2,800 individuals starting new businesses in Ireland every month. In the current economic environment, entrepreneurship and the growth and development of small Irish businesses are central to economic recovery and it is essential that Irish enterprises continue to be supported.

In 2009, the CEBs will continue to assist micro-enterprises throughout the country both by direct grant aid to businesses and through the provision of a range of other important business supports such as business training and advice designed to help stimulate indigenous enterprise creation and boost employment creation. The boards have been allocated a capital budget of over €20 million to invest in Irish businesses this year.

In a small regional economy like Ireland, economic prosperity ultimately depends on our ability to sell goods and services abroad and therefore on our competitiveness. Building and maintaining competitiveness is a ceaseless and dynamic process. We constantly have to improve, upgrade and change because our competitors are doing exactly the same. Companies are increasingly under pressure to offer products and services and to use production techniques and skills which are better than those of our competitors.

Ireland is a small, open economy and, as such, we depend on our capacity to export to the rest of the world in order to grow and prosper. We are one of the most open economies in the world and, because of this, have already seen that we are vulnerable to sudden changes in the world economy, with our domestic rate of growth being very dependent on developments in the outside world. Because of our small size, we also have limited scope for influencing that change directly, although we are constantly active behind the scenes. We export more, as a percentage of GDP, than some of the major players on the world trade stage, including Australia, Brazil and Denmark. Problems with the global trading system and reductions in the availability of trade credit are issues of grave concern to us and the measures announced by the G20 to tackle these issues are welcome.

Ireland's trade performance in recent years has been a key driver in our economic success. It contributes significantly both to economic growth and helping Irish companies to develop their capability and broaden their expertise by helping them to obtain access to new markets abroad. The proof of this lies in the official trade data. I am pleased to see that in 2008 the country's total exports were €153.8 billion, a fall of less than 1 % on 2007. In addition, our trade surplus was a healthy €21.4 billion. These statistics disprove the frequently made suggestion that Ireland's exports have suffered a significant decline.

Preliminary data indicates that Ireland's export performance over recent months has been comparatively resilient. Our share of global trade is actually growing. Ireland's share of EU 27 exports increased from 2.15% to 2.25% in the fourth quarter of 2008. With our slight increase in January 2009 as the EU27 declined by an average of 35%, our position should have improved further. Our balance of payments position will also have improved in January, as Ireland's share of goods imports in the EU27 declined from 1.58% to 1.36%.

This outcome was an impressive performance when account is taken of the global recession and the adverse exchange rate between the euro and both the US dollar and Sterling, as the US and Britain are our two largest export markets. In addition, we have achieved considerable success in developing new markets with significant export growth realised to China, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Brazil and some of the new EU member states.

We now need to bring the focus of our economy as a whole to a return to export-led growth and increase our levels of trade in order to increase the money flowing back into Ireland. For its size, Ireland has a disproportionately large share of world trade markets, particularly in services. I see the ability of the Irish for seeking out new market opportunities, exploiting niche sectors and charming potential customers as a key asset in terms of our export-led recovery.

To build on our existing performance, the Government is committed to maintaining its long-standing initiative of undertaking a wide range of ministerial-led foreign direct investment and trade missions. I will be leading a foreign direct investment mission to the United States next week, and a trade mission to Saudi Arabia and Qatar later this month. Having taken the necessary steps to stabilise our public finances and our economy in this budget, it is essential that we now sell that message abroad and let the world know that Ireland is open for business, investment and, most particularly, job creation.

Our commitment to research and development is essential in that regard. The decision by the Government to retain such high levels of investment in this area for enterprise should send out a signal to the R&D community, and those enterprises looking for a base in which to expand their R&D activities, that Ireland is committed to the R&D-led smart economy path. That path dictates that a strong science base, matched by a paradigm shift in the capacity of our enterprise sector to create knowledge, as well as innovating and exploiting new knowledge across global markets, is critical.

Without innovation and even a modest element of research and development, few businesses will grow in today's markets. The key to the success of a new innovation and technology-based business is the ability to sell and secure the all-important first international reference sale. I firmly believe that creating a continuous positive loop between innovation and market knowledge will be the key competitive advantage firms must acquire just to survive. Innovation will prove commercially successful if it is genuinely customer driven. Commercial success, in turn, leads to stronger profitability and a stronger enterprise base across the country.

Ireland is doing well in innovation; we are above the EU average and are the best improving EU country within our peer group. In the European innovation scoreboard for 2008, which was published in January, we performed particularly well on innovation in throughputs, at fourth place, as well as on human resources and economic effects, both in fifth position.

The work of IDA Ireland, Enterprise Ireland and Science Foundation Ireland, together with the research and development tax credit introduced in the October budget, puts Ireland to the forefront of research and development regimes globally. As well as increasing our attractiveness as a location for research and development activity, it will provide a stimulus for value-added activities. Research and development has expanded dramatically in recent years, reflecting the Government's massive injection of funding in the sector. In the past five years, IDA Ireland client companies have invested €1.31 billion in new research and development activities.

In this budget we have taken a further important step to drive the development of a smart economy through the introduction in the forthcoming Finance Bill of a tax deduction in respect of the holding and exploitation of intangible assets. This has the potential to establish Ireland as a hub for companies engaged in the ownership and development of intellectual property assets. The taxation of these assets plays an important role in Ireland's attractiveness as an investment location. The introduction of a tax deduction will provide an important additional pull factor for this type of investment to Ireland, with resulting job gains. It will also act as consolidator for key high value activities in Ireland.

The budget also includes additional provision for important training and activation measures for those who find themselves in search of work. It is vital that we keep jobseekers motivated, appropriately skilled and as close to the labour market as possible. If I include the additional measures contained in the budget, we are now providing, through FÁS and my Department, a total of 128,000 training and activation places for the unemployed this year. This is a substantial increase on the approximate figure of 66,000 places taken up last year and is indicative of the seriousness with which we are tackling the current challenge and the scale of activity being supported by the Government to ensure people are best positioned to get back into employment.

In addition, the job search-national employment action plan referral capacity has nearly doubled for 2009, from 6,500 cases to 12,250 per month. This constitutes an unprecedented increase in capacity for this programme, which is being undertaken by FÁS. I increased the number of places on short courses provided by FÁS by 51,000 in February, bringing the total to 78,000. The additional 12,015 places announced in the budget brings the total number of training places available to 92,000.

For redundant apprentices we are now providing in the budget an additional 700 places on a new institutes of technology training programme. This means approximately 3,400 redundant apprentices in total will now be able to progress their apprenticeships. Further, an additional 400 places provided for in the budget will increase the number of places on community employment schemes to 22,700 this year.

We have also introduced in the budget a new work experience scheme, which will provide 2,000 six month places to individuals who are unemployed and will include the placement of graduates. A pilot training programme of 277 places is also to be undertaken at a cost of €1 million and is to be introduced for sustaining vulnerable employment. Under this programme, workers who are placed on a three day week and receiving social welfare payments for the days they are not working will receive two days training per week for a period of 52 weeks. Together with the Minister for Education and Science, I will provide 1,500 third level places on a part-time basis to the unemployed in order that they may pursue a third level qualification.

These new measures will allow my Department to provide an additional 16,525 activation training places at a cost of €55.9 million, with the joint initiatives with the Department of Education and Science costing my Department €5.5 million. While these initiatives represent a substantial reallocation of resources within my Vote, in particular from training for the employed, it is essential that we concentrate available resources on helping those without jobs to best position themselves to return to the labour market.

My aim is to prevent the creation of a new cohort of long-term unemployed, while simultaneously improving skills and qualification levels across our labour force. This, in turn, will be of considerable benefit to the individuals who receive this support over the remainder of their working lives and assist them in overcoming their present difficulties.

Yesterday's budget sets out the short-term measures required to address the current economic climate and steers us on a credible medium term path of recovery to 2013. Having established this path of recovery, I am conscious of the need to consider the longer term and ensure short-term decisions are taken with a long-term perspective. The magnitude and scope of the changes facing the country are significant, as are the policy responses required by Government in balancing the need to manage existing pressures with the need to prepare for future challenges. This is a time for leadership, courage and vision, all of which the Government demonstrated yesterday.

I am convinced that the key to sustained prosperity, social justice and quality of life for the future is dependent on having a competitive, highly productive and innovation driven enterprise base that provides fulfilling and rewarding jobs for our people. Our overall strategy must be to return confidence to the business sector, continue to take the necessary action to ensure an adequate flow of lending to the productive sector, get the fiscal position and cost competitiveness under control and invest wisely in infrastructural needs for the future.

There is undoubtedly a readjustment taking place in the economy compared to the heady days of record growth. This adjustment will serve to make us leaner and better positioned to resume a sustainable growth pattern over the medium term. The range of measures I have presented addresses the real needs of the economy, future job growth and those seeking work. It is essential that we proceed to implement these measures and put Ireland back on track for sustainable future prosperity.

Debate adjourned.
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