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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 21 Jan 2010

Vol. 699 No. 3

Haiti Earthquate: Statements.

On behalf of the Government I extend our sincere condolences to the people of Haiti and, in particular, those who lost loved ones in last week's earthquake. Our thoughts go out to the family of Andrew Grene, who tragically lost his life in the disaster while serving with the United Nations. The Government also extends its sympathy to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr Ban Ki-moon, and to the families of all UN personnel who lost their lives. We also extend our condolences to the family of the Concern employee killed in the disaster and express our sincere hope that another employee reported missing will be found safe and well.

It is now more than a week since the catastrophic earthquake struck Haiti and it is clear that the death toll will be well over 100,000. The scale of the devastation is unimaginable, with most of Port-au-Prince and Haiti's other main cities almost completely destroyed. Few countries in the world were less equipped to deal with a disaster of this magnitude than Haiti. For the hundreds of thousands of people left homeless and those desperate for medical attention and life-saving aid, help cannot come quickly enough.

Ireland along with the rest of the EU, the UN and the international community is doing everything possible to provide assistance and ensure it reaches those who need it most. While many have given up hope for missing family members, search and rescue operations miraculously continue to find survivors. On Tuesday four people were pulled from under the rubble by international teams. Yesterday a ten year old girl and her eight year old brother were found and there are reports that a five year old boy has been pulled from the ruins of his home by his uncle. Many hundreds of lives have been saved by rescue teams, both local and international, who are working tirelessly to free those trapped inside collapsed buildings.

Inevitably, however, over the coming days the focus in Haiti will move from the search and rescue phase to trying to address the needs of those left homeless by the earthquake. Millions have lost their houses and many others whose homes are still standing are too afraid to return for fear of the after shocks. Medical treatment for the injured is vital. Facilities are improving as field hospitals arrive, and with them more doctors and medical supplies, but the needs are still overwhelming. I thank Deputy Kenny for his constructive contribution on the Order of Business and am pleased to inform him that Irish Aid has been working closely with the Department of Defence since the disaster struck. Two members of the Defence Forces have joined the technical team which was deployed to Haiti to assess our response. Officials from Irish Aid have been in contact with the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland to examine how the participation of Irish medical professionals can be facilitated. The technical team will make recommendations on how we can best contribute to relief efforts and Deputy Kenny's helpful proposal will be incorporated into our response. The risk of infection from delays in carrying out surgery and the spread of disease is enormous and must be dealt with if thousands of further deaths are to be avoided in the coming weeks. The fact that the rainy season is due to begin in March means that the international community has only a limited time to address these issues and avoid a public health catastrophe.

I pay tribute to the response of the Irish people to the events in Haiti. The public has demonstrated an extraordinary level of generosity in supporting appeals from NGOs and UN agencies over the past few days. Millions of euro have been donated at a time when many people are feeling the effects of the recession, have lost their jobs or saw their salaries reduced. This level of generosity towards and solidarity with the people of Haiti is something of which all of us in Ireland can be proud. My own office has received many calls from members of the public asking how they can help. I commend each and every member of the public who has contributed. Their support will mean the difference between life and death for many of those suffering the effects of this disaster.

I pay particular tribute to the many Irish people working in Port-au-Prince and elsewhere in Haiti to distribute aid, provide medical attention and, wherever possible, to save lives. Irish people are daily risking their personal safety to bring relief to the Haitian people. All of those working with the UN, NGOs or as part of private initiatives deserve our recognition and thanks.

I am pleased to report to the House that the Government's response to this disaster was swift and decisive. Within hours of the earthquake, Irish Aid was in contact with NGOs such as Concern and Goal to make emergency funding available. Our mission in Geneva and our emergency and recovery unit were in communication with the UN from the early morning of 14 January to assess the scale of the disaster and likely needs. By lunchtime of that day, we had pledged €2 million to support the initial emergency relief effort. Of this, €1 million was allocated to a United Nations emergency appeal for Haiti, of which €300,000 was immediately paid out to the World Food Programme and the Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, OCHA, respectively, the latter of which is co-ordinating the international relief effort. A further €250,000 was paid out to the Red Cross and the remainder of the funding is being channelled through NGOs such as Concern and GOAL.

Irish Aid, the Government's overseas aid programme, has freighted 84 tonnes, or 16 lorry loads, of emergency equipment to Haiti. These were transported by air to Santo Domingo from our emergency stockpiles and then by road to Port-au-Prince, where they arrived last night. Included in the shipment are plastic sheeting for emergency shelters, blankets, kitchen sets, jerry cans and large containers for water storage. In total, we have provided enough supplies to shelter up to 8,000 families and to provide them with the water and basic infrastructure needed for survival. The supplies will be distributed by the Concern and GOAL operations in Haiti. I take this opportunity to compliment the work carried out by these and other Irish aid agencies working in Haiti.

Three members of the Irish Aid rapid response corps have deployed to Haiti. These are an electrical engineer and an information technology expert, who have been assigned to the World Food Programme, and a security consultant who will work with GOAL. Corps volunteers provide highly specialised skills to humanitarian agencies operating in crisis situations and can be deployed within days or even hours of a disaster. Other corps members with specialised skills in engineering, logistics and water and sanitation are on stand-by and we expect them to be called upon in the coming days and weeks.

We have also dispatched an Irish Aid technical mission to Haiti, supported by a member of the Defence Forces, to assess how Ireland can best contribute to the international relief effort and to make recommendations as to how we should direct our funding. The team will advise me on the short and medium-term needs in Haiti and will liaise with the organisations we are already supporting to ensure that Ireland's contribution is managed in a co-ordinated and effective manner. Our team arrived last night and has based itself at the airport in Port-au-Prince.

The total value of the Government response both financially and in kind is almost €3 million and there is every possibility that this figure will increase further once we have a clearer and more comprehensive picture of Haiti's needs. This figure is in addition to our ongoing contributions to the United Nation's central emergency response fund which was established following the 2004 tsunami to provide the United Nations with a ready pool of emergency funding for crises such as that in Haiti. Within days of the earthquake, the United Nations drew down US$25 million to fund the international relief operation and this money has already begun to make an impact. Ireland was one of the countries which pressed for the establishment of the fund. We have contributed €73 million since it was set up in 2006, including €20 million last year. We can be proud that our funds are helping to save thousands of lives in Haiti, as they have in other disaster areas throughout the globe.

The Government and my Department drew many lessons from the 2004 tsunami. In the aftermath of that enormous tragedy we reflected on how we, on behalf of the Irish people, could respond more quickly and effectively to future disasters. We identified those parts of the system which could be improved and put in place the structures that allowed us to react quickly to the Haiti disaster. For example, we established the rapid response corps to meet the need for highly specialised skills in a major emergency and to harness the significant talent and volunteer spirit which exists in Irish society. We developed emergency stockpiles of humanitarian materials in depots around the globe, precisely so that we could react as we have done. Thousands of people in Haiti are receiving lifesaving supplies as a result of this initiative.

The Irish response is part of a combined European Union relief effort in Haiti totalling €122 million. This was agreed at an emergency meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council which I attended in Brussels on Monday. In addition to this financial support, the Union is providing 400 rescue workers from a variety of member states, as well as field hospitals, medical posts and almost 300 medical personnel. At Monday's meeting I stressed the need for a unified, co-ordinated approach to the Haiti operation. I also called on our fellow member states to make clear to the people of Haiti that we would stand by them as they rebuild their country. I am pleased the European Commission has indicated it will contribute €300 million to the long-term reconstruction of Haiti. In addition, the European Union will convene or co-convene an international meeting on reconstruction once the initial humanitarian relief phase has run its course.

While there has been some criticism of the speed of the international response, the difficulties in getting supplies and workers into Haiti are substantial and have been exacerbated by the almost total destruction of its infrastructure. This was a poverty-stricken country before the earthquake with only the most basic transport and communication network. The little that existed was severely damaged, meaning the international relief effort has had to begin almost from scratch. The best means of transporting supplies is by sea, but the main port was badly damaged and until last night completely closed to shipping. Even now it has only extremely limited capacity. In addition, the airport at Port-au-Prince is small and ill-equipped for an operation of this size. The road from Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic to Port-au-Prince is of poor quality and extremely congested. While it is only 300 km long, the journey can take up to 18 hours and security escorts are required in places. Under these circumstances the response of the international community, led by the United Nations, has been commendable, although admittedly insufficient to meet Haiti's enormous needs.

The Haiti earthquake is a disaster that has shocked the entire world with its scale and intensity. The impact on an already vulnerable nation has been catastrophic and it will take many years for Haiti to rebuild itself. Ireland's response, whether through the provision of much needed funds, through our emergency supplies or our highly-skilled personnel has undoubtedly saved many lives and will continue to do so in the weeks and months to come. That said, it is inevitable that Haiti will continue to require the support of Ireland and the broader international community into the longer term as it rebuilds and slowly makes the transition from relief to development. The challenge for us, and for the rest of the world, will be to stand with the Haitian people during that difficult transition as they reconstruct their shattered lives and country. I am confident we will not be found wanting in that regard.

I extend my sympathies to all the Haitian people who have lost loved ones and suffered catastrophe. I acknowledge in particular the family of Andrew Grene, the Concern employee, and all the United Nations employees who have lost their lives. Every death is a tragic loss and it is awful to see the images on our television screens. One must commend the media, particularly RTE television and radio, for driving home the terrible extent of the disaster. It is unfortunately the case that it is once again one of the poorest parts of the world upon which this catastrophe has fallen. It is akin to the population of Cork and Galway together being wiped out overnight.

Haiti was struggling long before this earthquake occurred. It is the poorest country in the western hemisphere, with 80% of the population living below the poverty line and 54% in abject poverty. Moreover, approximately 38% of the population are under 14 years of age. Some 3,000 troops of the United Nations stabilisation force were based in Port-au-Prince before this disaster occurred. Irish Aid agencies and voluntary groups have been active there for some time, and a house-building exercise was recently undertaken by Irish volunteers. I understand Mr. Denis O'Brien is heavily involved there in a telecommunications capacity.

One issue on which there is no policy difference in this House is in respect of the work done by Irish Aid. When I became spokespersons for foreign affairs, spokesperson rather, although I accept I do the work of two or three, one of the areas where I considered there might be a gap was in Irish aid funding. Anecdotally, one hears about the wastage of money. We have a good system in place. The Minister of State, since he came to office, and his officials are to be commended on the work they do. While it is unacceptable, some things may go wrong or funds can go astray but what is important is that once problems are detected, they are dealt with and systems are put in place to ensure they do no recur. We should plough on with the current policy. The points I raise are in the context of being constructive in terms of how we move forward.

The Minister of State referred to criticism about the speed of the international response. That is something that will come up time and time again. Templates can be put in place but I do not know if a perfect template can be devised for disaster response. We have a modern democracy but we were slow to react when we had snow over Christmas. It took us several days to respond. One can imagine the difficulties one encounters when one is faced with a country many thousands of miles away with an infrastructure that was almost non-existent and that which existed was knocked out, especially the communications system, the airport and the port, which left access by means of a poor road from a neighbouring country.

The Minister of State can play a role at European Union level to drive the impetus to establish an international template for disasters. He referred in his speech to the fact that we have learned from the tsunami. I am sure that is the case. It is difficult, however, to put in place a structure and control when a disaster occurs. Things cannot be righted overnight, but a certain system and broad a template could be put in place. I am not familiar with the scheme that was put in place and how we can learn from it. The one thing we learn from history is that things keep recurring. We saw that in terms of the economy. When one reflects on events in the cold light of day it is as clear as the nose on one's face what will happen. Natural disasters will occur, perhaps not tomorrow or the next day, but they will happen in the future. We must examine the response systems we have in place for them.

I acknowledge the role of the Americans. In recent years they have received much bad press in this House. It is important to acknowledge the work they have done. They have positioned approximately 10,000 troops to assist in Haiti. It can be beneficial if an existing structure is superimposed on a place such as Haiti. I saw on television that one local resident said the system there had failed and that the country should be occupied. I am sure that is not the solution but it is of benefit if one can bring organisation and command and control to a disaster area such as Haiti.

The Minister of State referred to the many calls he received to his office. I am somewhat critical of the Government even though I am hugely supportive of the concept of the rapid response corps which was mentioned in the White Paper on Irish aid some years ago. My understanding is that it comprises approximately 150 people with expertise who are generally drawn from the public sector and possibly some aid agencies, but I am not sure about that. That corps could be greatly expanded. There are many people in the private sector who are keen to assist in Haiti at the moment but it is difficult to fit them into the existing structure. We need to consider opening up the rapid response corps to the private sector and increase its strength to up to 3,000.

I am sure that if the Minister advertised for volunteers to go to Haiti, without any difficulty there would be a queue outside the Irish Aid centre on O'Connell Street as far back as the gates of the Phoenix Park and the North Circular Road. We must harness that potential in a productive way. There is no point in people arriving at the airport with tents on their backs seeking to link up with people to go to Haiti as that would give rise to as much difficulty as it would solve. Perhaps the Minister of State would consider expanding the panel of people on whom he depends for the rapid response corps. ESB personnel went to France when power difficulties were experienced there some years ago. The rapid response corps could be composed of different categories that could be used according on the needs of each disaster, for example, medical technicians, engineering technicians and communications technicians. However, the system would have to be formalised at home before one could send out people to various areas.

A second aspect of this matter relates to the European Union battle groups that caused much contention in the first and second referenda on the Lisbon treaty. They were depicted as tanks rolling into Baghdad. I can see my Labour Party colleagues empathise with that image.

We will put John O'Shea in charge of one of them. He really wants to lead a military force into every country that has a disaster or other problem.

I do not think a sufficiently strong tank has been built to cater for the needs of Mr. O'Shea. They might implode. The image of the EU battle groups is completely at variance with their purpose. They could be equally called the EU humanitarian aid groups. One of their tasks is humanitarian aid. They comprise 1,500 personnel. The current one is Polish-led. It has trained for six months and is on stand-by for six months and is ready to move within 15 days. I am sure its centre of operations has a plan in place to move at a day's notice if it had to go to Haiti. The great thing about the battle group is that the structure is already in place and it could be allocated to an area.

The EU has given approximately €120 million and has pledged another €300 million. We should consider the concept of making personnel available. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon, has sought additional personnel. However, with the best will in the world, bringing people through the UN structure can be difficult, as one is involving several different nationalities who have not trained together or met beforehand. Speed is of the essence in such cases. The Government could push to see if there is a requirement that the EU would be ready to send what I will call a humanitarian aid group to assist. We have a commitment to that concept but this country is not on-call, so to speak, until the first half of next year.

The rebuilding of Haiti is another issue. Everything has a cost, but we should bear in mind that when the country is being rebuilt it should be done in such a way as to ensure it is earthquake-proof, if that is not too strong a description. The buildings must be constructed in such a manner that the possibility of them falling down again is limited because, as sure as night follows day, there probably will be an earthquake there again in the future.

Another issue I wish to raise relates to the aid agencies. The Minister referred to it yesterday. One sees advertisements on the television urging people to donate to several different aid agencies. I accept we cannot be too prescriptive in this House but it would be useful in terms of economies of scale and the development of expertise if, under the auspices of Dóchas, aid agencies would consider taking a geographic area each rather than spreading themselves too thinly over too many areas. For example, it would be wonderful if Concern was the only aid agency in Haiti. Perhaps the Minister takes a different view, but it would be so much easier to channel aid, assistance and development. Instead of answering the calls of ten different agencies, one would be dealing with one agency responsible for a specific area. That is something the aid agencies must consider. It is my understanding that there were only three aid agencies with Irish connections operating in Haiti prior to the disaster, namely, Concern, Christian Aid and Médecins Sans Frontières.

Was Haven there?

I can understand that aid agencies want to help when something happens but it can cause difficulties for existing aid agencies when others try to get established. Perhaps the Minister could consider bringing the aid agencies to a forum to consider what could be done. It might not be possible to achieve. We have three farm organisations in this country and three or four football associations. As we heard this morning there are several different university organisations, several political parties and parties within parties——

Would the Deputy subscribe to the one-party concept?

The one-party concept has not served this State well but that will change shortly.

It is a blast from the past.

We have had too much of the one-party concept.

Too much of it is a bad thing.

I am a great believer in economies of scale. One can have one organisation, one job, or one organisation, ten jobs, but not ten organisations, one job, because the job would not be done as effectively as it could be. That is something we could consider. I know there is competition between aid agencies for media space and fund raising, and every one of them has very honourable intentions and makes a contribution and plays its own part. However, if the effort was more streamlined and focused, everybody might benefit.

The Minister of State referred to the challenges that face us in the future. Would it be possible to take refugees from Haiti and should this be considered? Would it be of benefit to the Haitian people? I am not sure of the answer but attempts are being made in Haiti to get those people in the capital to go back to the provincial regions from which they came to take the pressure off the capital. As I am sure the poverty in the regions is far greater than in the capital, this may not be an option. I am not sure this possibility is being examined or whether it could be a solution, but if it could alleviate the plight of Haitians, we should consider taking refugees from Haiti. God knows, we have enough empty residences throughout the country that could house people.

To recap, I empathise with the people of Haiti but I recognise that this alone is not good enough. I believe the Government has acted in a constructive and positive manner. There is a great willingness on behalf of Irish people to assist. Every time there is a disaster, no matter how bad things are at home, Irish people put the best foot forward. What we must do as a country is ensure that this energy and commitment is channelled in the right direction and that people have an opportunity, through a structured system, to go and to assist. I am not sure that this system is in place at present, with the best intentions in the world.

This event drives home the extent of the poverty that exists across the globe. It is Haiti today but it could be Indonesia, Thailand or somewhere else tomorrow. We should never lose sight of the fact that, irrespective of how bad matters are financially here, and there is a temptation to cut the aid budget which has suffered in the past two years, we should hold what we have at present. I say to the Minister of State to keep up the good work. Any support or assistance we on this side of the House can give will be given. When we put out statements or other information, it is not as a criticism but by way of trying to be constructive.

I wish to share time with Deputy Joe Costello.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I am very happy to support the presentation on the disaster that is taking place in Haiti and the regular flow of statements that have come from the Minister of State. I agree, and it is very important, that in Parliament we would convey our sympathy to the people of Haiti. Tragically, the figure for those who have lost their lives is probably as high as 200,000, with 250,000 people who have serious injuries and 1.5 million who have lost their homes, and it is calculated that 2 million need serious assistance and 3 million have been affected.

Taking this debate where I believe it should go in regard to our positive response, the Irish public who are listening to or watching our proceedings should be thanked for their generosity apart from the State aid that has already been committed. While we will turn in a moment to the analytical or logistical difficulties that arise, the first point I would make from my own experience and knowledge is that every donation that has been made by an Irish citizen is needed, is being well spent, is welcome and is contributing positively to the reputation of Ireland. Such contributions, joined with the Government contributions, are how we are seen. While people may say in the case of the tsunami or Somalia that this happened or that happened, the interesting point is that the kind of contributions that were made in Ireland were found, after the examination post tsunami, to have been the most effective on the ground.

That having been said, Haiti is not a blank page. Two years ago, it experienced hurricanes. I calculate that approximately 10% of what was pledged by major donors to Haiti two years ago has arrived on the ground. The commitment for post hurricane reconstruction was at one stage of the order of €400 million. There will be many excuses with regard to civil society, whether the structures were in place on the ground and so on. I want to report positives in this regard, in particular the reception given to the vital assistance being provided by the United States military at this time, which is welcome and a great opportunity for the view by Haitians of their neighbour, the United States. It is something to be built upon. There is great importance attached to the construction of what one is doing, why one is there and what is the purpose behind one's aid. This is reflected in the difficulty, for example, of finding acceptance for less than 1,000 troops in the Dominican Republic, the immediate neighbour.

Haiti is not a tabula rasa. It comes with a certain kind of history — poverty neglected, international commitments not delivered, a president elected but gone into exile and now living in Cape Town, a military usurpation of democratic choice and, following that, a lacuna which produced serious factions which damaged the civil society. I want to be positive, however. It is incredibly important to concentrate on the post disaster reconstruction effort. It is very important to be able to build on the new awareness that will be there and to create something new.

In regard to Aceh, for example, the single biggest capital project coming from the United States, which is of a road infrastructure type and valued at approximately $240 million, is just now being done. In that case and others, the Irish public need to be told this information. It is not a case for stopping giving to these organisations, because they can be very well co-ordinated through Dóchas. If there has been a failure of donations, it is not this that has actually gone wrong. It is often a case of pledges which have not been delivered by very serious donors.

My other point concerns the media. I would hope the media will give time and space to a consideration of the future of Haiti. I was present in Somalia during the Somalian famine, when one could hardly move given the number of cameras in one's way, be it in the refugee camp in Mandera in the north or, where I was, in Baidoa, where people were dying at a rate of 130 a day. As soon as there had been a bogus landing in the middle of the afternoon, allegedly to protect warehouses, the international media flew away. Somalia deteriorated into being a stateless place. It was taken over by different factions but, all of the time, the structure had been there upon which a future could have been constructed. I refer explicitly to the clan system, but Western thinking was not able to take the clan system as a good basis for the reconstruction of the civil society.

It is necessary to see past where we are now to find how Haiti can be reconstructed, internally as well as with regard to its relationship with its neighbour. There is also, for example, Lara Marlowe's report today on Captain McInerney's views of what he is doing there and what it is like to be welcomed. Indeed, as the President said in one of his rare interviews, when one has a need like theirs, one does not matter who is landing on the grass. I support that approach as it is desperately needed to save those lives which can be saved. It is also necessary to deliver the required medical facilities while early amputations are being performed and where life itself is at stake.

During discussions on the reform of the United Nations the idea of a United Nations-led logistics unit became a wonderful prospect. Such a unit would have been in the best position to balance the separate logistical requirements of civil and military responses. Both responses are needed but there would be an acknowledgment of legitimacy for a unit led by the United Nations which was capable of balancing two systems of intelligent logistics and their delivery. The strengths of the NGO sector lie in its capacity for assessment on the ground and distribution.

In Somalia, one of the biggest issues was around tracing people. People who have lost children or elderly relatives will be anxious to find out where they are. The various agencies, such as the International Red Cross, do different things and require different expertise. I am very happy with the quick response of the Irish Government and the fact that it reports to us on its meetings in Europe. I am less than happy at the response of Baroness Ashton because this is an opportunity to give leadership. We are not simply adding in a European Union component and I would like the European Union to ally itself to the United Nations hegemony in its response. In fairness to people whom I have often criticised, the US Administration would have welcomed such an arrangement as it would have enabled it to get on with what it is good at.

This is the largest blow a United Nations body has taken in terms of the loss of personnel on the ground. I associate myself with the sympathies already expressed on that matter. Nevertheless the UN presence, which numbered 7,000 before the earthquake and until the point the hurricane hit, was perceived by many as not so much preparing for a new Haiti and moving on towards reconciliation but keeping people quiet by suppressing all the different political opinions. New skills are required, not just in logistics but in how one reconstructs a place, taking history into account while creating models for the future. There is a role for applied political science in this regard and there is an opportunity to create new balances among the neighbours in this region. The Dominican Republic had a special relationship with the Bush regime but that is now changed and the Obama regime is trying to create a new international image for the United States.

The positive actions of Irish donors, including NGOs and the Irish Government, have been of immense value to the reputation of our country.

I wish to be associated with the expressions of sympathy and condolence to the Haitian people, the United Nations personnel who lost their lives, the Concern employee and the Irish citizen working with the United Nations.

This is a tragedy of colossal proportions. In the tsunami five years ago between 150,000 and 160,000 lost their lives whereas the estimate in Haiti is already 200,000 and growing in what is a small country of 9 million people. It is a huge disaster and a terrible tragedy. It is not simply an act of God as there has been massive poverty and mismanagement in Haiti for generations, which has given rise to the absence of proper infrastructure. In the case of housing, much accommodation is in the form of shanty towns unable to deal with something as substantial as a major earthquake or its aftershocks. Many people are living out in the open and afraid to go back to their collapsed or semi-collapsed homes because of what might happen.

Haiti was a disaster waiting to happen. An increasing number of events have given rise to similar disasters such as the tsunami and we can almost predict that what has happened in Haiti will happen again in a few years in some other part of the world. The public response has been excellent. The lord mayor has organised a collection in the past week for organisations such as Goal, Trócaire, Concern and the Red Cross and the response has been unbelievable. I have no doubt the public response will far exceed the national response, which has also been very good and I compliment those involved on how quickly it has been put together. I also welcome the way in which the disaster fund has been supported by the Irish Government.

There is a plethora of NGOs, some of which have had no previous contact with Haiti and that is part of the problem. Individual activities by different countries and by different organisations are well intentioned and the aid is pouring in but it lacks co-ordination. It lacks direction, focus and leadership and a centralised approach is needed. We must learn lessons from that because what has happened in Haiti will happen elsewhere before too long, as we knew that what happened when the tsunami struck five years ago would happen again.

The European Union is the largest single aid donor in the world and we are part of that organisation. Since the Lisbon treaty we have moved towards the European Union becoming an entity which is very much concerned with providing world leadership in humanitarian aid and attempting to end world poverty. We have established a High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy and are in the process of establishing a new external action service. We have a solidarity clause which commits each member state to offer mutual support if there is a natural disaster of this nature. We should expand that policy on a global basis. We act in conjunction with the United Nations and in the conference the EU will shortly hold on reconstruction the first item on the agenda should be the logistics of natural disaster rapid response co-ordination under a centralised national aid agency leadership. Some €4.5 billion has already been collected by a similar international meeting in Sharm el Sheikh, held a year ago for the reconstruction of Gaza, but because of the intransigence of the Israelis not a single penny has been spent. The European Union is the body to show the necessary leadership as outlined in the Lisbon treaty which we have now adopted.

I would like Ireland to press for a huge new initiative under the auspices of the European Union in regard to future disasters because such an initiative has been missing in regard to this tragedy, notwithstanding the enormous goodwill shown by discrete aid agencies around the world and the Irish public. Rarely has less than €20 been dropped into collection tins in Ireland to help the victims of the earthquake and €50 is the norm. It is a colossal contribution but we should ensure structures are in place to guarantee that a focused, co-ordinated leadership is given to such disasters in the future.

Ba mhaith liom comhbhrón ó chroí a ghabháil thar cheann Shinn Féin agus thar mo cheann féin le clann Andrew Grene a fuair bás sa chrith talún i Haiti. Bhí sé ag obair ansin mar chuntóir speisialta do cheannasaí na Náisiúin Aontaithe i Haiti. Déanaim, dar ndóigh, comhbhrón ó chroí chomh maith le gach clann agus le stát Haiti é féin agus le haon duine a chaill gaol sa tragóid mhór atá tar éis tarlú agus atá fós ag tarlú i Haiti.

Last Tuesday's earthquake in Haiti, measuring 7 on the Richter scale, was a tragedy of epic proportions. Like millions of other people, I have been watching the unfolding humanitarian crisis there with a sense of horror and helplessness. The UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon has described it as the worst disaster in decades. Now that we have seen the full scale of this tragedy we would agree about the scale of the disaster. Up to 200,000 people are feared dead, many more are injured and some are still trapped in the rubble. The UN has confirmed that 37 of its staff were killed, 150 injured and 300 are missing. Up to 1.5 million people have been made homeless in a very short period. This has happened not as a result of a war that was waged over months but it happened in seconds following this event. The full scale of the tragedy is still unfolding as people move out of the capital and see the effects of disaster. There have also been aftershocks and the scale of the aftershock yesterday with possibly more to come is worrying.

The UN has estimated that 3 million people in need of aid and food. Haiti was one of the poorest countries in the region, which was totally dependent on the UN and other food aid, and added to that it has now suffered this environmental disaster. The figures are staggering and it is hard to capture that scale of the disaster. Some sections of the media have managed to do so. It brings into perspective the effects of the flooding that occurred here in recent months. Considering what people here have gone through, their response to this disaster has been tremendous. People understand that it does not matter how bad we think things are here, there are people who are much worse off. There has also been a huge response to this disaster from countries throughout the world. Large donations of money have been pouring in from all over the world and that is to be welcomed. The World Food Programme has pledged 15,000 tonnes of food and the UN has also stepped up to the mark.

Millions of euro in aid has been given to Haiti and the response by the Government has also been tremendous. In addition to the €20 million already donated to he European emergency fund, more is pledged. While I may be critical of the approach of some Irish aid organisations, the response of those organisations that have been actively working on the ground and who understood the scale of poverty in Haiti has also been tremendous. I encourage people to help them in whatever way possible. These organisations have been struggling to cope because of the economic downturn, yet they managed to step up to the plate and have their volunteers in place ready to deliver aid.

While the response of the international community has been extremely generous, the aid is only stating to trickle down to some of the people affected. It is a pity that has taken so long. That is one of the criticisms of the response and one of the features following every natural disaster. I recall during the debate following the tsunami a few years ago we asked why did it take so long for aid to be delivered to the people in Sri Lanka. The world has to get to grips with that issue. That is one of the reasons we have the United Nations. It is also one of the reasons we need a civil rather than a military response, a point to which I will return. Within the western world, the rich part of world, we require to have on stand-by a better, quicker and more urgent response to natural disasters.

Many of the earthquake victims have been left to fend for themselves. The relief has been hampered by problems such as the lack of coordinated planning and infrastructure within Haiti, which has not helped matters. There also has be something of a state of paralysis among some of the agencies and the commentators about a much hyped security problem — I believe it is much hyped — in the capital and outside it. Earthquake survivors have been left to fend themselves because aid has not reached them. In those circumstances people will scavenge for food. This is survival. Aid is not available. Some people call this looting but it is survival. A refusal to deliver aid to those areas exacerbates the problems in those areas.

I urge people to read an article in the today's edition of the The Guardian by Ingio Gilmore, a journalist, who has managed to get into Haiti. The article states:

As a member of the media covering the tragedy in Haiti, it's with a sense of alarm and astonishment that I've witnessed how some senior aid officials have argued for withholding aid of the utmost urgency because of sensational claims about violence and insecurity, which appeared to be based more on fantasy than reality.

This is a good article. It is critical of GOAL, undeservedly so in some ways, but the journalist has simply reported what the leader of that agency has said in this respect. I have seen such reports in the media including on RTE. A few nights ago there was coverage of the reporting of violence and gangs there but Charlie Bird then reported that there was no violence. Who is one to believe, one's own person on the ground or a story that is being created to instill a sense of instability and insecurity and justify hundreds and thousands of soldiers being put on the streets, an issue to which I will return?

The article also states:

Any violence is localised and sporadic; the situation is desperate yet not dangerous in general. Crucially, it's not a war zone; it's a disaster zone — and there appears to have been little attempt to distinguish carefully between destructive acts of criminality and the behaviour of starving people helping themselves to what they can forage. For Haitians and many of those trying to help them, the overriding sentiment is that a massive catastrophe on this scale shouldn't have to wait for aid because blanket security is the absolute priority.

It has been tremendous to see the work the Haitians have been doing to pull themselves together and it shows that human beings have a capacity to pull together and overcome adversity. Heroic efforts have been made by aid agencies and those on the ground to try to overcome the effects of the disaster and to start planning for the future because people cannot continue to live in tents and buildings that have half collapsed. The difficulties have raised questions about the ability of the international community to organise a relief effort of this magnitude. One of the factors that has contributed to the scale of the disaster was the lack of proper infrastructure and proper building practices in Haiti in the first instance. It is one of the poorest countries in the region and before the earthquake 80% of the population was unemployed and 60% of the people were living in abject poverty. There were major problems in Haiti before the disaster, much of that has contributed to the chaos in the first few days after it.

Since achieving independence form the French in 1808, Haiti has had a turbulent history of unstable government and foreign intervention that has left the economy in a weak state. It only produces 40% of the food it needs and up to last week more than half of Haitians lived on only $1 a day. There are very few paved roads and minimal utilities. Since 2004, when President Aristide was overthrown in a violent coup and the country was convulsed into violence by rival gangs vying for power, order has been maintained because of UN interventions.

As if this were not bad enough, there have been a number of other natural disasters in recent years. Severe flooding in 2004 left 2,000 dead. In September 2004, Hurricane Jeanne left 3,000 dead because of flooding. In 2005, more people were killed and much destruction caused by Hurricane Dennis. Previously, in 1998, hundreds had been killed in violent storms and hurricanes. That was what the Haitian Government already had to cope with.

The weakness of the Haitian economy has meant that investment in infrastructure has not been sufficient. That is one of the key issues that will need to be dealt with when we are past the immediate aftermath of the latest disaster. Haiti and its infrastructure will need to be rebuilt and that will require long-term investment, not just a disaster fund. The collapse of public buildings such as the Parliament building and much other Government infrastructure in Port-au-Prince was one reason for the initial lack of co-ordination among the Haitians themselves. In the aftermath of the earthquake, the Red Cross found there were no state ambulances. That puts into perspective what the aid agencies and other bodies are attempting to deal with when they get there.

I pay tribute to all those who are contributing towards the rescue effort and I encourage people, if at all possible, to contribute more. The agencies are performing a great service under the most trying circumstances. However, there are some countries that seem to be treating the disaster as a PR exercise, and we must ask why these nations were not doing more to help Haiti before this disaster, in view of the fact that some of them are former colonial powers which are largely responsible, through their actions over centuries, for the decline in states such as Haiti and have profited from the injustice of colonialism. They should be providing more aid on an ongoing basis and not just in the event of a natural disaster.

I also wish to highlight the positive role being played by other countries in the area. For example, Cuba, one of Haiti's neighbours, had 400 medical staff stationed in Haiti even before the earthquake, and they have managed to keep the hospitals open as well as setting up field hospitals and so on. This type of attitude and the solidarity and generosity from the Cubans and others has been replicated in Ireland.

There is too much reliance on the armed forces in responding to international crises, and we must consider the implications of this for national sovereignty and sensibilities. In particular, when we consider the role of the USA in Haiti, I find it questionable that it should be in charge of the overall effort. The UN needs to assert its authority and ensure that the US troops remain for only as long as required in the immediate aftermath of the disaster, allowing the UN to take over as quickly as possible. Haiti must be rebuilt properly, with a sustainable economy and a sustainable infrastructure. Otherwise, we will be revisiting this issue at some stage in the future.

I thank Members on all sides for their contributions, which were extremely constructive and, in many cases, complimentary. It is very much appreciated by the Government, given that this is a non-partisan issue.

There were so many constructive suggestions that I would like to discuss every one of them, but time will not permit. Thus, I will discuss the two or three themes that were common to all contributions. The compliments to Irish Aid and my officials are much appreciated. They have been working flat-out over the past eight days to deal with this issue and make sure our response is comprehensive, co-ordinated, swift and decisive, and it has been all of those things.

The speed of the response from the international community was raised by all speakers. We must appreciate that no matter how quick a response is, it is never quick enough; it can never be instant. We must remember that the circumstances are unique: Haiti is a country that was already on its knees, with an extremely poor infrastructure which is simply incapable of absorbing the international response, although many countries desired to respond very quickly.

Both the UN and Ireland have learned lessons from previous disasters and have pre-positioned stocks around the world. The aid that was sent would not have arrived anywhere near as quickly if we had not done this. Deputy Timmins mentioned the Rapid Response Corps, which was established in response to the criticism, after the 2004 tsunami, that a huge number of people arrived on the scene at once and were falling over each other and generally getting in the way. What is needed in the immediate aftermath of a disaster is a small number people who are highly skilled in logistics, communications, medical treatment and so on, and that is what we have put in place. We have contributed a substantial amount of funding which the UN can draw down immediately, such as the OCHA and CERF funds, to which we have contributed €73 million.

Deputy Higgins raised the important issue, which was common to all contributions, of the role of the UN in this and future disasters. In the immediate aftermath of the earthquake, a military-style response was required and, thankfully, because of its proximity to Haiti and its shared history, the United States, with its military hardware and infrastructure, was able to respond quickly. I have no doubt the disaster would have been much worse were it not for the military infrastructure and the ability to respond quickly. If the disaster had taken place on the other side of the world that would not have been possible, and for this reason the UN must have a rapid response infrastructure. That point was well made. The role of the United States has been admirable and crucial in terms of saving lives.

Deputy Timmins mentioned the issue of aid agencies and I agree with many of his points. I do not think we can be prescriptive when it comes to our own aid agencies; they are, after all, voluntary and non-governmental organisations. Concern has been in Haiti for many years. This morning, I received a briefing from Tom Arnold, who has just arrived back from the area. He mentioned some of the same concerns that Members have about security in Haiti. It has been sometimes overstated and sometimes understated, but the situation is fragile. I will raise Deputy Timmins's views with Dóchas to see whether we can arrange for a more co-ordinated response from the aid agencies.

As I said, time does not permit me to go into detail on all the issues raised. However, there is one issue that we will deal with in the House again and again. When all the cameras are gone and the television crews have moved on to the next disaster, the people of Haiti will still need our help and support. I made this point forcefully at the European co-ordination meeting in Brussels on Monday. Rather than saying we will contribute €300 million or €500 million, we need to make a firm political commitment of solidarity with the people and ensure that we are there for the long haul to assist with long-term reconstruction. In Brussels, the French Minister of State for co-operation, Alain Joyandet, who had just come back from Port-au-Prince, said that such was the nature of the disaster, we would need to talk about building from scratch rather than reconstruction.

What we have heard from members of all parties today is that the Haitian people have our support and solidarity. The undoubted resilience that has been referred to repeatedly will be matched by a long-term commitment by the Irish Government and people.

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