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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 May 2010

Vol. 710 No. 2

Criminal Justice (Public Order) Bill 2010: Second Stage (Resumed)

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This Bill tries to balance the obvious desire of the public to contribute to charity and to individual beggars with public order. Giving to charity is a feature of Irish life. All surveys find that Irish people like to give alms. I understand that more than 30% of the Irish population still do so. The aim of the Bill is to ensure, following the Dillon judgment, that we preserve freedom of speech and the freedoms to come and go, to integrate with the public and to congregate. It will aims to prevent members of the public from being intimidated, bullied or frightened and businesses from being interfered with unnecessarily.

Many shopkeepers and business owners have said to me, particularly in the last four or five years, that they find it an impediment to have people begging on or outside their premises. In most cases this does not cause huge annoyance but sometimes persistent begging can become acute. A certain boldness is coming into the procedure and it is interfering with businesses. This is one of the reasons why the Bill is necessary, although I have big issues with the other end of the Bill, which I will deal with presently.

In New York a number of years ago, there was a proposal to, as they said, clean out the streets. It appears to have worked extremely well. The briefing material we received for this Bill says the city of New York is having a rethink of that measure, but at that time there seems to have been a clean sweep, on the basis that people who are begging should not do so on the public thoroughfare and in places where the public congregate.

Another aspect of begging is the unasked for attention of people who offer, for example, to wash one's car windscreen. Will this legislation apply to such people? Let us consider a woman with a car full of children who, on stopping at a traffic light, finds someone wiping her windscreen, which she did not ask him to do and which she does not want. This can be quite a problem for people. Will the Bill relate to that problem?

All over the country, and particularly in the cities and towns, beggars hang around ATM machines, banks and post offices. This is fine if the beggar is well known as someone local. There are some places where we expect to find a certain person begging and we know he or she will not intimidate anyone. The public have no problem with a character of that sort. I am sure some Members have been to Shop Street in Galway on a lovely summer day. I always see a man there, who is supposed to be blind, playing his accordion. He has a bowl to collect money and is clearly begging. I hope the legislation will not mean he would have to be moved on, because people like to see him there. He adds to the ambience of the street on a summer day in Galway city. There are such people everywhere but he is the one who comes to my mind. I hope the law, and the enforcement of the law, will distinguish between the person who is acting the maggot on a supermarket campus, creating trouble and interfering with shoppers and someone who is providing a bit of music and gathering a few euro for himself. I hope that distinction can be made in the legislation. I assume the gardaí, who will implement the legislation, will have the good sense to know that anyway. I am sure they will.

The Bill does not interfere with charities doing their normal work under regulation and licence. This is an important aspect of the legislation. When the Minister introduced the Bill, he assured the House that it would not interfere with legitimate charities. I suspect that many charities will welcome parts of the legislation because uncontrolled begging can interfere with their fund-raising.

Begging rings that include children were mentioned to me on a number of occasions although I have no personal information on them. It was suggested to me that there are people using children to beg in an organised fashion as part of begging rings, not only in Dublin but also in bigger provincial towns. I am not sure whether this Bill extends to this activity or whether it can be included at a later stage if enough information materialises. If the Minister has received evidence of it through the Garda, it would be best to examine it. The activity could create havoc if let run wild.

We all know the question of begging has arisen for generations and I will not delay the House by referring to Famine times; suffice it to say begging takes many different forms and changes from generation to generation. When I was a lot younger, the only people I ever saw begging in rural County Galway were what we call the Travellers or tinkers. That is what they did. I remember them coming to our house on several occasions. Every household in our townland, including my mother's, was only too delighted to give them something. However, that is not the kind of activity we are talking about in respect of this Bill. The kind of begging that occurred in the past has not featured for many years and the Travellers do not engage in it at all today.

I suspect that, over the past five or ten years, a more aggressive type of begging has been taking place. Some assume those responsible are all foreign nationals but this is not the case based on the people I see involved in my town. The begging is more aggressive than it used to be and there is a certain element of intimidation.

I am sure the Minister is well aware, and perhaps more aware than me, that legislation will not work unless there are penalties for non-compliance. While we fully accept that concept, we must consider the kinds of people most likely to engage in begging. Some are homeless for various reasons, sometimes because they have been kicked out of their houses. Some are on drugs or drink, or a combination of both, and some have mental health problems.

My problem is that some of the penalties listed in the Bill include fines as high as €400, or a month in prison. The people I have referred to are the most likely to be sent to prison. The one point of which one can be sure is that they are unlikely to have €400 if fined to this extent. I am not sure that putting them in prison in Castlerea, Limerick, Mountjoy or elsewhere will solve any problem at all. In fact, it will create more problems.

What does one do with offenders? One must be realistic and agree there must be some kind of penalty. I assume it is possible to consider community service as an alternative to a prison sentence. Whether it is practical is another story.

I would like to believe that every effort would be made by the various responsible agencies to connect with and do something for the people in the category to which I refer when they appear before the courts. I am around for long enough to know that these are very difficult circumstances to be in. Jailing a person on drink or drugs, or who has a mental health problem, does not solve any problem for anyone.

Bearing in mind the revolving door concept, I was listening to the former governor of Mountjoy jail some days ago and noted that jail seems to be packed out altogether. I assume that if this legislation, to which it appears all parties are agreeing in principle, is implemented vigorously by an Garda, as it is obliged to do, the number in jail will be higher than at present. If so, we will have more trouble than we envisaged. If it is possible to consider community service rather than jail, it would be better.

I have no doubt but that 90% of the people concerned, if convicted and fined €400 or €200, will most likely not have that amount. One can rest assured they are unlikely to have any friend prepared to bail them out. Unfortunately, it does not happen at that level.

We have just passed the Fines Bill, which I hope will take care of community service.

Is it a feasible proposition?

It is if the candidates are suitable for community service. They may not be.

That is what I am coming to. I was aware of the fines legislation.

Putting people with mental health problems into jail for these offences would be of no benefit. Such people require a kind of help not covered by this Bill, nor could it be included in it in any way.

Something will have to be done by the HSE, the Simon Communities of Ireland and all those who are genuinely doing their level best to help people. I refer to circumstances in the courts where a judge might want to consider all the issues relating to a particular person under sentence. This would be a far more humane way of proceeding than putting the offender in jail.

The principle of this Bill is sound enough. If a garda on the beat has in sight people who are loitering, messing around and generally acting the maggot, he has under the legislation the power to shift them ten metres. Some may say one is only playing with distances and that one may be moved 9 m, 11 m or 12 m. It does not make much difference because the garda has the ability to move people on and get them out of the area in question. One may argue that all one is doing is moving them somewhere else, which is entirely possible, but we must be realistic about the matter.

Consider the circumstances outside places of business. I saw a lot of elderly women leaving a post office recently on a Friday. There was a guy knocking around who was not seen in the area for quite a while. It is not that he was doing anything really wrong but his very presence and intimidating nature certainly upset some of the women. I would like to believe that in such circumstances, a garda could ask the man to move on and get out of the line of fire. I assume this is how the procedure will work. It will be based on legislation and a fair amount of good sense on the part of the enforcers. Failure to comply with a direction to move is liable to arrest and charge, with a maximum fine of €300.

The Bill offers protection to business owners where the behaviour of one or more persons begging near their premises is having a negative effect on trade. If the offenders fail to give their names, they can be fined up to €200.

I assume that problem will arise because some of them will have used false names for years and it will be difficult, for instance, to know where they are the day before or the day after the court hearing. Many of these provisions, as is the case with all legislation, have to be worked through to see whether they will have the desired effect one way or the other. While it is a relatively short Bill, certain aspects will bring a little relief to people.

However, on the other side, we will have to take a humane look at the majority of people who will be caught under this legislation and we will have to consider a different way of handling them. All the various organisations such as the HSE will need to help them because, at the end of the day, that is the only way they will be taken off the streets.

In so far as people going to jail is concerned, which has been echoed by many speakers, there should be room in jail for others who commit much worse offences against the person and against families and there is no great sign of them going to jail. Let us strike a balance with the legislation, which I hope will work out as intended.

I wish to share time with Deputy Kenneally.

I am glad to have the opportunity to contribute to the debate. I recognise this is timely legislation, which will fill a vacuum in the law after section 3 of the Vagrancy Act 1847, which made begging in a public place an offence, was struck down as unconstitutional in the High Court in 2007. Ireland was different in 1847 and it was a different time. The 1847 legislation was colonial and it was brought in while the trauma of the Famine was still raging. One can only imagine the amount of suffering and the pressure to beg that was apparent everywhere one went at that time. However, the Bill endeavours in a more modern context to strike a balance. It is not always easy but it is important that we strive with every piece of advice, wisdom and reflection at our disposal to meet the needs of those who need help, especially when they feel they need to beg, and also to prevent exploitation of people who might be minded to help those in need or of those who are in need by people begging even when they do not need to, thereby making it difficult for those who need to beg.

Although the Bill is short, a large number of factors need to be taken into account. Comments from the Irish Human Rights Commission are useful and I appreciate the earlier drafting of the offence of persistent begging was not included because of the difficulty of defining "persistent". It is difficult to be categorical about it from a legal point of view but the bigger question relates to those who are homeless. I acknowledge that not everybody who is homeless begs and not everybody who begs is homeless but, anecdotally, I have spoken to people who beg and many of them say they are homeless and that they could not countenance taking up a bed in the shelters provided because of fear or because of their own mental state which would mean they are not comfortable in that situation. One way or the other, they do not have a home address, which is an issue that needs to be resolved. The last place somebody slept is the best he or she can manage as an address. We need to examine this to see how we can get around the technicality that the fact they are homeless means they do not have an address and if they have not been to a shelter that makes it more difficult still. That matter must be reflected on before Committee Stage.

The concerns raised by Barnardos also need to be examined. However, I hope, for example, if a child is lost in a supermarket as opposed to begging, it will not be unreasonable for him or her to be taken to the manager's office and a call to be put out looking for the guardian or parent to come and pick up the child. Likewise, there are young people who have just become adults who beg and this could be a form of child abuse. Arresting a child in this circumstance would not be appropriate but taking him or her to a safe place and finding out who are the adults responsible for him or her begging on the street would be a reasonable course of action, which would not contravene the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. To walk past a child is probably more difficult to defend. A duty of care rather than criminalisation is what we are about in the legislation and it needs to be seen in that regard.

I pay tribute to the work of the Leanbh service of the ISPCC. Leanbh was set up in 1997 to address child begging in Dublin and it is a 24-7 service for children and young people who beg or who are at risk of begging on the streets and their parents. It monitors the incidence of child begging, assesses and responds to child protection risks and provides positive parenting programmes, which is an important part of the response, and mentoring support to both parents and children. This is an important service. Leanbh works with young people from the wider Roma and Traveller communities as well as with members of new communities seeking asylum in Ireland. It has the experience we would find useful in framing this legislation and striking the correct balance.

I spoke to Fr. Peter McVerry, who was interviewed earlier on "Morning Ireland", about this issue recently at a community council AGM in Donabate, County Dublin and he said the most important action in regard to begging is to talk to people. The dignity of people who are forced into this position is low and their self-esteem is severely dented. Whatever else we try to do, we should at least talk to those who beg because to turn the other way will further strip away their sense of dignity, which is low. Engaging with those who are on the street and working with their families and communities, as has been suggested by all the organisations mentioned, will be an important part of our response to this issue.

Debate adjourned.
Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
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