Interception of Gaza Humanitarian Flotilla: Motion

Minister for Foreign Affairs (Deputy Micheál Martin)

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

gravely concerned at the events which took place on 31 May 2010 following the storming in international waters of the Turkish vessel the Mavi Marmara by Israeli forces which resulted in at least nine deaths and a large number of injured:

deplores the loss of life which occurred when the Free Gaza flotilla was intercepted at sea by Israeli military forces on 31 May;

expresses its condolences to the families of those who have been killed, and hopes for a speedy recovery by all those injured;

condemns the use of military force in this way as unacceptable and inconsistent with the requirements of international law;

calls for a full, independent and international inquiry into these events;

calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all the Irish citizens detained by Israel in this operation, and for immediate consular access to those in custody;

calls upon the Israeli authorities to allow the Irish-owned vessel the MV Rachel Corrie to continue unhindered its voyage to Gaza, and allow it to deliver its humanitarian cargo there;

notes the Government's intention to take further diplomatic actions if such calls are ignored; and

supports the consistent demand of the Government for an end to the illegal Israeli blockade of Gaza, which has led directly to these tragic events.

I thank all the Opposition spokespersons for their co-operation and work on this agreed motion. The Government shares the widespread shock and horror at the outcome of the Israeli military storming of the Free Gaza movement flotilla yesterday, which has resulted in the death of a reported ten people and the injury of many more. I share the sense of outrage that what was intended as a humanitarian act — and was itself a response to unacceptable policies on the part of Israel — should have ended up this way.

I begin by expressing our condolences to the families of those who have been killed and our best wishes to all those who have been injured for a speedy recovery. In the early hours of yesterday morning Israeli naval vessels intercepted the Free Gaza flotilla in international waters between Cyprus and Israel and informed the six vessels in the convoy that they would not be allowed to proceed further towards Gaza, ordering them to proceed to the Israeli port of Ashdod. The exact details of what followed have yet to emerge, not least because only the Israeli account has really been heard. Following the boarding by Israeli commandos of the largest vessel, the Turkish MV Mavi Marmara, firing by the commandos resulted in ten persons on board the boat being killed and a larger number wounded. The vessels arrived in Ashdod yesterday afternoon and the injured were taken to various Israeli hospitals. I again express my condemnation of the physical force methods used by the Israeli military in dealing with this situation, which I believe cannot be justified.

The House would wish to be updated on the position of Irish citizens, which is our first concern in the immediate circumstances. The vessel owned by the Irish Free Gaza movement, the MV Rachel Corrie, which sailed from Dundalk in mid-May, and on which a number of Irish citizens embarked, had not yet reached the eastern Mediterranean and was not part ofyesterday’s flotilla. The Rachel Corrie is still at sea and understood to be continuing towards Gaza.

Four Irish citizens were known to be on the Challenger /, which was intercepted and taken into Ashdod. Three Irish citizens were aboard another vessel, and one further citizen, a dual national, was reported as having possibly joined the flotilla among the large Turkish contingent but this has not been confirmed and may not be correct. Of the seven confirmed Irish involved, two were taken to Ben Gurion Airport, having signed declarations agreeing to immediate deportation and are awaiting deportation today. They were visited this morning by Ambassador O’Reilly and their families have been informed.

The other five were being processed for detention prior to later deportation and were taken to a detention centre in Beersheva, as part of some 600 or more persons detained on the ships. As I came to the House, I received a report that representatives from the Irish Embassy had managed to make a consular visit to these citizens and my Department is now passing this information on to their families. I will receive a fuller report later.

There was an early report on one Israeli television channel that the injured included one Irish person, and this was later repeated by various media; some Deputies may have seen this. We do not have any information to confirm this and inquiries by the embassy to the hospitals treating the injured have been negative. We do not have any reason to believe that there is an Irish person among the injured.

On receipt of the emerging news of the tragic events of yesterday morning, I made a statement condemning what happened and I summoned the Israeli ambassador to a meeting at my Department yesterday evening. When I met the ambassador I conveyed a number of very important points to him, which he has conveyed to his Government. First, I conveyed the Irish Government's condemnation of the use of military force in this fashion against the flotilla, which was unacceptable and which had led to this tragedy.

It will be some time before we have a clearer picture of what happened but I have made the strong point to the ambassador, similarly to what I said at the time of the assault on Gaza in January 2009, that when excessive military force is used among civilians we cannot expect to control all the outcomes, and we must accept responsibility for the results of the actions. Who now could possibly argue that preventing this cargo from reaching Gaza was so important that an outcome such as this could be thought to be reasonable force?

I further made clear that all of the Irish citizens involved should be immediately and unconditionally released. At that time, I was also angry at reports that full consular access was not being allowed to our embassy, as provided for under the Vienna Convention, and I demanded such access immediately for those citizens in detention. As I reported earlier, the embassy has now seen all those we are aware of and will maintain contact until they are released.

I made clear to the ambassador my strong view that these citizens were constrained to enter Israel, which was not their intention, and that therefore questions of illegal entry should not arise. I understand that under Israeli law a person cannot be deported without a three-day period in which to appeal, and that in order to leave immediately they have to sign a waiver of this right to appeal. This may be a necessary technicality but there should be no question of having to admit guilt of illegal entry. Irish citizens were effectively seized by the Israeli forces and forcefully brought into Israel against their will.

I took issue with the description by the deputy foreign Minister of Israel of the flotilla as "an armada of hate and violence". We know the Irish activists involved to be sincere, committed people, with deep humanitarian convictions and concerns, who were committed to breaking the blockade of Gaza but in a peaceful, non-violent way. Some Members of the Oireachtas had been with them and intended to join the flotilla. It is compounding one injustice with another to try to brand such people as somehow being terrorist fellow-travellers.

Deputy Enda Kenny

Correct.

Deputy Micheál Martin

Deputies will be aware from my earlier remarks that uppermost in my thoughts now is the progress of the ship that sailed from Ireland, the Rachel Corrie, on which a number of Irish citizens are continuing towards Gaza. It is thought that she might be approaching Gazan waters in the next number of days. I asked Ambassador Evrony to convey to the Israeli Government my request that, following the tragedy which has occurred, the Rachel Corrie be allowed to continue unimpeded and to deliver its cargo to Gaza. I have just spoken in the past hour with the former UN senior official, Denis Halliday, who is one of the Irish citizens aboard the Rachel Corrie. We will be watching this issue very closely — as willthe world — and it is imperative that Israel avoid any action which leads to furtherbloodshed.

I have focused on the position of Irish citizens and on the immediate events but I am also deeply conscious of the wider context. I find that issues I have been raising since the Gaza war last year have come to the fore again. Israel must be brought to understand that military force is genuinely a last resort, not to be used if any other method is available.

It has been said in Israel that, when one has a hammer, every problem tends to look like a nail. Israel has a right to exist and to defend itself, as we would all accept, but that right does not override and supersede all other rights and the rights of all others. As we saw in Gaza, so now we see in respect of an effort to help Gaza. When one resorts to the powerful use of force, especially among civilians, terrible disasters such as this are not unexpected or unforeseeable — they are highly likely, sooner or later, usually sooner.

In international dialogue, I have been stressing a central issue, namely, the continuing blockade of Gaza cannot be accepted as part of the status quo and allowed to continue indefinitely. As the Taoiseach stated yesterday, public opinion in Ireland and elsewhere has shown that it will not accept this collective punishment of innocent people and will act to challenge it.

From my visit to Gaza earlier this year, I know that what exists there is a dire and indisputable humanitarian crisis, with most of the population living in inhumane and intolerable conditions and with an increasing incidence of what the UN euphemistically calls absolute poverty. The situation amounts to collective punishment of the population of Gaza and, as the EU acknowledged yesterday, is completely counterproductive. As long as the siege of Gaza continues, it will inflict further injustice on the people who live there without contributing at all to the security of Israel.

We are still gathering the basic facts of what occurred. There is much more I could say, particularly on the broader context. I will be following events closely and considering what further action we need to take nationally or at EU or UN level. Debates are ongoing as we speak in Brussels and at the Human Rights Council in Geneva. The Security Council in New York has already called in a presidential statement for an "impartial, credible and transparent investigation, conforming to international standards" of what has happened, a call that I fully support and echo.

The week before last, I reported to the House that I would soon be deciding what action to take on the issue of the use of forged Irish passports in the assassination of Mr. Mabhouh in Dubai. I am anxious that this important matter be given the attention and focus it merits and that it not become mixed up with the events we are now discussing. It remains my intention to propose to the Government shortly the action I believe appropriate in this case.

Deputy Enda Kenny

May I share time with Deputy Timmins?

An Ceann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Deputy Enda Kenny

There is no disagreement between the Government and the Fine Gael Party on this issue. We condemn the actions by Israeli forces against an international humanitarian mission yesterday, 31 May, that resulted in the unnecessary loss of life. The international flotilla of six vessels — two cargo ships, a cruise liner and three yachts — carrying 10,000 tonnes of aid left Cyprus on Sunday and was expected to reach the coast yesterday. The ensuing incident, which occurred in international waters, was a completely disproportionate response to an international humanitarian aid mission.

There are three imperatives, those being, the immediacy of securing the safe return of Irish citizens illegally detained on the high seas, the immediacy of dealing with the MV Rachel Corrie, which is approaching Gazan waters as we speak, and the requirement for a European response to the blockade by Israel of Gaza.

The MV Rachel Corrie, which set sail from Dundalk, has five Irish nationals and five Malaysians aboard and is due to reach Gazan waters tomorrow. I note the Minister’s comments on speaking with Mr. Denis Halliday, an Irish citizen aboard the ship, and I support the Minister’s call to allow the MV Rachel Corrie to reach Gaza so that its cargo can provide for the humanitarian and medical requirements of the Gazan people.

Yesterday, I wrote to my colleagues in the European People's Party who are in government and sought their support for the call for an immediate international independent inquiry into yesterday's events and the actions taken. Deputy Timmins, our spokesman on foreign affairs, immediately requested that an emergency meeting of the foreign affairs committee take place to discuss this matter and that the Israeli ambassador and the Palestinian representative to Ireland should attend. I understand the meeting will be held on Thursday, 4 June.

Fine Gael supports the side of humanity and legality. We want an immediate end to the Israeli blockade of Gaza, the construction of the wall on the West Bank and the extension of settlements, an end to Hamas's rocket attacks and a facilitation of humanitarian assistance through border crossings. We want both sides to comply with UN Resolution 1860.

Our policy on the Israel-Palestine conflict is based on four clear pillars, which I have outlined in the House umpteen times. They are a two-state solution, a return to the 1967 borders unless amended by agreement between the parties, an agreed solution to the issue of Palestinian refugees who fled or left their homes in 1948 and 1967 and Israel to cease settlement activities and dismantle all outposts erected since March 2001. To achieve this, all Palestinians must cease all acts of violence and commit to peace. Fine Gael recognises Israel's right to protect its citizens from attack, but in doing so it should act within international law. I deplore the killing by the Israeli defence forces of innocent men, women and children. I deplore the rocket attacks by Hamas. From this remove, it would appear that both sides have broken the Geneva Convention and international law.

UNWRA does a magnificent job in Gaza and those involved in many agencies put their lives on the line defending the victims of conflict. Last year, Deputies Timmins, Breen and Shatter and I visited Gaza, the West Bank and Israel where I saw at first hand the situation on the ground. There is no difference between the opinion of Fine Gael and that of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs. We support the Government's motion. The House speaks for the Irish people. This is a matter of singular international political import. Our citizens, wishing to provide humanitarian aid, found themselves at the centre of an incident involving deaths on international waters because the Israeli defence forces attacked a ship. It was unnecessary and over the top. The deaths in the resultant international incident are of the most serious political import. I hope the resolution of the House will be taken seriously by the Israeli Government and that it will be communicated in strong and clear terms by the Taoiseach and the Minister.

Of immediate concern is the safety of our citizens and their return home. A second issue is that of the Rachel Corrie. The third issue with which we must deal is that of a European response, as is our entitlement under the Lisbon treaty, to a co-ordinated and comprehensive decision on the illegal blockade of Gaza by the Government of Israel.

Deputy Billy Timmins

Fine Gael supports the motion. The action was terrible and Fine Gael condemns it in the strongest manner. The killing of individuals seeking to bring humanitarian aid to Gaza was a deplorable act and we extend our sympathies to those families who have suffered bereavement, to the colleagues of the people murdered and to the wounded and their families.

The root cause of the issue is the treatment by Israel of the Palestinian people over a number of generations. Time and again, an explosive issue puts the focus on the problem, we wring our hands and we move on until the next deplorable act. Meanwhile, people are living under siege in Gaza. The treatment of the Palestinians is best manifested by what is occurring in Gaza. Those of us who have visited Gaza and seen what is going on there at first hand could not condone it by any manner or means. There is no justification for it.

Often, Israeli spokespersons roll out the issue of Hamas in Gaza to muddy the waters. The treatment of Palestinians in the West Bank is equally deplorable, in that a community is being strangled by a mechanism that involves road blocks, the construction of a wall and the development of settlements and the sole aim of which is to make the economic function of the Palestinians dysfunctional. The mechanism is succeeding.

Before we visited Gaza, we were briefed by members of the Kennesit. Knowingly or otherwise, what they told us was untrue. They spoke about the targeted attack on members of Hamas. We saw evidence of that when we went to Gaza, but we also saw the destruction of the industrial base of Gaza in the last days of Operation Cast Lead, as well as the destruction of its intellectual base with the blowing up of the American international school. It was clear that it was not a case of trying to take out terrorists, but trying to annihilate a race of people.

The main problem is the failure of the Israeli Government to make its security forces answerable to it. Historically, there seems to be a seamless division between Israeli Government policy and the actions of its military. The most important part of the Government's motion today is the inquiry. We want to know who decided on this course of action. Was it the Minister for Defence, Ehud Barak, who was Prime Minister during Operation Cast Lead? I understand that major military actions in Israel have to get the operational go ahead from the Minister for Defence.

The Turkish Government — probably the only Islamic friend that Israel has — requested the Israeli Government to let the MV Mavi Marmara through to Gaza. The Turkish Government did not expect people on that boat to respond in the way that they may have done when Israeli troops landed on it. When the Israeli troops landed on the ship, I am sure they did not expect to respond in the manner that they did. I am not exonerating them from blame. While the incident was horrific and has to be condemned, the core issue is in respect of the actions beforehand by the Israeli Government and its response to what actually happened. If the Israeli Government stated that this was an operation that went tragically wrong, apologised and sought to mend its ways, we would not have the outcry that has occurred across the globe.

We want to see the release of the Irish citizens, as outlined by the Minister and Deputy Kenny. We also want to see the MV Rachel Corrie allowed to offload its supplies in Gaza. If there was no blockade in Gaza, then we would not have this difficulty. This talk about letting supplies into Gaza is completely untrue. Not even the very minimum requirements get through to Gaza. Israeli policy is cultivating difficulty with itself in the future and it is also feeding those terrorist groups on the ground who control the economic daily life of what is happening in Gaza.

Deputy Kenny has outlined our policy on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which is to work for a two-state solution, a return to the pre-1967 borders, a recognition of the rights of the refugees of 1948 and 1967, a cessation of the rocket attacks, the free movement of people in Gaza and a deconstruction of the settlements that have been built since March 2001. I believe that the policy of every political party across the country and across the EU is the same, yet there seems to be so much division. The difficulty is with what we can do about it. America is hamstrung due to its historical ties to Israel, so we cannot take our moral leadership from that country. Germany is one of the main drivers of European policy in the EU but its "hands off" approach to Israel creates a difficulty for the EU.

What measures can we take as a small country? If we are relying on Europe or America to make our decisions for us, then we will not succeed because the US and the EU wash their hands and move on from what they see as an intractable problem. The new President of the US has sought to do something about this but he has received very little support from his colleagues in Congress. I do not know if he will be able to do anything. We are dealing with an Israeli Government that is more conservative and hard line than any in recent Israeli history.

We can do three things. We can consider withdrawing the Irish ambassador from Tel Aviv and expelling the Israeli ambassador. We can also seek to restrict trade agreements. We have condemned time and again, but the time may be slowly approaching where we have got to look at taking one of these actions if Israel does not change its approach. We cannot be present in this Chamber next year or in 20 years' time talking about the plight of the Palestinians. If the approach of Israel does not change, we have to examine the idea of carrying out some action. What is morally right might then supersede economic self-interest because it is very difficult to stand by and do nothing when we see the plight of Palestinian children.

Terrorist groups such as Hamas and associated groups must mend their ways and recognise the right of Israel to exist. Peaceful co-existance will only happen if we have direct talks between Israel and the Palestinians. The Israeli approach has left the PLO out on a limb and undermined its authority over the last few years. The PLO was the voice of reason for the Palestinians. The Israelis did not assist them, and Hamas grew as a result. Something more terrible than Hamas will soon grow if Israel does not mend its ways.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins

On behalf of the Labour Party I am happy to support this motion. I would like to state the consistent position of the Labour Party on the blockade of Gaza. It is illegal. It is not only illegal but the efforts made to frustrate the breaking of the blockade in international waters are themselves illegal actions. What is at stake in our discussion is the status of international law and maritime law. Our own credibility is also at stake. We have made many speeches about the Middle East and the position of Gaza. However, we have reached a turning point this week.

There is a set of conditions laid down in this motion that has been agreed by all parties in this House. If the principle of international inspection is not acceded to, if the MV Rachel Corrie, which has no Hamas members aboard and no guns aboard and the cargo of which has been inspected, is impeded under international law, if Irish citizens are illegally arrested and moved to a port or to a destination to which they had no intention of reaching, then that is illegality piled upon illegality. It will fall to us to take action. That action should ideally be in concert with other member states of the European Union.

I support the Minister and have consistently supported his use of the phrase "collective punishment". I do so very carefully. Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention provides, inter alia, that “No protected person may be punished for an offence he or she has not personally committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited”. That is the position in international law. When we looked at Operation Cast Lead, which lead to so many deaths, there was always a requirement to draw a distinction between military action and the position of civilians. That was not respected. Not only should the principle of distinction have been enforced but the principle of proportional action on what were regarded as military targets should also have been enforced.

There are other considerations far beyond these, such as the destruction of civilian infrastructure. An example of this was the knocking out of an ice-cream factory a few hundred meters from inside the border in Gaza. Basic electricity installations necessary for sewerage were interfered with. Water facilities and mills used for the provision of flour were also knocked out. The destruction involved gave no recognition to the principles of civilian distinction or proportionality or to international law. There was then the succeeding notion that one could install a blockade against the principles of international law and seek to punish an entire population.

I visited Gaza for the first time in the 1980s. I was there in 2005, a few weeks after the withdrawal of Israel, with Andreas van Agt, the former Dutch Prime Minister, and others. I was also there on the most recent visit by the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs. On that occasion we saw children playing on top of piles of rubble. We could also see the evidence of replacement housing which could have been finished as it needed roofs, slates and so forth. The money was there in what had been pledged by the region to enable reconstruction to take place. That was being impeded.

I am sick and tired of listening to the suggestion that there is a regular flow of supplies into Gaza from Israel. John Ging, one of the most respected servants we have and of whom we should be proud, has put his life at risk to run the United Nations Relief and Works Agency and has consistently stated that what is required is to provide housing and medicine. We are speaking about 1.1 million people, 56% of whom are children, 80% of whom are unemployed and more than 70% of whom rely on international aid for their food. I often think about this.

When I went first in the 1980s people were in refugee camps. Approximately 70% of the people in Gaza are refugees. I remember an old woman asking me what would she tell her grandchildren. Her grandchildren are now the people in Hamas. If one could point to one's father or one's grandparents and state that nothing has been achieved, what kind of situation is being created?

I have always stated it was a disaster to have a general proscription of talks with Hamas. I do not speak for Hamas but I know that its proscription by the European Union was a mistake because there was division within Hamas between the political wing and those in favour of military action. It was a very bad decision taken by heads of mission rather than Ministers and was one of those unaccountable decisions. The proscription stopped the evolution of talks that might have taken place and created an atmosphere for peace. The European Union will end up talking to Hamas anyway.

If we are not to waste what happened this week the response we should have morally to the loss of nine lives is that we should realise that statements are not enough. There must be actions, such as diplomatic actions and actions in concert, that will force a real discussion on peace.

I do not want to appear foolish but even when a school run by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency was bombed during Operation Cast Lead, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Romania refused to issue a statement condemning the action. On the other hand, and it is to their credit, five states, namely, Belgium, Cyprus, Greece, Ireland and Sweden immediately issued statements condemning the action. I do not underestimate the task within the European Union in achieving a common position but we cannot wait any longer for it.

At 1.15 p.m. on Thursday, Ambassador Evrony will appear before the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs. People like me have always condemned the firing of rockets at any civilian population. That too is a breach of humanitarian law. I have been in Sderot and I have seen the rockets fired there. It makes no sense that Hamas, which is holding Gilad Shalit, a young Israeli soldier, denies access to him by the Red Cross. That is our position, but the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs regularly returns to the position that those of us in favour of international law, against the blockade, who want talks to open to include the political wing of Hamas, against the evictions in Jerusalem, against the extension of settlements in occupied territories of the West Bank or who are in favour of increasing a flow of necessary materials to Gaza are somehow or another presented as uncritical supporters of terrorism or at least on the fringes of it. We are no such thing. However, I must say unequivocally that no country has the right to set itself above international law.

We had this discussion in the early days of the Iraq war. It was the abuse of the principle of a pre-emptive strike. What people are stating, outside of the United Nations charter and in an abuse of that charter and international law, is that they have the right to decide what is a threat, and a right to interpret intentions at the point of departure in such a way as to enable them to make a strike in international waters leading to a loss of life. This has no status — none at all. If people want to look at the discussion taking place on the Iraq war in the neighbouring island of Britain they will see it has no basis in law whatsoever. How parliaments in Europe are challenged this week in Europe is to watch on while law is being debased and political language does not mean anything anymore, watch people being murdered on the high seas, watch children continue to be starved and watch humanitarian actions mocked. That is what is at stake.

What happens now? When Denis Halliday spoke at 6.30 this morning he simply stated that they were not seeking a confrontation but want to go with the MV Rachel Corrie and deliver the cement, school books, school supplies and other items being carried and then return home peacefully. If Israel interferes with that either in international waters or in the waters adjacent to Gaza it is deliberately stating that it does not care tuppence about us, the European Union, international law or humanitarian need. If that is the case, it is important that before the House goes into recess we reply appropriately. I have every confidence in the Minister doing so. I have stated that is why the resolution includes the provision that he will take such diplomatic actions as are appropriate in responding to this incident and responding to the situation in which we may find ourselves. I hope it does not come to that.

On Thursday I would like to hear that there will be acceptance by Israel of an international inquiry and acceptance that these tragic losses should not be lost as an opportunity to resume real and meaningful talks; that there will be an ending of the blockade to Gaza; that there will be delivery of the supplies that are necessary; that there will be co-operation with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency; that there will be an end to the attempt to blacken people such as John Ging; that there will be respect for the intentions of those who want to assist in a humanitarian way; and that there will be an end to the attempts to try to blacken the people involved in these activities by the suggestion that they are somehow supportive of terrorist action. We must not waste this week. Out of the tragic blackness of all of this we must seek to do something very positive that will honour international law, parliamentary decisions and the decent people of Europe, who perhaps now will acknowledge that they should have acted earlier. I hope this is what will come out of all of this. That is why I am happy, on behalf of the Labour Party, which is an international party committed to international peace, to state we support the resolution.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

Mar aon leis na Teachtaí a labhair romham, ba mhaith liom comhbhrón ó chroí a leathadh le clanna na ndaoine a maraíodh maidin inné. Ba mhaith liom chomh maith mo bhuíochas a ghabháil leis an Aire as ucht an rúin seo a chur faoi bhráid na Dála inniu mar tá sé tábhachtach go ndéileáileann muid sa Dáil le seo go beo. Tá sé tábhachtach freisin go gcloisfidh Iosrael go díreach cáineadh ó Pharlaimint na hÉireann.

Ba mhaith liom chomh maith an t-ionsaí marfach seo a rinne fórsaí Iosrael ar an long ar a raibh mise le taisteal uirthi i dtreo Gaza chun cúnamh daonna a thabhairt do mhuintir Gaza a cháineadh go huile agus go hiomlán. Bhí mise le bheith ar an long, an MV Mavi Marmara. Ar bhealach amháin, is trua nach raibh mé air, ach ar an dtaobh eile is mór an faoiseamh dom é nach raibh mé ar bord maidin inné. Is í an MV Mavi Marmara an long a d’fhulaing an chuid is mó den ionsaí marfach ó shaighdiúrí-commandos Iosrael. Níor éirigh liomsa ná leis an Seanadóir Mark Daly ná leis an Teachta Chris Andrews oileán na Cipire a fhágaint. Maidir leis sin, tá ceisteanna le freagairt ag Rialtas na Cipire faoi na cosc a chur sé orainn agus ar Theachtaí ó Pharlaimintí eile imeacht ón oileán. Fillfidh mé ar sin lá eile, mar ní seo an lá chun déileáil leis sin. There has been a murderous attack on brave citizens travelling to an area in which a man-made humanitarian crisis is unfolding — it is man-made because it has been caused by Israel. The helicopter and heavily armed commandos boarding a ship, in the dead of night, which was ferrying supplies and humanitarian workers to Gaza had only one guaranteed consequence, that is, death and injury. It is to be regretted that is what happened yesterday morning. It was, therefore, a premeditated, murderous attack. It was an act of piracy against the citizens of several countries, including Ireland. It was also an act of war. It has been compounded by the kidnapping and illegal detention of hundreds of people. It is further compounded by the blatant lies from Israel’s spin machine, lies which have been repeated on the airwaves in Ireland for the past 24 hours and more.

I commend this motion to the House. I would have gone further and demanded immediate action rather than making it conditional on Israel's response to these calls because, as we have said in this House, we have been here before. Not so many months ago we were here because of the actions of Mossad, the Israeli secret service, in abusing passports. We were here before last year, when Israel was bombarding Gaza, a city which I visited a few months before Operation Cast Lead. I would have gone further and demanded diplomatic actions and the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador. I would also have gone further than the Minister has in demanding that the Israeli authorities allow the Irish-owned vessel the MV Rachel Corrie into Gaza, a point to which I will return. I would have demanded that if Israel did not take this action and lift the siege of Gaza that the international community would prepare another flotilla, this time with the backing of the international navies and the naval protection required, and send it in to declare that the international community is not willing to sit back and allow ships to be attacked in such a fashion in international waters.

It is interesting, as we are talking here today, that the champions of Israel in this House are conspicuous by their absence. They are the champions not of Israel itself but of Israel's murderous actions in Palestine. They have been absent during this debate and from the House since the Order of Business finished. Is Deputy Kenny speaking on behalf of all the Deputies of his party when he speaks on and endorses this motion? We will probably hear more about that in due course.

I will set the context of the flotilla which I, along with two other Members of the Oireachtas, was to join. In 2008 I was glad to be asked to travel on a boat from Cyprus to Gaza, along with Deputy Chris Andrews and a number of other parliamentarians from other European Union Parliaments. We travelled into the Palestinian region of Gaza and brought with us a small amount of medical supplies — it was not much because of the cramped conditions on board the boat. In October 2008 we saw the conditions in which the Palestinian people were living, something to which people who have visited before and since have alluded. We met various groups and held briefings with the head of operations in the region, John Ging, who has been mentioned before — it was the first time I met him. I remember being impressed by his presentation.

I was struck by the deprivation he outlined and I saw the effect of the embargo, the blockade and siege which were imposed by the Israeli state on the 1.5 million people living in an area the size of County Louth. He said, and many others have said since, including the Minister, that the blockade can be equated to collective punishment, something with which I concur. I have repeated the phrase many times since because collective punishment is illegal under international law. Since I left Gaza one and a half years ago, the situation has not improved. In fact, it has become much worse due in no small part to the murderous attacks by the Israeli military during its onslaught in Operation Cast Lead in December 2008 and January 2009 when it bombarded the city, resulting in the deaths of more than 1,300 people, many of hundreds of whom were civilians and children.

It indiscriminately bombed civilian targets, used white phosphorous, attacked Red Cross ambulances, used civilians as human shields and then compounded all of that by reinforcing the siege on the region. Despite the devastation of aerial bombardment which destroyed what was left of the civilian infrastructure following on from previous attacks, no reconstruction aid has been allowed into Gaza. Despite the fact that hospitals, schools and sewerage and water works were destroyed, cement has not been allowed into Gaza to make good or at least try to repair some of the damage. Paper is not allowed in. Wheelchairs are not deemed to be humanitarian aid. There is much more which Israel determines is humanitarian aid; the list is quite extensive. A city is under siege. Supplies which I and others involved in the Free Gaza movement were bringing to Gaza were no more than humanitarian aid.

In October 2008 it was decided that, having been successful in gaining entry by one small boat, we would try to put together a larger flotilla. I congratulate all of those who put together the flotilla and the effort and donations, in particular, from Ireland to prepare and buy the MV Rachel Corrie for the trip. The flotilla which came together and which was under attack yesterday morning was that idea in fruition. There were nine ships with 10,000 tonnes of aid heading to Gaza to relieve a city under siege. It is medieval, as the Minister said, because one does not hear about a city under siege except in films or history books — the world seems to have forgotten it.

The time has come for consequences for those actions, which involve the systematic, clinical destruction of the civilian infrastructure, roads and factories. I visited the airport when I was there and there is absolutely nothing left of it. I visited the only electricity generating plant which is supplied by oil paid for by the European Union. The Israelis did not let that oil into Gaza. I visited hospitals which could not function because the supplies required were held up at the border or were not being let in. I also visited schools which did not have copybooks. I visited food distribution centres, one of which was destroyed during the aerial bombardment. I met fishermen and farmers who could not carry out their daily activities because they were under attack. These actions must have consequences and action must be taken at some stage. We have repeatedly threatened sanctions but we have not gone any further. Israel could in fact say that it is being rewarded for its actions. The Minister must be sorry for his decision, only a few weeks ago, to allow Israel to join the OECD when we could have used our veto to temporarily block its accession. This would have had the result of denying Israel another international platform from which to boast about its actions.

The time has come to suspend the international trade agreement between the EU and Israel. This agreement includes clauses upholding human rights and international law. Every time we hold a debate about Israel in this House it is because it has breached these rights and laws. When will the Government start the process of suspending or ending the preferential trade agreement? I have congratulated the Minister on his stance because he has gone beyond his European counterparts but he should seriously consider calling for sanctions.

The siege on Gaza is unjust and inhumane, and it increases insecurity in the region. Israel does not realise this for some reason, perhaps because of an internal political agenda, but collective punishment should not be imposed at all, let alone because of internal problems within Israel.

I take this opportunity to express my best wishes to all the Irish citizens who were involved in the flotilla and are now under arrest. I wish those who are sailing on the MV Rachel Corrie God speed. I hope the lesson that the Israelis learned from yesterday morning is that they cannot attack humanitarian aid convoys with impunity. I ask the Minister to do everything in his power to ensure the ship is protected as it enters Gaza with its cargo of humanitarian aid.

Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government (Deputy John Gormley)

I rise with a heavy heart to speak on this motion. It is profoundly depressing to ponder the face of the Palestinian people. Like many other Irish people I have followed the events in the Middle East for many years and cannot but be moved by what is happening to the Palestinians. The close involvement of so many Irish people with an aid mission which was viciously and wantonly attacked by Israel helps to bring the matter that much closer to home.

I am appalled at Monday's dastardly actions by the Israeli Defence Forces. This was a blatant act of international piracy which involved the unlawful killing and kidnap of humanitarian workers carrying a cargo of mercy to a beleaguered people. Israel's behaviour is nothing short of outrageous. Prior to this week that country was already at odds with international law but these killings, kidnappings and blockades of humanitarian aid have sent the Israelis hurtling into total lawlessness and contempt for international law.

Amid my disillusionment, I take courage from a number of aspects of the matter. I am heartened by the genuine support and empathy shown to the Palestinian people by the vast majority of Irish citizens. I am proud to be part of a Government and a Parliament which are prepared to issue a strong and unequivocal condemnation of Israel's behaviour. I commend the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Martin, on the strong stance he has taken. Today the Dáil must send the strongest possible message of censure to the Israeli authorities. We must tell them that their actions are repugnant to all decent people in Ireland and across the world. We must insist on safe passage for the Irish vessel, the MV Rachel Corrie. I join other Deputies in wishing all on board her God speed.

This House demands the unconditional release of all Irish citizens and the other aid workers. We abhor the unlawful killing of nine aid activists and we send our sympathies to their families. Irish people's empathy with Palestine is based on our own sense of fair play and decency, as well as drawing on our historical experiences.

Monday's actions by Israel were a subset of the ongoing outrage of the blockade of Gaza, which has impeded post-war reconstruction and deprived people of urgently required food, medicine and other necessities to sustain human life and dignity. The United Nations has indicated that three quarters of the damage inflicted on Gaza in the 2009 war has not yet been repaired and that six in ten homes do not have enough food. Every day the ordinary, innocent people of Gaza have misery and privation foisted upon them.

Israel tells us that essential supplies sent via the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross prevent real suffering in Gaza but reports from aid workers, including Irish volunteers, tell a very different story. An Amnesty International report describes mass unemployment, extreme food insecurity and food price rises. Eight out of ten Gazans now depend on food aid. More than 90% of Gaza's factories are closed and exports have decreased significantly. Prior to the 2007 blockade of Gaza some 70 truckloads of merchandise were sent out of Gaza every day but since then only 260 truckloads in total have been recorded leaving the territory.

Many years ago, I went on a trip to Palestine with Deputy Ó Snodaigh and other Deputies have also witnessed the baffling and capricious behaviour of Israel's border guards as they insult and humiliate the Palestinian people. In this instance I am baffled about how the Israeli authorities classify goods for banning on the basis of potential military use. Banned goods include musical instruments, chocolate, pens, biscuits, crisps, jam and fresh meat. I fail to see any relevance beyond a vindictive and bloody-minded intent on the part of the Israeli authorities.

I understand it is Israel's aim to crush Hamas, which runs Gaza, but its actions are a collective punishment of all, including the majority of innocent Palestinians. This is not only illegal; it is vastly counterproductive. The practical and inevitable outcome is that the ordinary population is becoming even more dependent on Hamas and its smuggling networks. Hamas takes revenue from goods smuggled through hundreds of tunnels running under Gaza's border with Egypt. This dependence compounds the anger and frustration which drives young Palestinian people to make common cause with fanatics hell-bent on violence. When I visited Bethlehem University, in the West Bank, I was told that many students are radicalised and become members of Hamas by their second year. This response is understandable when one sees the pressures to which they are subjected.

This Israeli-driven vicious circle is reminiscent of the ham-fisted attempts by the British authorities to crack down on terrorism on this island.

Israel's outrageous acts risk being a recruitment sergeant for al-Qaeda just as Maggie Thatcher's wrong-headed policies drove young people to join the Provos in the 1980s. Deputies should not in any way misunderstand me; I utterly condemn Hamas's acts of violence, just as I condemn those of Israel.

We must recognise that Hamas is a democratically elected Government in Gaza, which is something of a rarity across the Middle East generally. It is hard not to suspect Israel's blockade of Gaza is a deliberate attempt to sabotage viable government in Gaza. Sometimes I fear it is a cynical attempt by Israel to stop any meaningful peace negotiations before they get off the ground, an approach based on the view that "We are ready to talk but there is nobody on the other side because they are too busy fighting".

In the narrowest sense, Israel may claim Monday's event as some sort of victory. The Free Gaza flotilla has been thwarted and the blockade of Gaza remains intact. Few beyond the most fanatical of Israelis will see matters in this light. The stark reality is that this Israeli action was a total outrage. Today, we in Ireland are making clear that Israel has gone too far. I urge the United Nations and the Quartet to join us in sending this clear and strong message to Israel and her Government.

Deputy Pat Breen

I welcome the motion tabled by the Government. I remind Deputy Ó Snodaigh, who commented on Deputy Enda Kenny and the Fine Gael Party, that the four members of my party who travelled to Israel and Gaza in April 2009 were the first Members of the Oireachtas to travel to the region to see at first hand the devastation caused by Operation Cast Lead. During our visit, we had fruitful discussions with all sides in Gaza and Israel. I assure Deputy Ó Snodaigh that the situation in Gaza is at the top of my party's agenda.

This debate should focus on ensuring that Europe works together. While we deplore the loss of life which occurred when the Free Gaza flotilla was intercepted at sea by Israeli military forces on Sunday night and Monday morning last and sympathise very much with those who were killed, this debate should focus on the lifting of the siege to address the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. For far too long, the people of Gaza have been ignored by the European Union and we must use this opportunity to have the blockade lifted. I urge the Minister for Foreign Affairs and his counterparts in other European Union member states to place the blockade of Gaza at the top of their agenda at the next European Council meetings.

Gaza is a strip of land 25 miles long and six miles wide. With a population of 1.1 million, it is one of the most densely populated areas in the world. On my visit to Gaza with Deputies Timmins, Kenny and Shatter, I described the area as an open prison. People cannot leave the strip which is subject to a blockade. That a metal and concrete fence separates Gaza from Israel speaks volumes.

Operation Cast Lead left a trail of devastation in Gaza. We saw at first hand the misery caused by the three week operation. More than 15,000 homes were damaged and 100,000 people displaced. The casualties of war were 1,400 Palestinians killed against 13 Israelis, some of whom were killed by friendly fire. As in all wars, the victims were children. Of the casualties in Gaza, 40% were children who could not defend themselves and did not stand a chance against F16 bombers.

Deputies Michael D. Higgins and Timmins referred to the destruction of industry in Gaza. On our visit, we saw an ice cream factory which had employed 250 people and had been razed to the ground. Ironically, the factory had exported most of what it produced to Israel. With unemployment currently standing at 80%, what future will the people of Gaza have?

Before the invasion of Gaza, the area had a strong agricultural sector, producing 400,000 tonnes of food per annum. Israeli bombs destroyed most production, flattening orchards and olive and date groves. As a result, little food is being produced in Gaza. We also saw at first hand the lack of mechanical machines in Gaza. We observed rubble being removed in donkeys and carts. As Deputy Kenny stated, we also witnessed the destruction visited on the American school in Gaza, one of 18 schools bombed in Operation Cast Lead.

Other speakers referred to what has occurred as a result of the blockade. For many years, Israel restricted the movement of people and goods in and out of Gaza. It was only when Hamas took control in 2007 that Israel imposed an extensive, restrictive regime and created what I have described as an open prison. Gazans may not leave and food cannot be exported. This debate should focus on lifting the siege and the terrible humanitarian crisis in Gaza. A Gazan who suffers a heart attack and needs to be transported to Jordan or East Jerusalem will probably die before being able to pass the Israeli border checkpoint at Erez.

The events of Monday morning must be condemned, as they have been by many countries all over the world. I am pleased to note Baroness Catherine Ashton, the High Representative, has issued a statement in conjunction with her Russian counterpart. This is a unifying move. The Israeli actions have been condemned by the United Nations Security Council which called for a "prompt, impartial, credible and transparent" investigation, an interesting choice of words.

We have a golden opportunity to ensure the crisis in Gaza is discussed at international level and pressure is applied to Israel to lift the blockade. While the wall built around the occupied territories has prevented suicide bombings, it has created a catastrophe. Many questions must be asked about the events of Monday morning and different answers will be given depending on to whom one speaks. Who started the violence when the MV Mavi Marmara was invaded by Israeli commandos? The activists on board state the commandos started shooting the moment they hit the decks. The Israelis, however, have a different version and claim the commandos were put under pressure. A proper investigation into the incident is necessary to arrive at the truth.

As other speakers have said, I would hope that the MV Rachel Corrie would make its way to Gaza with its humanitarian aid, which is needed. We know Israel has restricted the goods coming into Gaza. Children have not had a proper education since January 2009 and books cannot be brought in. Cement and steel cannot be brought in for fear it would be used for rockets to be launched into Israeli territory.

When we finish this evening's debate it is important that all the political parties in the House unite. A great Irishman, John Ging, has taken over a job with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency in Gaza and his life is at risk all the time. He is to be commended on his courage and on how he is trying to unify the people in Gaza regardless of whether they support Hamas or Fatah. I will be asking the Minister some questions later. The time has come for Europe and our counterparts throughout the world, including America, to act to lift the blockade. If anything comes out of the bloodshed from Monday morning it should be that Europe speaks with one voice and works together. I urge the Minister in conjunction with his counterparts, the Spanish Presidency and the incoming Belgian Presidency to put this matter at the top of the agenda.

Deputy Darragh O’Brien

I wish to share time with Deputies Chris Andrews and Finian McGrath.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Charlie O’Connor)

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Deputy Darragh O’Brien

I welcome the motion and commend the Minister, Deputy Martin, and the Taoiseach on the very strong line that has been taken. Most importantly colleagues from all sides of the House who have spoken this evening have roundly condemned the unprovoked illegal attack on a humanitarian aid ship in international waters. I am concerned as to whether the Israeli authorities will pay any heed to anything any of us in this House say today.

I am convener of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and my colleagues Deputies Higgins and Timmins are present. That committee has had occasion to question and discuss with the Israeli ambassador and his officials issues, including the ongoing siege of Gaza, which is nothing short of a humanitarian disgrace. We have also discussed with him the continuing illegal settlements in the West Bank and the building of the wall, which is purely a land grab. Israel has been basically strangling any life out of the Palestinian Territories. It continues to ensure that a two-state solution, with which most moderates on both sides agree, does not happen. An independent Palestinian state in the manner in which it is formed at the moment is not viable.

We have witnessed the deaths of ten people with more than 30 injured in a raid by Israeli commandos on unarmed people bringing humanitarian aid. If it was any other country bar Israel, I wonder what we would be talking about. I welcome that the motion is strongly worded as have been the Taoiseach's comments. We need a full independent inquiry into the incident. As the Minister has said, we also need to ensure that the MV Rachel Corrie is allowed to proceed unhindered. As we speak, five Irish citizens are still in Israeli custody — illegally in my view. I saw the father of one of them speaking on the news this evening at 5.30. One wonders how any father, mother, brother or sister would feel about being in that situation. Worse than that are the ten people who have lost their lives trying to bring some assistance to the people in Gaza who are being strangled with their economy on the floor with unemployment at more than 80%. They do not have the most basic needs of water, education or medical supplies.

In the past 24 hours, I saw the Israeli Prime Minister, Mr. Netanyahu, and other Israeli spokespeople continuing to defend the indefensible. Should the Israeli authorities not give us the cast-iron guarantees we require on the safety of our Irish citizens in illegal custody and of the MV Rachel Corrie, we should consider further steps, including the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador.

Deputy Chris Andrews

I appreciate the opportunity to speak on the motion. I express my condolences to the families of those who have lost their lives. I welcome the positive stance the Minister, Deputy Martin, has taken, which is helpful and is recognised across the world. Deputy Timmins made a very helpful and positive contribution, which is welcomed.

Where does one start when it comes to Israel? One could look a long time back, but I would like to start with three or four years ago when Israel imposed the blockade on Gaza. As previous speakers have said it is a humanitarian disaster. The Minister, Deputy Martin, and Mary Robinson have been there. John Ging is there on a daily basis and he has testified that it is a humanitarian disaster. It is clear that is illegal and immoral, and must end. As Deputy Breen said, it is, in effect, an open prison. In November 2008, six weeks before operation Cast Lead, Deputy Ó Snodaigh and I took the same route this flotilla took and we could see for ourselves that it was an outrageous way to force anybody live. On top of that, Israel then bombed the Gaza Strip and killed more than 1,400 people, including hundreds of children. It made already horrific conditions even more horrific. We then had members of Israel's Mossad organisation using stolen international passports going around and killing people illegally. We have had an immoral blockade, the bombing of the Gaza Strip and the illegal use of stolen passports. Now we have witnessed the attack of a peaceful flotilla bringing humanitarian aid. Such disproportionate actions in effect force people into the arms of extremism.

It is vital for the Irish State to now defend the MV Rachel Corrie, a vessel bringing aid and support and containing people interested in the human rights of the Palestinian people in Gaza. We must ensure that the MV Rachel Corrie can arrive in Gaza city. We must hold Israel accountable and there must be consequences for its actions. Owing to the silence and appeasement on the part of the international community, Israel believes it can get away with acting with impunity. We need to ensure there are consequences for its actions. One could forgive the Israelis for believing they can get away with anything they want to do because for years they have been getting away with everything. There have been no consequences or accountability for any atrocity. We need to ensure that from now on there are accountability and consequences for Israel’s atrocities.

Deputy Finian McGrath

I appreciate the opportunity to speak on this important debate on the deaths of civilians in the Gaza flotilla in the past 48 hours. I thank Deputies O'Brien and Chris Andrews for sharing time.

What happened is a disgrace. I wish to put on the record my deepest sympathy to the families of the dead and wounded. I challenge the Israeli Government and its extreme right-wing agenda and express my total support for the Palestinian people in their hour of need. I deplore the actions of the Israeli Army and commandos in boarding humanitarian ships outside Israeli waters. That is not right and is an act of piracy.

When I saw and heard what happened, it reminded me of the lies and deceit after Bloody Sunday here. Bully boy tactics must never be tolerated. I call on the Government and the international community to stand up to Israel and defend the rights of the Palestinian people. I would also like Ireland to take a more assertive and independent foreign policy role with Israel with regard to the deaths of the peace and human rights activists and the abduction of Irish citizens. I call on the Government to expel the Israeli ambassador until Israel obeys international law. We must send out a strong message from this debate. I welcome the reaction of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Martin, to the situation and welcome the remarks made by the Taoiseach earlier today in the Dáil. It is important we take a tough stand on the issue. Perhaps we should also consider the proposal to boycott Israeli goods until Israel begins to respect the Palestinian people. This debate is about the lack of respect from one country for a smaller country, Palestine. I would like to encourage our Taoiseach and Minister for Foreign Affairs to demand, at EU and United Nations levels, the ending of the blockade of Gaza and to urge the US Government to take a tougher stand with Israel on all violations of human rights and international law.

Earlier today, I spoke to 40 US law students in the audiovisual room. I told them clearly, as a friend of the United States, that I disagreed strongly with many US foreign policy issues, particularly with regard to Israel and Gaza. I urge President Obama to stand up to Israel and defend the rights of the Palestinian people. He is a major part of the solution on this issue. The Israeli lobby in the United States is much too powerful and President Obama should listen to other citizens. We all want peace and justice and we want respect for all countries, particularly for Gaza and the Palestinians.

Deputy Bernard J. Durkan

I am glad to have the opportunity to speak on this issue. I congratulate the Minister, the Government and all who have contributed on the manner in which they have spoken and on having the temerity to bring together opinion in this House. I attended the COSAC meeting in Madrid yesterday where the Irish delegation representing this House — of all parties — successfully initiated a similar resolution, a motion which was adopted at the closure of the meeting. We eventually got the agreement of the 27 member states, although, unfortunately, the motion was watered down considerably from the original version. However, there was unanimity on the final adoption of the motion.

Like others here, I was one of those who, along with other members from the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, paid a visit to the Gaza region just under a year ago. We saw at first hand the kind of issues that have already been mentioned. There is no justification whatsoever for the kind of siege now being imposed on Gaza. Any attempt by a democratic state to prolong such activity — obviously intending to continue with it ad infinitum — in pursuit of the blockade cannot be justified. Unfortunately, it appears the Israeli authorities are showing contempt for the international community, because they know full well what international opinion is likely to be. This is not to say that any of us support terrorism. We do not, but we recognise that fair must be fair and some regard must be had for human and civil rights. The total disregard of these by a government or any democratic institution cannot be countenanced.

I strongly support the opinion expressed by a number of speakers, particularly the Fine Gael leader, which suggested to the Minister that he should engage with his EU colleagues on this. The Government needs to engage with the entire European Community. It is from that quarter that the greatest influence is likely to come. As we know, there is a preferential trade arrangement between the European Union and Israel. We recognise Israel is a small country in a location beset by hostile people. However, that does not justify what is happening now. The result of what is happening now increases support for terrorism on the other side. Every time a violation of human and civil rights or an atrocity such as the one that has just happened is carried out by a legitimate government, it brings into disrepute the legitimacy of that government and shows a clear contempt for international opinion.

International opinion should mean something — at least it used to mean something. Many years ago, this country appealed successfully to international opinion to become involved. It was that engagement that eventually proved most helpful to our cause. I remind the Minister that it is hugely important that we engage at EU level and that all the people of the European Union are brought on board. Some of those in the Union are reluctant to become involved. This, unfortunately, is our weakness, because the Israeli authorities are quite familiar with the weakness of the debate coming from within the Union. This weakness gives Israel weight and strength to pursue the kind of activity it pursued on Sunday night and Monday morning. That is not acceptable. While the European Union is seen as a powerful entity, it will, unfortunately, be seen as a weak entity if it backs off and fails to impress upon the Israeli authorities the necessity to observe human rights.

During our visit to the region almost a year ago, we saw at first hand the evidence of what has happened there. We did not just accept the evidence as presented to us, but asked probing questions. The Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Joint Committee on European Affairs produced a joint report on their visit, a report that was much criticised by the Israeli authorities. The Joint Committee on European Affairs is currently holding hearings and bringing in both sides to address it with a view to determining whether or to what extent human and civil rights were abused. The parties should not be concerned about how this will be done. The committee will carry out its work impartially, as it has done in the past. The Israeli authorities should not be afraid of the process.

One thing that should come from this event is that it should be the watershed. What happened on Sunday night and Monday morning should be the issue that determines whether the international community is capable of exerting positive influence in a democratic way on the Israeli authorities with a view to getting them to recognise that just because there are atrocities on the other side, they cannot dismiss international opinion and resort to the same kind of violence in which the so-called terrorists were involved or to which they resorted. By doing that, they bring the legitimacy of the legitimate government down to the same level of those with no regard for that legitimacy.

The Minister has the full support of all sides in this House and has an opportunity now, as a Minister representing a small country within the European Union, to exert that influence. He will receive support from the wider European Community and from the United Nations. Many contributors have spoken about the Irish representatives in the region and about John Ging and the tremendous work he has done and the fair-minded manner in which he has done it.

I cannot understand why it is not possible to find a means, under the auspices of the UN, to address the issues relating to Gaza. I do not understand why it is not possible to transport food and medicine supplies and that the supplies necessary for reconstruction cannot be legitimately transported into Gaza under the auspices of the UN.

The Israeli authorities must recognise that not everyone is their enemy. Historically, some of us have supported their nation's right to exist. By virtue of their recent activities, however, the Israelis are making it difficult for anyone to support them.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Charlie O’Connor)

By an order of the House of this day, I will now chair a session of questions and answers with the Minister. At 6.55 p.m. I will be obliged to ask him to make a final statement in reply to the debate. The first question will be from Deputy Timmins.

Deputy Billy Timmins

Does the Minister agree that there is almost unanimity among Members in respect of the motion? I regret some of the comments made by Deputy Ó Snodaigh, who could not refrain from pursuing some personal agenda and who sought to find division where none exists.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

To what personal agenda is the Deputy referring?

Deputy Billy Timmins

Deputy Ó Snodaigh's comments on this issue have never been that constructive. They have, in fact, been divisive. Such division will do nothing to solve the problem.

Will the Minister relate to the House what the Israeli ambassador said with regard to the killings that took place yesterday? Did the ambassador provide any information in respect of the circumstances relating to those killings?

What measures are open to the Minister if Israel continues to ignore the international community's calls for the blockade to be lifted? Will the Minister make a request to the Israeli authorities to allow Ireland to send an official aid convoy, carrying much needed supplies, to Gaza? Will he join me in commending Turkey on the restraint it has shown? As a nation and in the context of its foreign policy, Turkey has made many advances in the past decade. It is to be commended on the restraint it has shown to date in respect of this matter.

Will the Minister use whatever means are available to him to seek the release of Corporal Gilad Shalit? Corporal Shalit is being held by Hamas in Gaza and I call on that organisation to release him immediately. Perhaps the Minister might answer the questions I have posed.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Deputy asked quite a number of questions. I welcome the fact that this motion was drafted with the support of the entire Dáil. I discussed the matter with the spokespersons from the different parties beforehand, showed the text to everyone and took on board some suggestions in order that we might have a complete text that represents the democratic voice of the Irish people — through the nation's Parliament — on this issue. Arriving at an agreed text was important because it sends a unified statement to Israel and to the international community with regard to this country's stance.

During our discussions, I made a number of key points to the Israeli ambassador to Ireland. I reiterated our condemnation of what has happened and requested the immediate and unconditional release of Irish citizens. I also requested full consular access to our citizens because in the 24 hours immediately following the incident, Ireland and all other EU member states were denied such access to their citizens. The latter was in violation of the Vienna Convention. I can confirm that the staff of the Irish Embassy in Tel Aviv have met all of the citizens that are currently detained. Our ambassador met the two citizens who signed the declaration and who are on their way back to Ireland.

We conveyed our view to the Israeli ambassador that this incident was caused by the overriding issue of the illegal blockade on Gaza. We called for maximum restraint in respect of the MV Rachel Corrie, which is currently sailing towards Gaza. We asked the ambassador to request that, in light of what has happened, his Government should allow this vessel to sail unimpeded into Gaza.

At our meeting, the Israeli ambassador took the line that has been conveyed by his Government's spokespersons. To a large extent, we put to him clear messages to be conveyed to his Government. The Israeli line has been to endeavour to defend what happened by stating that their soldiers were attacked, etc. We pointed out that there is a complete blackout in respect of information coming from anybody who was on board any of the vessels that were involved in the incident. This is either due to the fact that it is impossible to obtain access to such people or because communications were jammed in the 24 hours immediately following the incident.

The story will unfold in the coming days and we may become privy to more information in respect of what actually transpired. It will be interesting to hear first-hand accounts from those who were present. Other pictures may emerge in time. We must be conscious of that fact, particularly in the context of how we analyse what has happened, reflect on events and comment further. There may be more to this matter than has first appeared to be the case.

The Deputy inquired about the possibility of Ireland bringing aid to Gaza. We have supported the provision of aid to Gaza on a continuous basis, primarily through the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA, and in particular in support of the construction of education and health facilities. UNRWA has been hindered by the blockade. For example, it has encountered tremendous difficulties in the context of obtaining cement for the construction of schools. I visited a school in Gaza which, essentially, is housed in shipping containers. With all of the international aid that is available, it would be easy, if the blockade were lifted, to construct a modern building to house the school in question.

As Members stated, the blockade makes absolutely no sense and has undermined moderate opinion in Gaza. As Deputy Higgins stated, it has also hardened hearts. The blockade has deprived people of the basic necessities of life. We know from our history what that means for the resolution of conflict, peace-building, establishing parity of esteem and transforming relationships between peoples. All the blockade is doing is undermining any potential efforts towards peace-making and copperfastening prejudices, views, etc.

On my visit to the Middle East, I met a group of business people who had been trading with Israeli merchants for a considerable period prior to the war on Gaza and the imposition of the blockade. Paradoxically, these individuals have been driven out of business and a new business elite has emerged. Members of the latter operate through the tunnels that run under the border and are obliged to pay customs fees to Hamas, the very organisation Israel states it wishes to undermine and suppress.

I was inspired by what I witnessed in the schools run by UNRWA, where children learn about the Holocaust. In addition, they are also taught modules relating to human rights. The children at the school performed a drama for me which centred on the themes of human rights and having respect for citizens from different backgrounds. UNRWA is engaged in heroic work in Gaza. It is led in this work by, among others, Mr. John Ging, who has been extremely effective, fair and objective in his approach. Our aid has been channelled mainly through UNRWA.

There would be no need for convoys, either official or non-governmental in nature, if common sense prevailed. I am glad the European Union statement on this matter identified the counterproductive nature of the blockade. There is a basic humanitarian issue that arises in the context of the blockade but there is also the fact that, as the EU states, it is completely counterproductive.

The measures open to Government in respect of future action are self-evident. At European Union level, we have already contributed strongly to the view that there can be no upgrading of the association agreement with Israel, particularly in light of the political situation there and the policies that have been implemented in recent times. As a result of the events of recent days, we will continue to ensure this will not happen in the foreseeable future.

We have other options open to us in terms of engagement with our European colleagues. Deputy Durkan and others called on us to engage but the reality is we have already done so. In the last year and a half to two years there has been a shift on the part of a significant number of European Union countries. It may not be discernible from some distance, but it is discernible to me and others, culminating in the Swedish Presidency's progressive and constructive conclusions in December which offered the potential parameters of an ultimate solution and set out an unequivocal position in regard to the blockade on Gaza itself.

It would be a significant move if Hamas were to agree to the release of Corporal Gilad Shalit. Such a move has the potential to transform the situation. We have repeatedly called for his release and will continue to do so as a measure that would have a significant impact on the situation in Gaza.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins

I welcome both the motion before us and the quality of the Minister's response to Members' suggestions. I have several questions and points that I hope will be of assistance to him. There are important figures working in the Gaza context, among them the personal representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations. When we were in Gaza last year a meeting was due to take place within several weeks which would have addressed the definition of essential items by the Israeli authorities in regard to the Erez Crossing. At that time up to €40 million of assistance was pledged by, for example, Saudi Arabia which could not be spent to finish the houses which had been built and so on. No progress was made as far as I can gather by the Secretary General's representative. It filled me with despair that it came to nothing.

I am very familiar with John Ging's work having had the privilege of teaching him in NUI Galway. He was one of the brightest and most distinguished students we ever had and I am very proud of his contribution. However, I am very concerned at the manner in which his efforts are regularly blackened. He has withstood an incredible attempt to tarnish his efforts among some of the most beleaguered people in the world. Will the Minister comment on that?

I am concerned at the position of Baroness Catherine Ashton in terms of addressing the issue of the blockade. The contradiction felt by parliamentarians throughout Europe is that the European Union is Israel's best customer while Gaza is one of the places where the Union has spent a great deal of its development expenditure. What was spent by the European Union has been wiped out in Gaza again and again, one incursion after another. I wonder how genuine any change in the European Union's position can be. I have drawn the attention of the Minister to what I suggested is the division in the camp. That was in January 2009 in response to the bombing of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA, facility. I referred to the four countries that refused to issue even the mildest condemnation — Germany, Holland, Italy and Romania — and I mentioned the other group that had taken a progressive position on the defence of international law. The European Union has no credibility nor does Baroness Ashton, if she cannot make progress on agreeing a new Common Position.

I suspect — and this is not a criticism of the Minister — that running through European thinking on this has been a policy of non-engagement. The Palestinians have been made pawns over several generations by different people who might benefit from the continuation of the conflict. The policy of non-engagement has been disastrous. In this context, the extraordinary position of Mr. Tony Blair, the representative of the Quartet, stands out as a particular example of non-performance. When we were in Gaza last year Mr. Blair had not yet visited the area, as I understand it. He certainly was not in residence in the hotel in Jerusalem at the time. His has been a singularly dumb performance. I have repeatedly suggested that the presence of a secretariat to the Quartet's proposals would have been invaluable in at least keeping text emerging at times when there was no performance by the United States and others. The Minister probably agrees that what has taken place in the past 48 hours is a significant breach of the Geneva Convention. I have no doubts in that regard.

The Israeli ambassador, Dr. Evrony, will appear once again before the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs on Thursday. If we do not make progress at that stage we must, this side of the summer recess, announce new actions that are meaningful. We must be seen to act and not just speak.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Deputy's contributions included questions and a general articulation of positions. The essential items question in terms of what is and is not allowed in has been farcical at times. Depending on who one talks to, or the week or the month, some items are on and some are off. It makes absolutely no sense. Much of what has happened could have been avoided if a more sensible approach had been taken to that issue. From our discussions with UNRWA at the time it seems even materials for schools were being denied.

Another issue was that young university students who had returned home at the time of the war on Gaza were not allowed leave the area to resume their studies. We occasionally receive representations in regard to Palestinian students who cannot get out of Gaza to attend university in the United States or elsewhere. It makes no sense that future leaders should be treated this way. Education is the key to an enlightened, balanced view in life — why would one seek to suppress that? These are the issues that continue to undermine and erode confidence in the possibility of any type of future for ordinary Gazans.

In regard to Deputy Higgins's question on the potential blackening of Mr. John Ging and so on, we have been and continue to be very supportive of UNRWA. At the highest level of the United Nations we have praised its role and sought support for it. Likewise, we have sought support for UNRWA at the European Union through Baroness Catherine Ashton's office. It seems there have been attempts behind the scenes to change people's perspective on UNRWA. If the agency is undermined, whatever foundations we have will be completely eroded. I would not like to contemplate what would happen in education, health and so on if there were any significant undermining of its role and constructive contribution.

In terms of the European Union's position, it is no secret, as Deputy Durkan observed, that different member states have, for historical reasons, had different perspectives. I observed that the conclusions under the Swedish Presidency were quite satisfactory from our perspective. Having said that, when any event like this happens, there must invariably be a process even in terms of deciding on the wording that will be used in any statement that subsequently emerges. That is certainly worrying. I agree with Deputy Higgins that a breach of international law has occurred.

I understand from where Deputy Andrews is coming in terms of the "what next" question. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms Pillay, referred yesterday to Israel's disdain for international law and a continuing approach which suggests more and more breaches of international law is acceptable. I stated yesterday that Israel's necessity is becoming a new international legal or moral code, with extrajudicial killings, forging of passports of citizens of other nations and in international waters the boarding of ships and the killing of people.

Deputy Timmins hit the nail on the head when he said that the actual decision to go through with this particular exercise is wherein lies the fundamental flaw. One cannot at 4 a.m. drop commandos on a boat, even if one's intention is to ensure no occurrence of disaster, and expect from this a docile response. That type of scenario always results in chaos. They could have waited for broad daylight or for the ships to come closer before doing so, as happened previously. There were other options that could have been used, as has happened on previous occasions. As I understand it, in one case a boat on which Deputies Andrews and Ó Snodaigh were on board was allowed into Gaza. On another occasion, a ship was impeded and taken to Ashdod without any dramatics. The seeds of this disaster were clearly sown in the original decision, a point that has been well made, one which any independent inquiry will have to address in terms of unravelling what happened.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Charlie O’Connor)

I can allow brief questions from three Deputies. I trust Members to be brief.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

Is there any indication that Israel will take on board the calls made by the Minister in regard to the MV Rachel Corrie which is as far as I am aware due to dock in Gaza on Saturday morning? What hope is there for an independent and international inquiry when the Goldstone report and UN resolutions have been largely ignored? Will the Minister call for the downgrading of international trade agreements with Europe?

Deputy Finian McGrath

I have three short questions for the Minister. On the debate in regard to boycotting Israeli goods, following our own experience in respect of the Dunnes Stores strikers and the effect this had on apartheid in South Africa, has the Minister considered proposing a boycott of Israeli goods until the Israeli Government respects the rights of the Palestinian people? Has he considered expelling the Israeli ambassador until Israel gives a commitment to respect international law? Will the Minister raise with President Obama and Secretary of State, Ms Clinton the issue of the powerful Israeli lobby group in America which is damaging foreign policy?

Deputy Pat Breen

The Israeli Government has stated that the Turkish group, the IHH, which was on the flotilla, has close links with Hamas and a suicide bombing group. The Turkish Government has stated this group is a legitimate charitable group and has urged the Israeli Government to allow the flotilla through. Perhaps the Minister will comment briefly on what effects this event will have on the peace talks.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Charlie O’Connor)

I call on the Minister to respond to the questions and conclude his reply in five minutes. I regret I was not on the benches to congratulate the Minister.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I thank the Acting Chairman.

Deputy Billy Timmins

The Acting Chairman has done so now anyway.

Deputy Pat Breen

Fair play to him.

Deputy Micheál Martin

In terms of the MV Rachel Corrie, we have received no assurances other than the Israeli ambassador having conveyed to us that the Israeli Government does not want conflict or confrontation with it. One would hope that a different mindset will prevail in this regard. Deputy Higgins indicated to me this morning that Mr. Denis Halliday had been in touch, following which I telephoned him. We will maintain contact. My overriding priority is the protection and safety of Irish citizens. It is clear from the comments made to me by Mr. Halliday that is the overriding priority of the crew. They are not seeking conflict or confrontation. They have on board humanitarian goods which they wish to bring to Gaza. The Israeli ambassador equally has stated that the Israeli Government does not want confrontation. We have had no indication that they will facilitate any passage through of the ship. That is the position as of now. We will keep a close watch on this and will remain in constant contact with all parties.

On the Deputy's comments in regard to the Goldstone inquiry, what has happened is regrettable. What is most regrettable is the attempts to blacken members of the inquiry. The intimidation and constant pressure on personnel is unacceptable. I will meet shortly with personnel who served on the Goldstone inquiry to hear first-hand what has been going on. At the UN Assembly, we took a clear line and independent position on this from the beginning. We, along with one or two other countries, in terms of our European colleagues, were on our own on this at the first assembly vote. However, there was a significant shift in this regard when it came to the second vote. Things change.

On Deputy McGrath's questions, we have not considered going the boycotting route. I made a speech at the ICTU conference in Dublin Castle at which I set out our clear position in this regard. Boycotts have in recent times been questioned in terms of their efficacy. If one is to go down that particular route in terms of trade other countries would have to come into the frame. We cannot be selective in this regard. We have not considered the other proposals mentioned by the Deputy. My first priority is the safe release of Irish citizens. I should explain that ambassadors and diplomatic relations are to facilitate civil and diplomatic exchanges between countries even in times of great difficulty and stress. That is the fundamental function of a diplomatic relationship. The scenario outlined by the Deputy would be one of last resort. As I stated, we are clear in terms of where we want to go in regard to this issue.

On the American situation, I believe in the bona fides of President Obama. I believe he has made strong efforts to try to get the peace talks going and has been frustrated by a range of issues that at times have called into question the capacity of the Israeli Government to engage in a meaningful talks process. We all recall the visit of Vice President Biden to Israel and on his arrival a particular event and announcement that again torpedoed the proximity talks. There is at times a sense of incoherence from the Israeli Government in respect of the process which has frustrated the commencement of the talks. The appointment of Mr. George Mitchell was a genuine signal of intent by the American Government to from the beginning, contrary to previous Government's, engage with the Middle East question. I believe we should welcome that aspect and dimension of President Obama's Administration's engagement with the middle eastern situation. There are, as we know, also challenges in this regard. We know the realpolitik of the situation within the United States and the particular strength of various lobbies and so on and the impact of those lobbies on policy etc.

Deputy Pat Breen asked about the IHH, which is the international relief foundation. It is banned by Israel, which accuses it of openly supporting Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood but others, including the Turkish Government, would view it as a charitable relief organisation.

The key point is that we must establish the full facts of what transpired. There were hundreds of people on that boat. This interception happened in international waters. As I have said, clearly, there were options that could have been pursued other than the option that was ultimately pursued. I do not like branding people and in the conflict situation we have, people get branded, which may not necessarily be a fair designation. We have had enough of that in the past while.

Question put and agreed to.

Dáil Éireann debate - Tuesday, 1 Jun 2010

Interception of Gaza Humanitarian Flotilla: Motion

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 1 Jun 2010