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Dáil Éireann debate -
Monday, 9 May 2011

Vol. 731 No. 4

Oireachtas Europe Day: Statements

The Dáil meets today to mark Europe Day in a signal manner. The programme for the day is as agreed by the Dáil last Thursday and I welcome to the plenary session Commissioner for Research, Innovation and Science, Mrs. Máire Geoghegan-Quinn. I welcome her back to this House where she served as a Member and as a Minister in a very distinguished fashion. Members of the European Parliament will attend the committee session later and I also extend a sincere welcome to them.

During the past six decades, Europe has overcome great difficulties and the divisions of the past. Together we continue to deal with any issues that arise. Not only have we a shared history of co-operation, we have a shared ambition for the future of Europe. Today, we have more that unites us than divides us and Ireland's place is at the heart of a modern dynamic and innovative Europe. For that reason, it is important that on a day like today we take the time to mark the progress European countries together have made in building a peaceful, democratic and prosperous Europe. National parliaments have an important role to play in the future of the European Union and national parliaments in plenary session serve as an important focus for the people on European matters. Debates such as this serve to deepen our engagement as a national parliament in the post-Lisbon treaty environment.

I now call on the Taoiseach to open this important debate.

I am very happy to open this first Europe Day debate in the Dáil and to commemorate the 61st anniversary of the Schuman Declaration. Today's debate represents the fulfilment of an important commitment in the programme for Government. Déanaim comhghairdeas leis an Choimisinéir Máire Geoghegan-Quinn atá anseo sa Dáil inniu, iar-Theachta agus iar-Aire, tá fáilte mhór roimpi.

This Government came into office 61 days ago facing many challenges and with a promise: to strive in everything we do to fix the economy, to heal our society, to reform our systems and to bring hope to our people. We committed our absolute resolve to a process of transformation, laying the foundations for a new Ireland and a better future. Rebuilding Ireland's relationship with our partners in the European Union is also a critical part of this work.

When I was first elected to this House in 1975, Ireland was finding its feet as one of the newest members of the then European Economic Community. Now, almost 40 years since we joined, we again find ourselves navigating new waters. It is a good time to take stock.

Our relationship with Europe, like any partnership of 40 years, has had its ups and downs. Over time, it has matured and become more complex. We have seen the Union family grow from nine member states when we joined to 27 now, with more expected in the years to come. We have seen our fundamental economic position improve. Even if recent years have seen us suffer the most profound shock and setback, we are still in a better position than we were before we joined. Our economy is more diverse, more open to trade and exports and more developed. We are better equipped to overcome the difficulties we face. We have been able to couple our native strengths, not least our people, with our access to one of the world's largest single market places to attract the type of inward investment that will help to see us through these most difficult times, and put us on the path to national recovery.

We have used the benefits the Union offered wisely, maximising the impact of receipts under the Union's regional funds to accelerate our process of development and modernisation. Under the CAP, our agricultural sector has been transformed beyond recognition. We have made our membership of the Union work for us because we have been prepared to work constructively with others to achieve common goals. That is what the Union should be about; that is what the Union is about.

We have made a real contribution too. Every day Irish officials sit around meeting tables in Brussels sharing ideas, shaping policy and making a difference. We have a record of achievement in the Parliament and in the Commission, and I am glad to welcome the members of the European Parliament elected by the people of Ireland to the House today. We have successfully held six Presidencies, and look forward to our seventh in the first half of 2013. Some of our brightest and best people have served, and still serve the Union and its institutions at the highest levels. Irish personnel have served with distinction in European Union-led civilian and military missions, including in the Balkans and Africa, bringing Ireland's proud record of peace-keeping into new places and under a new flag.

We have welcomed new member states as they have joined and it was during the Irish Presidency in 2004 that we welcomed ten new states to the European Union. We have also welcomed their citizens when they have chosen to make lives for themselves and their families in Ireland. I hold in very high regard the contribution they have made to our national life. We are the better for having them here. I have seen Ireland grow and mature, casting off the sense of isolation and inferiority that coloured too many of our early decades of statehood. As someone who cares greatly about the well-being of this country, I have never wavered in my support for the Union.

We are now in receipt of a programme of support from the IMF-EU. The pressure on our economy is immense and we are dealing with the downstream effects of the most severe banking bust. We are engaged in an unprecedented effort to get our fiscal position back on track. We have promised to bring our deficit back in line by the end of 2015 and we will get there. We are implementing strategies to generate growth in our economy, to restore confidence and to get money moving and most important, to get Ireland working again. As part of our efforts to recover, this Government is continuing in its efforts to secure a reduced interest rate on its loans as part of the EU-IMF agreement. We remain fully confident that we will be able to reduce the current rate.

We should also not lose sight of the seriousness of what was involved for people in Brussels and Frankfurt and for our partners in capitals around the European Union. There was, and in some quarters still is, genuine concern for the future stability of the euro, the shared currency in which we have all invested so much economic and political capital and on which the economic security of so much of the Continent rests.

However, just as there are lessons for Ireland and Europe as a whole to learn from what has happened, there must also be scope for improving how things are done at European level. For example, the independence of the ECB is, quite rightly, closely guarded and firmly entrenched in the treaties. There may, however, be ways in which to improve its accountability and thus underpin the legitimacy of its actions without in any way infringing on this core principle. It is certainly, in my view, a matter worthy of some serious consideration.

It is also surely worth reflecting on whether a more flexible approach could have delivered a more custom-made and effective solution to the different problems faced by member states. We are not alone in finding ourselves in serious difficulties and it is increasingly clear to me that each set of problems requires its own distinct set of solutions. A one-size-fits-all approach risks fitting nobody.

I am greatly saddened when I hear that the shine has gone off Ireland and that we are no longer regarded as good team players by some of our European colleagues. Sometimes, difficult and unwelcome things have to be said and when that need arises, I have shown that I am more than prepared to say them. However, I believe our fundamental interests will be damaged if we stand on the margins or allow ourselves to be isolated. Ireland needs to play a positive and constructive role in the life of the European Union because it is the best way to promote and defend this country's national interests. That is what this Government will continue to do.

I am also concerned that the recent course of events will take the shine off Europe for Irish people. We in this country have consistently shown ourselves to be strong supporters of the European Union, but this cannot be taken for granted. While the overwhelming majority of people continue to believe that Ireland has, on balance, benefited significantly from its membership of the European Union, this is a view that is losing ground. The most recent Eurobarometer polling shows a decline of 8% between 2009 and 2010. Part of this drift, in my opinion, stems from what can be perceived as a wide gap between the making of law in Europe and its implementation on the ground. That is why the programme for Government sets out a significant package of measures aimed at bringing about greater accountability with an enhanced role for and contribution on the part of the Oireachtas. This includes, for example, briefings and engagement with the Dáil prior to EU-level meetings, Oireachtas responsibility for full scrutiny of EU draft proposals and the regular attendance by MEPs at Dáil committees.

I expect the Minister of State, Deputy Creighton, will have more to say about these plans later in the debate. However, this is not the full picture. The lustre can also be tarnished in this complex relationship when others do not appear to have full respect for the rules of the European Union, as laid out in the treaties and protocols that govern it. We in Ireland are taking very difficult decisions to get our economy back on track and we deeply appreciate the support of our partners in this effort.

Under the treaties — underpinned by commitments secured by Ireland on the Treaty of Lisbon — member states retain the right to determine the tax mix most suited to their economic circumstances, whatever those circumstances might be at any given moment. For Ireland, our 12.5% rate of corporation tax is, and will remain, a cornerstone of this country's economic policy. It cannot be changed without our consent and to put things as plainly as possible, that consent will not be forthcoming. It does nobody credit to call it into question or to seek to link movement on this issue to relief elsewhere. In my strong view, it does damage to Europe's standing in the eyes of the Irish people.

It is clear from the recent review that our EU-IMF programme is on track. However, as everyone knows, we are carrying a very heavy burden of debt. Without strong growth, questions of sustainability will remain. There is no doubt that a reduction in the interest rate on the moneys we are borrowing from Europe would be a meaningful and appreciated measure, on its own merits, and as already stated, the Government is continuing in its efforts to secure the agreement of partners in this regard.

In Europe, as in any private household, economic stress can result in relationship strain. It is important at such moments to take a step back and to remind ourselves of all of the good and positive things we have achieved and which we will continue to achieve together in the future. There is a bigger picture and we should not lose sight of it. The European Union today is a very different place from the EEC we joined all those years ago. It is a much more complex and diverse place. It is more deeply integrated and more widely coordinated.

Over the next 20 years, Europe will face many challenges and as a European-wide family we must plan how to tackle these challenges. Many reports indicate that in the next 20 years, the growth will be in countries such as China, India, Japan, Russia, South Africa, Brazil and the United States. If Europe does not make a political decision to play its full part then we do not want it to be side-lined. Looking forward, we have to set out a vision beyond 2020 as to where we see the European Union will be. The countries I have referred to will power ahead and we must ensure that European Union progress adapts to the challenges it faces in a global sense.

I refer to the growth potential of the European Union Single Market. With a European population of 500 million which generates €12 trillion a year in that marketplace, we must prioritise the growth potential of our Union and ensure that, politically, the necessary policies are in place to capitalise on this. Looking to the future, the European Union should consider the potential of free trade with the United States of America in particular and to opening up this market further in the next ten to 15 years. The scale of trade across the Atlantic both ways is very significant and generates a very significant proportion of world trade in its own right.

Red tape continues to strangle business both here in Ireland and across the European Union. As pointed out by the British Prime Minister David Cameron, it costs an average of €593 to set up a business in Brazil while it is an average cost of €644 in the USA, but it costs approximately €2,500 in the European Union. I ask why this should be so. This is an issue that must be addressed in order to promote new business set-up and entrepreneurial initiatives which will create jobs and get our economies moving again.

The EU has correctly identified that innovation will be central to the development of the economies of the member states. The former Lisbon strategy was the starting point for turning the attention of member states towards making their economies flexible enough to embrace innovation. Ireland, as a small and flexible country, should be leading that agenda within Europe. However, we cannot unleash the potential of innovators if they do not have the financing tools available to them. That is why we must make it a priority, in addressing the banking problems and working out new schemes, to get credit to entrepreneurs and innovators.

The European Union needs to implement a more co-ordinated immigration policy that reflects the realities of modern immigration and the labour market but which addresses the challenges of illegal immigration. Statistics show that in the next 20 years, the population of Africa will double and if even 10% of young males from the African continent were to decide to emigrate to Europe, no individual country could withstand such scale of pressure. Therefore, the EU needs to undertake a serious analysis of its policy on immigration into the Union. There has been a decline in population in a number of countries. A serious number of personnel is required to run services in many of those countries in the years ahead. In times of humanitarian crisis, Europe must co-ordinate its aid provision to ensure the effective and co-ordinated dispersal of emergency aid to those who need it most. It is obvious that Europe has a massive series of humanitarian aid projects in place. Everybody is concerned about the effectiveness of the expenditure on and delivery of that. Europe needs to take a more proactive role in international and humanitarian affairs, for instance in the Middle East. Obviously, this is a matter of serious concern for many representatives across Europe. A first step was taken in this regard when the post of High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy was created.

Values will remain the same and Europe will remain a place where we can be comfortably at home. Even in its current difficult circumstances, Ireland should never allow itself to become an unquestioning and uncritical member of the family. When we offer our views — critical or otherwise — we should do so in a spirit of shared interest and mutual respect. Europe is not perfect, but neither are we.

I welcome our distinguished visitors to the House. Some of them have given long service to their constituents and parties over many years I particularly welcome the EU Commissioner, Máire Geoghegan-Quinn, who represents Ireland at the Commission table and retains a keen interest in the development of her country at home. I look forward to the debate and to hearing the views that will be expressed by many Members.

I invite the European Union Commissioner for Research, Innovation and Science, Máire Geoghegan-Quinn, to address the Dáil.

Commissioner Máire Geoghegan-Quinn

A Cheann Comhairle, a Thaoisigh, a Airí, a Chomhaltaí Thithe an Oireachtais agus a Theachtaí chuig Parlaimint na hEorpa, is mór an phribhléid agus an onóir dom glacadh leis an gcuireadh labhairt leis an seisiún speisialta seo den Dáil ar Lá na hEorpa ar an téama "Cá mbeidh an Eoraip sa bhliain 2020?". Is maith an cheist í. Tá mé ag súil go mór le tuairimí na gcainteoirí eile a chloisteáil.

This historic Chamber reminds us that the common purpose of Ireland and the European Union — to pursue peaceful, prosperous and inclusive progress — is grounded in democratic values. It is a fitting moment to recall the contribution over the years of many distinguished Members and former Members of the Oireachtas to the construction, enlargement and reform of Europe at critical moments in our common history. Since 1973, Ireland and Europe have surmounted many difficult and complex problems together. We have done this through solidarity, co-operation and dialogue, which are the principles on which the EU is based. That dialogue must always be honest, robust and based on facts. The manner in which we work together in Europe will play a decisive role in determining where we arrive.

Ireland's enduring reputation in Europe has been formed by a record of commitment, innovation, progress, effort and good example. Ireland's Presidency of the Council in 2013 is fast approaching. Once again, Ireland will be at the helm in Europe at a decisive moment. The finalisation of the EU budget for the period between 2014 and 2020 and the future of the Common Agricultural Policy will be among the political issues to be resolved. Ireland has often proved that it has an exceptional ability to lead and conclude difficult negotiations within Europe and to arrive at solutions that serve the interests of all the people. Ireland's previous Presidencies of the EU brokered many significant achievements. Ireland convened the first formal European Council meeting in 1975, secured political agreement for the reunification of Germany in 1990 and, as the Taoiseach said, oversaw the accession of ten new countries to the EU in 2004. This track record will serve Ireland well in 2013.

Europe needs Irish ideas, skill and experience. The great tradition of Irish European diplomacy offers us an important lesson which is being forgotten by some during the tumult of the economic crisis. Ireland's success in Europe has always been about building bridges. If the last decade of integration has been about Europe, the next one should and must be about the people of Europe. I warmly welcome the increased role of the Oireachtas in EU affairs, as introduced by the provisions of the Lisbon treaty. The recent programme for Government builds on the enhanced scrutiny of EU draft proposals by dedicating a week each year to debating major EU issues of national significance. We need informed debate about the key political issues facing Ireland in the context of its membership of the European Union. That debate should be based on facts and clear analysis.

The European Commission is keen to strengthen its ties with the Oireachtas. The Commissioner for the Internal Market and Services, Michel Barnier, has attended a meeting of the Joint Committee on European Affairs to discuss the Single Market Act. The Commissioner for Agriculture and Rural Development, Dacian Ciolos, has met the Joint Committee on Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. This kind of political interaction is increasingly important for effective European policy making that will help improve the lives and prospects of the people of Ireland. A long list of crucial issues are on the political agenda in Europe at present. We need, for example, to improve Europe's economic performance and competitiveness, to make a decision on the new EU budget, to reform the Common Agricultural Policy, to strengthen Europe's external relations and trade policy, to boost research and development and innovation, to tackle climate change and to secure our energy needs.

If we are to build a smart, sustainable and inclusive Europe by 2020, we must overhaul and reform the European economic model. Innovation is the key economic policy at the heart of Europe's programme for growth and jobs, as set out in the Europe 2020 strategy, which was adopted last year by the leaders of the 27 member states. Innovation means adding value and generating growth by finding new and better ways to use ideas, research, technology and processes to develop new goods and services that can be traded in a globally competitive market. As the European Commissioner for Research, Innovation and Science, I launched the "Innovation Union Flagship" initiative last October. This detailed programme of action, which has been endorsed by member states, aims to stimulate innovation in the private and public sectors. The flagship aims to boost Europe's research capacity and to make Europe better at translating excellent research into commercial products and services by removing the remaining bottlenecks to the commercialisation of good ideas.

These ambitious aims are supported by the world's largest public programme for research. My department in the European Commission manages the seventh framework programme for research and technological development, which is investing more than €55 billion over seven years until 2013 in areas including agriculture, fisheries, food, health, nanotechnology, biotechnology, information and communication technologies, transport, energy, environment and climate change. Ireland is punching above its weight within the framework programme. Some €270 million has been awarded to Irish-based organisations, which is a much larger share than would be expected given Ireland's size. This shows that Ireland is well on course to achieving its target of drawing down more than €600 million from the framework programme by 2013. In the last few weeks, the framework programme has granted €5.9 million to an Irish biotechnology group, Opsona, which is a spin-out from Trinity College, for research on organ rejection in kidney transplant patients. It has also provided funding to ensure key research to better understand people's health across the complete life cycle is carried out at UCD by Professor James Heckman, who is a Nobel laureate.

There are two sides to recovery for Ireland in Europe. The first side involves addressing the causes and resolving the consequences of the financial and economic difficulties we face. The second side involves generating growth and jobs through trade in goods and services. We need European solutions to European problems.

Europe acted quickly to tighten financial regulation and oversight by establishing new European authorities on banking, securities and markets and insurance and pensions.

Since becoming a European Commissioner, I have found that my colleagues in the Commission have been attentive, concerned and understanding when discussing the problems Ireland faces. I am acutely aware of the public mood, anger and anxiety about the future as people across the country struggle through this exceptionally difficult period. I hold regular meetings with representatives of the Government, Members of the Oireachtas and the business, farming and educational sectors on political issues of importance to Ireland in a European context. I ensure at all times that my colleagues around the Commission table are fully aware of the gravity of the problems in Ireland.

The European Commission acts as an honest broker when addressing complex political discussions in Europe. Each country in the European Union, from the smallest to the largest, has equal representation in the Commission. That said, I am deeply concerned that a broad brush attack on Brussels is turning legitimate criticism on specific issues into a populist attack on all institutions and our place at the heart of Europe. Robust criticism and debate is the lifeblood of democracy but when it comes to the vital issue of holding European Union institutions to account facts matter. The European Commission has steadfastly made the case for a sustainable solution to Ireland's acute economic problems.

Tá seanfhocal Gaeilge ann a thugann leis go leor de bhrí na cainte seo: Is maith an scáthán súil charad. Is é sin le rá, is minic gurb é do leas cara maith a bheith agat nach loicfidh ón bhfírinne a insint dhuit. Is cruthúnas ar fhíor-chairdeas go mbíonn daoine macánta le chéile agus nach mbíonn aon drogall orthu comhairle agus cabhair a thairiscint in am an ghátair.

I strongly support the recent comments of Commission President Barroso and the Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs, Olli Rehn, calling for a reduction in the interest rate as part of the EU-IMF package. It is worth recalling the Commission President's comment that we "can't impose costs which are very, very difficult for our . . . citizens to pay".

Turning to the other side of the recovery coin, namely, the state of the innovation economy — the real economy in Ireland — there is room for optimism. Ireland, with an open economy and valuable know-how in operating in highly competitive global markets, is uniquely positioned to play a leading role in the transformation of Europe in the age of the innovation economy. In 2010, Ireland had the second largest goods trade surplus in the entire European Union, after Germany, to the value of €43 billion. Multinational pharmaceuticals, chemicals and life sciences firms account for most of this trade surplus. However, other export sectors where domestic firms predominate, particularly food and drink, are also seeing rising exports. This bodes well.

Ireland's outstanding track record in attracting foreign direct investment is playing a key role in strengthening the country's export base at this time. Let me be clear and unequivocal about one issue raised in this respect. There can be no change in the rate of corporation tax in Ireland or any other European Union country without the unanimous agreement of all 27 member states of the European Union. This is the clear legal position, as set out by the EU treaties.

Countries such as Ireland, with its uniquely well positioned globalised innovation base, can and will emerge from the crisis with an improved economy that is ready to compete globally. With Dublin as the European city of science in 2011, there is an opportunity to showcase the open, skilled, competitive aspects of the economy, serving as an example for other member states.

On 9 May, Europeans are invited to remember that European integration is ultimately an expression about our commitment to peaceful coexistence. The road to peace on this island was forged with courage and determination. The European Union has strongly supported and underpinned the peace process through the INTERREG cross-border programme, large contributions to the International Fund for Ireland, the peace programmes and mainstream structural funds. Research and innovation also have their role to play in fostering better co-operation across the island. Last November, I was honoured to address the trade and business development meeting of the North-South Ministerial Council which aimed to develop cross-Border co-operation in applying for funding from the seventh research framework programme.

The political and economic interests of Ireland and Europe are interlinked and interdependent. If we are to maintain and create jobs and push forward to sustainable growth, we need to do so together. By 2020, if we have worked together effectively, Europe will have a world class innovation economy providing more and better jobs for Europeans. We will also be well on the way to finding solutions to key societal challenges of our time, such as healthy aging, energy security and climate change. If Europe is to reach these goals, we need Irish ideas, talents and determination more than ever.

Léiríonn stair fhada an chaidrimh idir an tír seo agus an Eoraip gur saibhre ár gcultúr, ár dteanga, ár n-eacnamaíocht, ár sochaí agus ár saol an caidreamh sin a bheith dlúth, daingean agus diongbháilte. Ar scáth a chéile a mhairimid. Go raibh maith agaibh.

Ba mhaith liom fáilte ar ais go dtí an Dáil a chur roimh an Choimisinéir Máire Geoghegan-Quinn. Tá taifead iontach aici mar Bhall den Teach seo agus mar Aire. D'fhág sí rian suntasach le linn a réimse Ranna Rialtais. Mar Aire ar chúrsaí Eorpacha, d'eagraigh sí Uachtaránacht na hÉireann ar Chomhairle na hEorpa a leag síos caighdeán do chách. Ag tús a tréimhse mar Theachta Dála, d'éirigh leí céim stairiúil a bhaint amach mar an chéad Aire baineann ó aimsir Constance Markievicz ar aghaidh. Ag druidim le deireadh a tréimhse mar Aire, d'éirigh leí ceann de na Billí Rialtais ba thábhachtaí — ar chearta sibhialta — le cianta a stiúradh tríd an Oireachtais.

It was a welcome development when Mrs. Máire Geoghegan-Quinn received the portfolio of research, innovation and science in the European Commission. This is an area which is central to the economic future of Europe and one on which Ireland's impact is large and growing. For example, a combination of programmes initiated by government in the past decade means that the Commissioner's native city of Galway is home to the world's most important research centre on web software and an increasing number of world leading technology companies.

The programmes Commissioner Geoghegan-Quinn overseas in the Commission are some of the European Union's most important, providing practical leadership and support on an issue of fundamental importance. I welcome her announcement today of the significant progress Ireland has made under the EU seventh framework programme, having been involved in negotiating the programme and having worked with the Commissioner's predecessor, Commissioner Potocnik, some years ago. The decision at that stage to create a national directorate in Enterprise Ireland to work in a targeted manner to help Irish companies to draw down funding from the framework has proved to be highly effective, as the Commissioner noted.

I also welcome our Members of the European Parliament who will again take up the opportunity which was granted in the past to participate in the committee work of the Oireachtas, this time in the Dáil Chamber. While we have discussed European matters at length in the past two months, it is a good idea to provide for further time and more participants.

The programme for Government's proposal was for a week long debate to be held in the week in which Europe Day falls. This was to be structured as a formal review of the Commission's annual work programme and-or priorities for the future. As I stated last week, it is a pity the Government has not tabled any substantive item for the committee to discuss. As a result, today will be another in an increasingly long line of sessions given over to statements.

While the broad topic of Europe in 2020 is important, it has been debated in the Dáil, Seanad and committees on several recent occasions. The highly partisan manner in which the Government chose to announce proposals for today's meeting is also regrettable. It cannot expect its decision in this regard to be left without a response. However, given the short speaking time available, I will make only one brief point, which relates to the active promotion of the idea that Ireland neglected the European Union until 9 March of this year. This has been pushed by a combination of Ministers, some of whom wish to claim to be the authors of a resurrection while others remain angry about a refusal to compromise on issues of critical national interest.

This ignores much contradictory evidence. Members have heard about the conduct of successive very good Council Presidencies and the Commissioner referenced the centrality of the European people to the European project. In Ireland, we should learn to work on a cross-party basis in advancing debate on Europe. For example, it was a pity that during the organisation of today's agenda, work was not done in advance with all political parties. It was announced and the parties were told what the line-up would be. The Lisbon treaty referendum showed that communication with the people is vital and the most important lesson arising therefrom was the degree to which there was a disconnect between the citizens of Ireland and the European Union project and its institutions. This also is reflected across Europe and former Commissioner Wallström did a great deal of work on that agenda of communicating Europe.

From the perspective of the Oireachtas, it is important that all political parties work together in advance when preparing days and weeks like this to ensure Members communicate effectively to the people in general. I make this point from a constructive prospective because otherwise, the view will continue to prevail and will reinforce the emerging idea that some Ministers are still more interested in keeping up with the general election campaign against the previous Government than in actually governing.

As far back as 80 years ago——

What did the Deputy say on Newstalk this morning?

It is good to see Deputy Buttimer here on a Monday morning, which is a rare occurrence for him.

Whatever he said on Newstalk this morning——

——we are having a Punch and Judy now.

Deputy, please.

A Deputy

He missed the train.

As far back as 80 years ago, Seán Lemass articulated the idea that the potential of European nation states could only be fulfilled through systematic, rule-based co-operation. A man second to none in his life-long dedication to Irish republicanism, it was a great regret of his that Ireland was not in a position to join the earliest stages of what is today's Union. He and others of his generation fully anticipated the era of opportunity that our participation in European institutions opened-up. They built a tradition in which I and my party still fully believe, namely, that active and constructive engagement in European integration is essential for our country. No matter how euro-positive one is, it is not possible to avoid the fact that the European Union is today faced with a series of fundamental challenges which combine to represent the biggest crisis in its history. This is not about one country or a few smaller member states but involves key principles underpinning the Union itself. It is not simply about economic matters, as recent events in the Schengen Area show.

The architecture of European integration evolved rapidly in the decade after Jacques Delors rightly set out to reinvigorate the most important multinational organisation ever established. There have been regular changes in the basic law of the Union and the competencies of different bodies have changed significantly. It is natural that not everything carried out in such a dynamic period will have been successful. One of the great failings that is evident today is a lack of clarity within institutions on how they review their own work and how they can develop a culture of welcoming oversight and criticism, rather than reacting defensively.

I do not believe there is any logic or benefit to a new programme of major European constitutional change as such a programme would potentially undermine the collective spirit that represents Europe when it is at its best. Rather, a serious re-evaluation of how the institutions work is required. In particular, ways must be found of involving more independent oversight at both strategic and operational levels. It is necessary to reduce the incentive to self-justification which comes from having so many tightly closed senior leadership teams. It would be a highly positive measure, were there fewer tendentious off-the-record briefings.

In the face of the economic crisis there has been a disturbing inability to adopt measures which are urgent or comprehensive enough to deal with emerging issues. A lack of the type of broad leadership shown in the past has resulted in an agenda which is torn between half-measures and opportunism. There has been a willingness to retreat into pandering to perceptions of national self-interest, rather than to follow the example of leaders like Helmut Kohl, who always spoke of how financial generosity towards partners was repaid many times over in terms of economic prospects for his country.

The debate on the terms for financial support for Ireland is a very good example of this weakness of today's leaders. It has been clear since the start of the year that everyone agrees that better terms must be agreed. Although a reduction of at least 1% in the interest rate was signalled well before the Irish general election, there remains a constant demand, offered in tones often verging on moral indignation, that Ireland first must offer up a major concession. This ignores the fact that we have already made huge concessions during nearly three years of policies made more painful by a commitment to the common interests of the eurozone.

There has yet to be a credible explanation offered for demanding that a package to help Ireland's economy to recover should include concession which would undermine the economy further. It has been well known since January that a cut in the interest rate would happen and the figure put forward at briefings at the weekend suggested an eventual saving of €400 million a year. The refusal of successive Governments to concede on the rate of corporation tax has worked. However, it appears there still is pressure on Ireland to sign up for the common consolidated tax base, CCTB. The only independent study of the Commission's proposal for the CCTB has stated this would immediately reduce our national income by 3% with equal reductions in employment and investment. Consequently, we would gain €400 million a year on one hand and would lose €4 billion a year on the other. At a time when Europe needs to show it is committed to comprehensive and credible action, allowing such distractions onto the agenda serves no positive purpose.

Given its centrality to economic and financial issues, the European Central Bank deserves greater attention. It is nearly two decades since it was agreed to establish a monetary union and central to this decision was the establishment of the ECB. It is a young and powerful institution that does not appear to have the humility required to evolve or the diversity to encourage rigorous debate on policy alternatives. Its defensiveness in the face of criticism serves no positive purpose. Some members of the executive board of the ECB are the only people left in Europe who do not accept that the financial crisis also has exposed serious errors in their work.

The workings of the ECB should be examined and I agree with the Taoiseach's remarks in this regard. There is more than enough evidence to support the need for a review of the governance and operation of the bank. While it must be independent, equally it must not be allowed to ignore clear failings in a key European institution. For example, raising interest rates after a crisis has begun and doing so again before it is over has deeply damaged the credibility of both the mandate given to the bank and its often rigid orthodoxies.

I acknowledge that time is elapsing and it is a pity I do not have more time in which to contribute to this important debate.

The Deputy has had enough time.

However, Ireland is and always has been a fully engaged member of the EU. It always has had an influence well beyond its size in the Commission, Parliament and Council. We continue to have strong friends throughout the Union who are highly supportive. At present, the Union needs bold leadership in the best traditions of a great project that has given Europe so much. It needs a clear focus on innovative action founded on the core principle of solidarity and only if it does this will it come through this crisis strongly.

I thank the Ceann Comhairle for the opportunity to speak on this important debate. I also echo the welcome extended this morning to Ireland's European Commissioner, Máire Geoghegan-Quinn and our MEPs. I welcome in particular to the Oireachtas my party colleague, Bairbre de Brún, MEP, in further evidence of the all-Ireland nature of Sinn Féin's political project.

Members are convened to discuss Europe Day, the official EU celebration of the Schuman declaration presented on 9 May 1950. According to the invitation issued by the Ceann Comhairle, Members have been asked to discuss where they believe Europe will be in 2020 and whether the EU's latest economic strategy, Europe 2020, can lead us to a smart, sustainable and inclusive future. There is a certain irony that this debate comes after a weekend of intense speculation on the ongoing crisis of the eurozone and a discussion, provoked by economist Morgan Kelly, on the origins and impacts of and alternatives to the EU-ECB-IMF austerity programme supported by the present Government.

Before addressing these important matters, I will first remind the house of Sinn Féin's general approach to the politics of the EU. Sinn Féin is proud to be a euro-critical party. While it believes Ireland's place is at the heart of Europe, it also believes it is the responsibility of Government and Opposition to play a full part in EU affairs and to this end, Sinn Féin has long advocated greater attention to EU affairs in public and Oireachtas debates. However, what marks out Sinn Féin as distinct from the other major political parties in this House is that while we support those aspects of European Union policy that are in the interests of the people of Ireland, we are not afraid to oppose those policies which we believe are bad for Ireland. We do not believe that opposition to aspects of the EU project, whether in the form of directives, Council decisions or treaties, makes us anti-European. Indeed, Sinn Féin argues that when it critically opposes aspects of EU policy, it is on the grounds that these policies are bad for both Ireland and the EU as a whole.

Sinn Féin's opposition to the Lisbon treaty in 2008 and 2009 and to the EU-ECB-IMF austerity programme, whether in its Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael-Labour versions, is informed by this approach. Unfortunately, as evidenced by comments attributed to Commissioner Geoghegan-Quinn in The Irish Times last week, it appears that some people still find this proposition difficult to understand. In Ireland and Brussels, there is a view among sections of the political elite that any criticism of the politics and policies of the EU is anti-Europe. Such a view is not only narrow-minded, but used to deflect criticism of any kind. It was a view expressed by many in the House during both Lisbon treaty referenda when Sinn Féin argued that ratification of the treaty would be bad for Ireland and for the EU as a whole. It is now being used against the growing number of politicians, commentators and economists who, like Sinn Féin, believe that the EU-ECB-IMF austerity programme is crippling our economy and society. While I welcome the opportunity to debate the future of the EU and Ireland’s role in it, I am not optimistic that it will be a real debate, critically assessing the urgent issues we face.

On those issues, there is no doubt that the European integration project is in crisis. The crisis of the euro, the growing debt crisis across all EU member states and the failure of the European Council, European Commission and European Central Bank to respond effectively to these problems are all evidence of a project faltering under the weight of problems it helped create and, therefore, is unable to resolve.

Contrary to the views expressed by Commissioner Geoghegan-Quinn last week, membership of the euro did not save the country from the worst excesses of recession in 2008 and 2009. Rather, euro membership and the Stability and Growth Pact, along with the failed policies of the Fianna Fáil Party, the party to which Commissioner Geoghegan-Quinn belongs, contributed to the collapse of the Irish and European economies. While Commissioner Geoghegan-Quinn's party colleagues were busy driving the Irish economy into a massive debt-fuelled property bubble at home, across in Brussels her colleagues at the European Commission were busy implementing a neo-liberal economic policy agenda that facilitated the debt-fuelled boom and bust cycle of recent years. They were ably assisted by the ECB, the monetary policy of which further fuelled the casino economics of the boom. Yet we are supposed to believe that the very politicians and policies, both domestic and European, that caused our economic collapse are somehow best placed to get us out of the mess they created. Worse still, we are being asked to cede even more power over economic and monetary policy to the European Commission and the ECB when what is required is to return control over these key areas of policy to this House, which is the true democratic representative of the people.

What kind of fools does the Government take us for? Does anybody believe that the massive bank bailouts and deep austerity measures in the troika's programme and supported by Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party will help the Irish economy on the road to smart, sustainable and inclusive growth as demanded by the Europe 2020 strategy? Does anybody believe that saddling this State with a sovereign debt of €250 billion by 2014, a shocking debt of €120,000 per worker, will help create employment and reduce poverty? If newspaper reports are to be believed, the senior politicians and officials that met in secret in Luxembourg on Friday night no longer believe in the ability of their own policies to resolve the crisis of the eurozone.

The only way for Ireland and the EU to get out of the multiple social and economic crises that we currently face is to take a radical change of direction. This will not come from the Irish or European politicians who created the crisis. During this week's debate on the jobs initiative, my colleagues in Sinn Féin and I will outline our alternative to the failed policies of the Fine Gael-Labour Government, the European Commission and the ECB. Our alternative will not only get the Irish economy back on track, but in doing so will contribute to an EU-wide economic and social recovery.

Those who care about the European project and Europe's potential to continue as a positive contributor to progressive social policies and a real gathering of the people from among the people on the ground must be devastated by the damage done to the project by the decision of the ECB, supported by the European political elites, to cripple the Irish for a crisis that was not solely our responsibility. It is clear that the ECB fuelled this crisis from the core European states to the peripheral ones. As evidenced in Mr. Morgan Kelly's article, the ECB has forced the Irish to take full responsibility. This fundamentally undermines the European project and the claims of solidarity and European partnership. I appeal to the Taoiseach, those in government and the Commissioner to work with the Tánaiste concerning the diplomatic initiative he announced, in which he discussed joining European partners. I have called on him to speak with the 186 other member states of the IMF and to have an investigation into how the IMF and the ECB managed to allow this massive private institution casino in Ireland, backed by the ECB and international financiers, and saddled the Irish with a level of debt that will cripple our potential.

There will be a bailout.

How can we move towards the 2020 strategy and its fine objectives if our people have been crippled by a crisis that is not solely our responsibility? The European project has considerable potential. Sinn Féin is not a party of little islanders. We believe in internationalism and international solidarity. We must stand up for the interests of ordinary people in Ireland, Greece, Portugal and the peripheral states. Those on either side of the European debate know that what is happening is a profound injustice, wrong and damaging the European project, not in terms of Europe itself, but internationally. This is my appeal.

I believe the members of the Technical Group are sharing time. Deputies Maureen O'Sullivan, Boyd Barrett and Higgins have four, two and four minutes, respectively. Is that correct?

It will be a variation of that. It is ironic that I am speaking on Europe Day and the role of the Oireachtas in European affairs when I have always been sceptical of Ireland's role in the EU and was one of those who voted against the Lisbon treaty both times. However, I accept the reality.

Tá sé soiléir go bhfuil deacrachtaí agus fadhbanna os ár gcomhair amach sa tír seo agus ar fud na hEorpa, fadhbanna agus deacrachtaí maidir le cúrsaí eacnamaíochta, fostaíochta, ag baint le hathrú aeráide sa timpeallacht agus cúrsaí drugaí. Sa chúpla nóiméad atá agam, ba mhaith liom labhairt ar ábhar ar leith, our European development aid budget. I acknowledge that Europe is the largest donor of development aid. Ireland has a positive reputation for humanitarian work in Africa, Asia and South America. This is due to the selfless and generous work of organisations such as Goal, Trócaire and Concern and of Irish missionaries who have been trying to right the wrongs carried out by powerful European countries that, following the early voyages of Cortes and Magellan, went on an empire-building rampage, particularly in the 19th century. As such, alarm bells go off when I consider Lady Ashton's brief — foreign affairs and security. I fear that the development aid budget will be diverted or reduced, either openly or surreptitiously, towards security and increased militarisation to promote the self-serving interests of certain European countries. We need to remember and stress forcefully that we are a neutral country. Unlike other countries' forces, our troops have an excellent reputation as peacekeepers. I ask that Ireland be a voice to ensure the development aid budget goes directly to those most in need.

Leaving our economic recklessness aside, we are a respected member of the EU and the UN. We are in a unique position in terms of human rights issues. In Europe, Ireland could be a stronger voice in defending people's rights, including the right to peaceful protest and the basic freedoms we take for granted. For example, we could be stronger on the appalling human rights situation in Syria. We must lead by example by respecting the rights of citizens in every European country and by not allowing the discrimination, persecution or isolation of particular groups.

Regarding the headline targets, Ireland must lead by example on the climate change issue by doing what other civilisations have done, namely, think seven generations ahead. Under the education target, we must increase participation rates at third level and have a national action plan for inclusion in education. This is sadly ironic at a time when we are depriving children with special needs of their right to education.

Another aspect of the plan relates to outreach programmes for schools. I ask that the EU funding for exchanges via Léargas be continued. Under one project in a deprived area of Dublin Central, a group of people have been on productive exchange visits to Germany and elsewhere. If that could be extended to countries in Africa or South America, it would be a positive way to encourage and support respect and understanding of other cultures.

Seanfhocal eile, "Ní neart go cur le chéile". If we are going to come together as a lesson, it must be clear that it is for the benefit of all our citizens. In the programme for Government, it is vital that the Oireachtas is given responsibility for full scrutiny of EU draft proposals to ensure we are not bypassed. We cannot allow our country to be dominated by Europe because we have given too much away already.

When I heard we would be celebrating our EU membership with a special sitting of the Dáil, I thought it was a sick joke. It just beggars belief that when this country is being crucified by an EU-IMF deal, the Government thinks we should celebrate our membership of the EU. It is beyond pathetic — the sick joke of a bankrupt Government.

The EU-IMF programme is a plan to inflict untold misery on working people and the most vulnerable in our society to pay off the gambling debts of bankers and speculators. It is a demand to attack the lowest paid workers, those with special needs and the unemployed, to force our people to work longer and harder for less, and to strip the country of its vital assets. The idea that the Fine Gael-Labour Party Government thinks we should celebrate this is unbelievable. What planet is it on? Every sane economist, from left or right, says this deal will ruin Ireland. Even the Government, which has done such an unbelievable U-turn on its promises to renegotiate the deal, has admitted in recent weeks that we are in a straitjacket. The truth is that it is not a straitjacket, nor is it a bailout; it is a burial of Irish society under the terms of the deal.

If this gathering were truly to reflect our current relationship with the European Union, Jean-Claude Trichet of the ECB would be sitting in the Taoiseach's seat, flanked by the heads of the Bundesbank and the other big European banks, and all the public representatives in this Chamber would be bound and gagged.

If we want real European solidarity, we should not be celebrating what the EU is doing to us but emulating the Arab people, who are having their spring and resisting injustice and dictatorship in the Arab world. We need a European spring and an Irish spring to resist the dictatorship of the financial markets, which are seeking to crush the Irish people and our society, along with those of Portugal, Greece and elsewhere, in the name of saving bankers and bondholders.

There has been an air of utter unreality about the contributions of the establishment parties and the Commissioner. They should have begun with a frank acknowledgement that this Government and its predecessors have reduced themselves to being merely cat's paws for the diktats of the European Commission and the ECB, which are dictating, in turn, the demands of the European financial markets. Rather than repeating clichés about putting Ireland back in the heart of the European Union, it would be more beneficial in our debate to dissect the nature of that heart to reveal its hard-as-flint composition, its right-wing, neoliberal economic policy and the determination of its leadership to protect the economic and financial elites of Europe at the expense of workers and the poor.

Let us explore the fiction claimed here today that the ECB is independent in the exercise of its powers. In the aftermath of the Irish property crash, the ECB blatantly represents the interests not of the people of Europe but of the major European banks, vampire hedge funds and assorted speculators, dictating that their massive private gambling debts be piled on the shoulders of the Irish people, despite the fact that this is utterly immoral and unjust and will lower the living standards of our people, destroy tens of thousands of jobs, depress the economy generally and leave this State hovering over a black hole of bankruptcy. It mocks the claims of the Treaty on European Union that it is based on the values of solidarity and equality. In its present structures, the EU represents not the liberation of working people in Europe, whether in Ireland, Portugal, Greece or elsewhere, but their enslavement to the parasites of the financial markets.

We on the left want a Europe of genuine solidarity among working people, pensioners and the poor; a Europe where the financial institutions and major levers of wealth are in public ownership under democratic control and accountability and are used as tools for regenerating the economy; a Europe where public services and pensions are assured and a dignified life made possible for all.

De réir conradh an Aontais Eorpaigh, tá an t-Aontas bunaithe ar luachanna áirithe, ina measc comhionnanas agus dlúthpháirtíocht, ach sa saol mar atá is fimíneachas amach is amach atá sa mhaíomh seo. Cá bhfuil an dlúthpháirtíocht nuair atá maoinlathas an Aontais Eorpaigh, an Coimisiúin agus an Banc Lárnach ag seasamh le bainc mhóra na Gearmáine, na Fraince, na Spáinne agus áiteanna eile ag cur coise ar bholg gnáth mhuintir na tíre seo ag éileamh go n-íocfaidís droch fhiacha na bainc úd, a d'éirigh as na geallta millteacha, móra, mísheolta a rinneadar i gcúrsaí talúin agus tógála na tíre ar thóir brabúis príomháideach, i gcomhluadar ar ndóigh baincéirí agus tógálaithe Éireannacha? Tá institiúidí an Aontais Eorpaigh ag cur iachaill ar lucht oibre, ní hamháin sa tír seo, ach sa Phortaingéil, sa Ghréig, sa Spáinn agus áiteanna eile, gurb í siúd a íocfaidh as géarchéim an chaipitleachais, is é sin le rá, bascadh caighdeáin maireachtála, seirbhísí poiblí agus pinsin chun brabús na margaí airgeadais a chosaint. D'fhéadfaidís siad sclábhaithe amach is amach a dhéanamh as lucht oibre na tíre seo, ach ní fhéadaidís na fiacha seo, dá mhéad is atá siad, a aisíoc. Téighfimídne i ndluthpháirtíocht le lucht oibre na Portaingéile, na Fraince, na Gréige agus tíortha eile na hEorpa chun córas nua airgeadais agus córas nua eacnamaíochta a chur i láthair ina dtiocfaidh leas an tsochaí agus leas thromlach na gnáth dhaoine chun tosaigh, agus tíortha na hEorpa a thógáil dá bhrí sin ar bhonn difriúil ar fad, ar bhonn daonlathach, sóisialach agus ar bhonn leas thromlach na ndaoine seachas brabús príobháideach na bainc mhóra, lucht spéacláireachta agus a leithéid.

The Dáil adjourned at 12.35 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 10 May 2011.
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